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Politics of “waiting for transformation” in protracted urban renewal projects in Turkey 土耳其旷日持久的城市改造项目中的 "等待改造 "政治
Pub Date : 2023-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231222138
Deniz Ay, Mehmet Penpecioğlu
This paper explores the politics of ‘waiting’ as a mode of governance in large-scale urban redevelopment projects. In designated renewal areas, residents/landowners are often subject to several episodes of waiting: waiting for the public authority for information on redevelopment visions; waiting for the plans and projects to become public; waiting for the court ruling if they appeal the plans; waiting for demolition upon plan approvals; and, finally, waiting for the constructions to be completed. Given the complexity of actors and institutions involved in the waiting, it becomes a conflictual political process. This prolonged waiting leads to an ongoing temporariness and precarious spaces of urban renewal. The course of waiting affects the reorganization of the city space “ now” and in the future. We analyze two protracted urban renewal projects from Turkey, Fikirtepe in Istanbul and Karabaglar in Izmir, to explore how residents’ decade-long waiting for urban change are shaped and how these diverse waiting experiences lead to different outcomes for the progression of the state-imposed urban renewal agendas. While Karabaglar residents have unified around active bottom-up resistance from the beginning to challenge the project-based plans the central government imposed, Fikirtepe residents pursued individual-level negotiations with developers to maximize private returns following the zoning incentives the public authority gave. Despite the socio-spatial similarities between these designated urban renewal project sites, variances in residents’ collective waiting strategies have led to different urban politics around project-based urban change.
本文探讨了 "等待 "政治作为大规模城市重建项目中的一种治理模式。在指定的重建区,居民/土地所有者往往要经历数次等待:等待公共权力机构提供有关重建愿景的信息;等待计划和项目的公开;等待法庭裁决(如果他们对计划提出上诉);等待计划批准后的拆迁;最后,等待建设完成。鉴于参与等待的行为者和机构的复杂性,等待成为了一个充满冲突的政治过程。这种漫长的等待导致了持续的暂时性和不稳定的城市更新空间。等待的过程影响着 "现在 "和未来城市空间的重组。我们分析了土耳其两个旷日持久的城市更新项目--伊斯坦布尔的 Fikirtepe 和伊兹密尔的 Karabaglar,以探讨居民长达十年的城市变革等待是如何形成的,以及这些不同的等待经历是如何导致国家强加的城市更新议程取得不同的进展。卡拉巴格拉尔的居民从一开始就团结在一起,自下而上地积极抵抗,挑战中央政府强加的以项目为基础的计划,而菲基尔特佩的居民则与开发商进行个人层面的谈判,在公共当局给予分区奖励后,最大限度地提高私人收益。尽管这些指定的城市改造项目地点在社会空间上有相似之处,但居民集体等待策略的不同导致了围绕基于项目的城市变革的不同城市政治。
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引用次数: 0
The whereabouts of politics and policy in troubling times 政治和政策在动荡时期的去向
Pub Date : 2023-12-20 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231217849
Colin Lorne, Natalie Papanastasiou, Steven Griggs
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引用次数: 0
Architectures of discretion: Autohoteles and the fortified enclaves of Guatemala city 谨慎的建筑:危地马拉城的汽车旅馆和坚固飞地
Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231221049
Kevin Lewis O’Neill
Autohoteles in Guatemala City are mid-market, pay-by-the-hour hotels designed for sexual encounters. Folding quietly into the landscape of Central America’s largest metropolitan region, these establishments provide middle-class Guatemalans with the opportunity to evade (even if only for an afternoon) the very regimes of surveillance that they have come to expect from fortified enclaves. Autohoteles have walls but no windows, guards but no guest books, and security booths but no surveillance cameras. They are one of the few places where the middle-class in Guatemala City pay not to be watched. Set against the increasing panopticism of everyday life in Central America, this essay engages the autohoteles of Guatemala City to understand an architectural form that minimizes rather than maximizes visibility, for the sake of discretion rather than discipline. It argues that these buildings evidence an intimate and necessary imbrication between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of fortified enclaves.
危地马拉城的 Autohoteles 是专为艳遇设计的按小时付费的中档酒店。这些旅馆悄无声息地融入中美洲最大都市区的风景之中,为危地马拉的中产阶级提供了逃避(哪怕只有一个下午的时间)监视的机会,而这种监视正是他们对坚固飞地的期待。汽车旅馆有墙无窗,有警卫无留言簿,有保安亭无监控摄像头。它们是危地马拉城中产阶级花钱不被监视的少数几个地方之一。在中美洲日常生活日益泛观化的背景下,这篇文章通过危地马拉城的自动旅馆来理解一种建筑形式,它将能见度最小化而非最大化,是为了谨慎而非纪律。文章认为,这些建筑证明了坚固飞地 "内部 "与 "外部 "之间亲密而必要的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Assemblages, cosmopolitics and controversies: Capturing the territorial and knowledge dimensions of infrastructural politics in Lebanon 集合、世界政治和争议:捕捉黎巴嫩基础设施政治的地域和知识维度
Pub Date : 2023-12-17 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231222130
Jihad Farah
Drawing upon Actor-Network Theory literature and a specific strand of urban assemblage literature, the cosmopolitical ontology offers a fresh and innovative perspective on urban politics. It positions the interactions between human and non-human entities as the central factor shaping politics. In this article, I have adopted this cosmopolitical ontology and proposed to analyze environmental and infrastructural controversies as a crucial methodological approach. This analysis sheds light on how territoriality and knowledge, key elements of urban politics, can be understood from this perspective. I use a diversity of methods including reports and press review, interviews, focus groups and surveys to map and analyze two controversies in Lebanon around the Deir Ammar electricity plant and Saida waste management plant. I show how “rogue” material non-human actants - in the form of fumes and particles, chemical compositions of waste and composts, bacteria, fuel leaks – destabilize the territorial assemblages brought together by these infrastructures. Polluted spaces become focal points for contesting established narratives of territorial solidarity and considerably weaken institutional and political governances. Expert discourses of State institutions and technical firms are put in question. While efforts to build a “localized” knowledge empowers local actors. However, as the case studies show, when controversies become protracted, interest in the complexity of infrastructural politics dwindles and more entrenched political actors are capable of recuperating these controversies to their advantage. This is why maintaining the “territorialization” of controversies through the development of localized knowledge is essential for these cosmopolitics to bring social and political change.
世界政治本体论借鉴了行动者-网络理论(Actor-Network Theory)文献和城市组合文献的一个特定分支,为城市政治提供了一个全新的创新视角。它将人类和非人类实体之间的互动定位为影响政治的核心因素。在本文中,我采用了这一宇宙政治本体论,并提议将分析环境和基础设施争议作为重要的方法论途径。这一分析揭示了如何从这一角度理解城市政治的关键要素--地域性和知识。我采用了多种方法,包括报告和新闻评论、访谈、焦点小组和调查,对黎巴嫩围绕代尔阿马尔发电厂和赛达垃圾处理厂的两场争议进行绘图和分析。我展示了 "无赖 "非人类物质行为体--以烟雾和颗粒、废物和堆肥的化学成分、细菌、燃料泄漏等形式--如何破坏这些基础设施所汇集的地域组合的稳定。受污染的空间成为对既定的领土团结叙事提出质疑的焦点,并极大地削弱了机构和政治治理。国家机构和技术公司的专家言论受到质疑。虽然建立 "本地化 "知识的努力增强了当地行动者的能力。然而,正如案例研究显示的那样,当争议变得旷日持久时,人们对基础设施政治复杂性的兴趣就会减弱,而更根深蒂固的政治参与者则有能力重新利用这些争议为自己谋利。这就是为什么通过发展本地化知识来保持争议的 "地域化",对于这些世界政治带来社会和政治变革至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Settlement types, territorial discourse and the symbolic production of the ‘post-industrial town’ 居住区类型、地域话语和 "后工业化城镇 "的象征性生产
Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231221051
Jay Emery
Couched in work on territory, discourse and symbolic power, this paper examines how dominant representations and classifications of settlement types are produced by overlapping political, media and academic discourses through an investigation of the ‘post-industrial town.’ The 2016 referendum on European Union (EU) membership and the 2019 General Election thrust England’s deindustrializing towns into the foreground. Viewed as the primary settlement type of the ‘Brexit heartlands’ and the ‘Red Wall’, descriptions, encodings and classifications of the ‘post-industrial town’ have proliferated across media, academic and political discourses. Following, the article draws on Critical Discourse Studies to trace the emergence of the ‘post-industrial town’ as a territorial production. I argue that the ‘post-industrial town’ has been produced by discursive and socio-technical practices invoking symbolic imaginaries of how places look, who lives there and their practices. In the case of ‘post-industrial towns’, a dominant symbolic production has emerged of an older, white, working-class, non-cosmopolitan and socially conservative type of settlement. Moreover, discursive and symbolic territorial productions have led to (un)wilful misrepresentation and misrecognition as places ‘on-the-ground’ are brought into political strategizing and discourse.
本文以领土、话语和象征权力为研究对象,通过对 "后工业化城镇 "的调查,探讨了政治、媒体和学术话语的重叠如何产生了对居住区类型的主流表述和分类。2016 年关于欧盟成员国身份的公投和 2019 年大选将英格兰的去工业化城镇推到了前台。作为 "脱欧中心地带 "和 "红墙 "的主要聚落类型,"后工业化城镇 "的描述、编码和分类在媒体、学术和政治话语中层出不穷。随后,文章借鉴批判性话语研究,追溯了 "后工业化城镇 "作为一种地域生产的出现。我认为,"后工业化城镇 "是通过话语和社会技术实践产生的,这些实践调用了关于地方外观、居住者及其实践的符号想象。就 "后工业化城镇 "而言,出现了一种占主导地位的象征性生产,即老式的、白人的、工人阶级的、非国际化的和社会保守的居住区类型。此外,随着 "实地 "地方被纳入政治战略和话语中,话语和象征性的领土生产导致了(非)故意的错误表述和错误认知。
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引用次数: 0
Reproductive geopolitics: Governing in/fertile bodies in Mexico’s past and present 生殖地缘政治:墨西哥过去和现在的生育/生殖机构管理
Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231182546
Laura Perler, Carolin Schurr, Nora Komposch, Mirko Winkel, Pedro Alejandro Cervantez Rodríguez
Building on work in feminist geopolitics, we discuss how the governance of in/fertility affects the value assigned to different bodies and the question whose bodies and lives are considered as worthy of reproducing in Mexico. To reveal the geopolitical entanglements of past and present forms of reproductive governance, we investigate the transnational connections of Mexico’s fertility network with Spain and the United States of America. We juxtapose visual materials from political campaigns of the past with advertisements for present-day fertility clinics to trace the reproductive geopolitics of (post)colonialism that shape current developments, practices, and discourses in this transnational fertility network. Each pair of visuals exemplifies particular times and spaces of reproductive geopolitics. The paper reveals how the contemporary Mexican fertility market is shaped by transnational forms of reproductive governance. We employ visual juxtaposition to provoke readers to think about the entanglement of present-day fertility markets with past reproductive geopolitics.
在女权主义地缘政治学研究的基础上,我们讨论了生育管理如何影响不同身体的价值,以及在墨西哥谁的身体和生命值得生育的问题。为了揭示过去和现在生育管理形式的地缘政治纠葛,我们调查了墨西哥生育网络与西班牙和美国的跨国联系。我们将过去政治运动的视觉材料与当今生育诊所的广告并置,以追溯(后)殖民主义的生殖地缘政治,它塑造了这一跨国生育网络的当前发展、实践和话语。每一副视觉图片都体现了生殖地缘政治的特定时间和空间。本文揭示了当代墨西哥生育市场是如何被跨国生殖治理形式所塑造的。我们采用视觉并置的方式,引发读者思考当今生育市场与过去的生殖地缘政治之间的纠葛。
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引用次数: 0
Bordering in the archives: An investigation into a digital archive of the Irish asylum and refugee determination 档案中的边界:爱尔兰庇护和难民认定数字档案调查
Pub Date : 2023-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216891
Sasha Brown
Creating borders and borderlands is a key role of the contemporary state. Drawing on an investigation of the Irish state bordering complex determining asylum and refugee claims in Ireland, this article illustrates the importance of the actions of individual state agents and the cultures of practice in state agencies in bordering and statecraft. Building on scholarship studying the state, I conceive of statecraft as cultures of practices, understood within a feminist geopolitical framework. Studying these cultures of practice reveals the ways state agencies and state agents produce knowledge and how they work within complex power-geometries of social and political geographies. I investigate the Irish asylum determination process using an archival ethnography methodology to encounter an online archive of refugee appeals decisions in Ireland. This article shows one result of this encounter: a published database of asylum decision patterns and practices of the refugee appeals tribunals and of individual Tribunal members issuing decisions to people seeking asylum in Ireland. I argue this approach: (1) addresses real needs for systematic evidence of practice of Tribunal members, as requested by asylum seekers and legal representatives; (2) investigates cultures of practice in decision-making bodies in the asylum complex of the Irish state; (3) and shows the importance of archives of asylum decision-making in the state practice of bordering and statecraft. Analysis shows an asylum determination culture heavily dependent on who is doing the deciding, the decision-maker assigned is a major element in outcomes of asylum claims. I also propose a framework for identifying statecraft and bordering as the collective project of groups and individuals embedded within the state; this framework provides productive and systematic evidence of bordering and the ways individuals and groups go about doing statecraft in the asylum determination process.
创建边界和边境地区是当代国家的一个关键角色。本文通过对决定爱尔兰庇护和难民申请的爱尔兰国家边界综合体的调查,说明了单个国家人员的行动以及国家机构的实践文化在边界和国家治理中的重要性。在研究国家的学术基础上,我将国家治理视为实践文化,并在女性主义地缘政治框架内加以理解。对这些实践文化的研究揭示了国家机构和国家人员生产知识的方式,以及他们如何在复杂的社会和政治地理的权力几何中工作。我采用档案人种学方法调查了爱尔兰的庇护决定程序,接触了爱尔兰难民上诉决定的在线档案。本文展示了这一相遇的结果之一:一个已出版的数据库,其中记录了难民上诉法庭和个别法庭成员对爱尔兰寻求庇护者做出庇护决定的模式和做法。我认为这种方法:(1) 解决了寻求庇护者和法律代表提出的对法庭成员实践的系统性证据的实际需求;(2) 调查了爱尔兰国家庇护综合体中决策机构的实践文化;(3) 显示了庇护决策档案在国家边界和国策实践中的重要性。分析表明,庇护决定文化在很大程度上取决于谁在做决定,指定的决策者是庇护申请结果的主要因素。我还提出了一个框架,以确定作为嵌入国家内部的团体和个人的集体项目的国策和接壤;这一框架为接壤以及个人和团体在庇护决定过程中实施国策的方式提供了富有成效的系统证据。
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引用次数: 0
The geopolitics of outbound travel: Theorizing outgoing tourism as state strategy 出境旅游的地缘政治:将出境旅游理论化为国家战略
Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216303
Gregory Fayard
There has been a general bias in tourism research toward the politics of the destination country, neglecting the theoretical importance of state policies at source countries in influencing tourism flows. In most studies of international travel, political action is essentially ensconced on the destination side, as governments and other authorities, competing in broader markets, attempt to make destinations attractive for potential visitors. Overlooked is the fact that source states influence tourist routes and behavior, changing the volume, composition, timing, and targets of foreign travel. In redressing these gaps, this paper will present a theory of outgoing travel from a nation-state perspective. I present a typology of theoretical connections between regulating outgoing travel and state strategies of domestic legitimation and foreign policy. Finally, I use this theoretical framework to investigate the specific case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), to determine to what degree the Chinese central state makes use of outgoing tourism to achieve policy objectives.
旅游研究普遍偏重目的地国的政治,忽视了客源国国家政策在理论上对旅游流向的重要影响。在大多数关于国际旅游的研究中,政治行动主要集中在目的地一方,因为政府和其他当局在更广阔的市场中竞争,试图使目的地对潜在游客具有吸引力。被忽视的事实是,客源国影响着游客的路线和行为,改变着外国游客的数量、构成、时间和目标。为了弥补这些不足,本文将从民族国家的角度提出出境旅游理论。我将对规范出境旅游与国家国内合法性战略和外交政策之间的理论联系进行分类。最后,我将利用这一理论框架来研究中华人民共和国(PRC)的具体情况,以确定中国中央政府在多大程度上利用出境旅游来实现政策目标。
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引用次数: 0
Masters of mankind: Negotiations, local powers and assessments for land acquisition for industrialisation in West Bengal 人类的主人:西孟加拉邦工业化征用土地的谈判、地方权力和评估
Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231217850
Sattwick Dey Biswas
In the 18th century, Adam Smith, the father of modern economics, observed the power of existing capitalists (landlords/merchants) on economy and land issues. While describing the feudal relationships between lord and serf, Smith observed, “All for ourselves and nothing for other people seems ... have been the vile maxim of the masters of mankind.” Even though centuries have passed and in India, the relationship between the landlords, caste and sharecroppers does not follow the typical exploitative condition of 18th-century serfdom, the power of legal ownership encourages the landlords to imitate “the vile maxim of the masters of mankind”. We investigate the role of “power” in manipulating land acquisition-related impact assessments in practice as an imitation of the vile maxim. We empirically examine this assumption with the two land acquisition cases, i.e. Salboni and Singur, West Bengal, India. The empirical study suggests how the vile maxim reproduces the existing injustices during land acquisitions in India.
18 世纪,现代经济学之父亚当-斯密观察到现有资本家(地主/商人)在经济和土地问题上的权力。在描述领主和农奴之间的封建关系时,斯密指出:"一切为了我们自己,而不为其他人做任何事情......似乎是人类主人的卑鄙格言。尽管几个世纪过去了,在印度,地主、种姓和佃农之间的关系并没有遵循 18 世纪农奴制的典型剥削状况,但合法所有权的权力鼓励地主模仿 "人类主人的卑鄙格言"。我们研究了 "权力 "在操纵土地征用相关影响评估的实践中作为卑鄙格言模仿者的作用。我们通过印度西孟加拉邦的萨尔博尼和辛古尔这两个土地征用案例对这一假设进行了实证研究。实证研究表明,"卑鄙格言 "是如何在印度土地征用过程中再现现有不公正现象的。
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引用次数: 0
“The Worker's Party sold out the street vendors”: Revanchist populism and the crisis of labor in Belo Horizonte, Brazil "工人党出卖了街头小贩":巴西贝洛奥里藏特的民粹主义和劳工危机
Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216890
Mara Nogueira
In this paper, I examine the links between revanchist populism and the labor crisis in Brazil, a country with a stratified labor market where informality is prevalent among low-income, racialized groups. I analyze the struggles of street vendors for accessing urban space in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, where the Worker’s Party (PT) played a key role in evicting vendors from public spaces and criminalizing their activity in the early 2000s. I focus on the connections between this initiative and a more recent “revitalization” policy that displaced street vendors from public spaces in the city center. In this context, I explore the political discourses of displaced workers during the 2018 elections that brought Bolsonaro to power. I show how the eviction stimulated antipetismo (anti-PT sentiment) among street vendors by triggering collective memories and rage against the party that “sold them out.” I argue that street vendors strongly identify as workers but are excluded from the unionized waged workingmen notion central to unions and Latin American left-wing parties. By discussing how street vendors reiterate their position as workers and not criminals, I highlight their identification with a moral notion of worker aligned with Bolsonaro’s conservative anti-crime agenda. I thus argue that support for Bolsonaro among street vendors was stimulated by the shortcomings of Brazil’s urban reform as well as the lack of appropriate policy responses to an increasingly heterogeneous and informalized workforce. I conclude by emphasizing the importance of supporting the collective struggles of non-waged workers as a path beyond revanchist populism.
巴西是一个劳动力市场分层的国家,非正规就业在低收入、种族化群体中十分普遍。我分析了巴西贝洛奥里藏特街头小贩为获得城市空间而进行的斗争,2000 年代初,工人党(PT)在将小贩驱逐出公共空间并将其活动定为刑事犯罪方面发挥了关键作用。我将重点放在这一举措与最近的 "振兴 "政策之间的联系上,后者将街头小贩赶出了市中心的公共空间。在此背景下,我探讨了 2018 年选举期间流离失所工人的政治话语,这次选举使博尔索纳罗上台执政。我展示了驱逐是如何通过引发集体记忆和对 "出卖他们 "的政党的愤怒,在街头小贩中激发反PT情绪(antipetismo)的。我认为,街头小贩强烈认同工人身份,但却被排除在工会和拉美左翼政党核心的工会雇佣劳动者概念之外。通过讨论街头小贩如何重申他们是工人而非罪犯的立场,我强调了他们对与博尔索纳罗保守的反犯罪议程相一致的工人道德观念的认同。因此,我认为,巴西城市改革的缺陷以及对日益异质化和非正规化的劳动力缺乏适当的政策回应,刺激了街头小贩对博尔索纳罗的支持。最后,我强调了支持无薪工人集体抗争的重要性,这是一条超越谩骂型民粹主义的道路。
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引用次数: 0
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Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space
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