Pub Date : 2023-12-21DOI: 10.1177/23996544231222138
Deniz Ay, Mehmet Penpecioğlu
This paper explores the politics of ‘waiting’ as a mode of governance in large-scale urban redevelopment projects. In designated renewal areas, residents/landowners are often subject to several episodes of waiting: waiting for the public authority for information on redevelopment visions; waiting for the plans and projects to become public; waiting for the court ruling if they appeal the plans; waiting for demolition upon plan approvals; and, finally, waiting for the constructions to be completed. Given the complexity of actors and institutions involved in the waiting, it becomes a conflictual political process. This prolonged waiting leads to an ongoing temporariness and precarious spaces of urban renewal. The course of waiting affects the reorganization of the city space “ now” and in the future. We analyze two protracted urban renewal projects from Turkey, Fikirtepe in Istanbul and Karabaglar in Izmir, to explore how residents’ decade-long waiting for urban change are shaped and how these diverse waiting experiences lead to different outcomes for the progression of the state-imposed urban renewal agendas. While Karabaglar residents have unified around active bottom-up resistance from the beginning to challenge the project-based plans the central government imposed, Fikirtepe residents pursued individual-level negotiations with developers to maximize private returns following the zoning incentives the public authority gave. Despite the socio-spatial similarities between these designated urban renewal project sites, variances in residents’ collective waiting strategies have led to different urban politics around project-based urban change.
{"title":"Politics of “waiting for transformation” in protracted urban renewal projects in Turkey","authors":"Deniz Ay, Mehmet Penpecioğlu","doi":"10.1177/23996544231222138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231222138","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the politics of ‘waiting’ as a mode of governance in large-scale urban redevelopment projects. In designated renewal areas, residents/landowners are often subject to several episodes of waiting: waiting for the public authority for information on redevelopment visions; waiting for the plans and projects to become public; waiting for the court ruling if they appeal the plans; waiting for demolition upon plan approvals; and, finally, waiting for the constructions to be completed. Given the complexity of actors and institutions involved in the waiting, it becomes a conflictual political process. This prolonged waiting leads to an ongoing temporariness and precarious spaces of urban renewal. The course of waiting affects the reorganization of the city space “ now” and in the future. We analyze two protracted urban renewal projects from Turkey, Fikirtepe in Istanbul and Karabaglar in Izmir, to explore how residents’ decade-long waiting for urban change are shaped and how these diverse waiting experiences lead to different outcomes for the progression of the state-imposed urban renewal agendas. While Karabaglar residents have unified around active bottom-up resistance from the beginning to challenge the project-based plans the central government imposed, Fikirtepe residents pursued individual-level negotiations with developers to maximize private returns following the zoning incentives the public authority gave. Despite the socio-spatial similarities between these designated urban renewal project sites, variances in residents’ collective waiting strategies have led to different urban politics around project-based urban change.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139167692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-20DOI: 10.1177/23996544231217849
Colin Lorne, Natalie Papanastasiou, Steven Griggs
{"title":"The whereabouts of politics and policy in troubling times","authors":"Colin Lorne, Natalie Papanastasiou, Steven Griggs","doi":"10.1177/23996544231217849","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231217849","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139169405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1177/23996544231221049
Kevin Lewis O’Neill
Autohoteles in Guatemala City are mid-market, pay-by-the-hour hotels designed for sexual encounters. Folding quietly into the landscape of Central America’s largest metropolitan region, these establishments provide middle-class Guatemalans with the opportunity to evade (even if only for an afternoon) the very regimes of surveillance that they have come to expect from fortified enclaves. Autohoteles have walls but no windows, guards but no guest books, and security booths but no surveillance cameras. They are one of the few places where the middle-class in Guatemala City pay not to be watched. Set against the increasing panopticism of everyday life in Central America, this essay engages the autohoteles of Guatemala City to understand an architectural form that minimizes rather than maximizes visibility, for the sake of discretion rather than discipline. It argues that these buildings evidence an intimate and necessary imbrication between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of fortified enclaves.
{"title":"Architectures of discretion: Autohoteles and the fortified enclaves of Guatemala city","authors":"Kevin Lewis O’Neill","doi":"10.1177/23996544231221049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231221049","url":null,"abstract":"Autohoteles in Guatemala City are mid-market, pay-by-the-hour hotels designed for sexual encounters. Folding quietly into the landscape of Central America’s largest metropolitan region, these establishments provide middle-class Guatemalans with the opportunity to evade (even if only for an afternoon) the very regimes of surveillance that they have come to expect from fortified enclaves. Autohoteles have walls but no windows, guards but no guest books, and security booths but no surveillance cameras. They are one of the few places where the middle-class in Guatemala City pay not to be watched. Set against the increasing panopticism of everyday life in Central America, this essay engages the autohoteles of Guatemala City to understand an architectural form that minimizes rather than maximizes visibility, for the sake of discretion rather than discipline. It argues that these buildings evidence an intimate and necessary imbrication between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of fortified enclaves.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139173904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-17DOI: 10.1177/23996544231222130
Jihad Farah
Drawing upon Actor-Network Theory literature and a specific strand of urban assemblage literature, the cosmopolitical ontology offers a fresh and innovative perspective on urban politics. It positions the interactions between human and non-human entities as the central factor shaping politics. In this article, I have adopted this cosmopolitical ontology and proposed to analyze environmental and infrastructural controversies as a crucial methodological approach. This analysis sheds light on how territoriality and knowledge, key elements of urban politics, can be understood from this perspective. I use a diversity of methods including reports and press review, interviews, focus groups and surveys to map and analyze two controversies in Lebanon around the Deir Ammar electricity plant and Saida waste management plant. I show how “rogue” material non-human actants - in the form of fumes and particles, chemical compositions of waste and composts, bacteria, fuel leaks – destabilize the territorial assemblages brought together by these infrastructures. Polluted spaces become focal points for contesting established narratives of territorial solidarity and considerably weaken institutional and political governances. Expert discourses of State institutions and technical firms are put in question. While efforts to build a “localized” knowledge empowers local actors. However, as the case studies show, when controversies become protracted, interest in the complexity of infrastructural politics dwindles and more entrenched political actors are capable of recuperating these controversies to their advantage. This is why maintaining the “territorialization” of controversies through the development of localized knowledge is essential for these cosmopolitics to bring social and political change.
{"title":"Assemblages, cosmopolitics and controversies: Capturing the territorial and knowledge dimensions of infrastructural politics in Lebanon","authors":"Jihad Farah","doi":"10.1177/23996544231222130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231222130","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing upon Actor-Network Theory literature and a specific strand of urban assemblage literature, the cosmopolitical ontology offers a fresh and innovative perspective on urban politics. It positions the interactions between human and non-human entities as the central factor shaping politics. In this article, I have adopted this cosmopolitical ontology and proposed to analyze environmental and infrastructural controversies as a crucial methodological approach. This analysis sheds light on how territoriality and knowledge, key elements of urban politics, can be understood from this perspective. I use a diversity of methods including reports and press review, interviews, focus groups and surveys to map and analyze two controversies in Lebanon around the Deir Ammar electricity plant and Saida waste management plant. I show how “rogue” material non-human actants - in the form of fumes and particles, chemical compositions of waste and composts, bacteria, fuel leaks – destabilize the territorial assemblages brought together by these infrastructures. Polluted spaces become focal points for contesting established narratives of territorial solidarity and considerably weaken institutional and political governances. Expert discourses of State institutions and technical firms are put in question. While efforts to build a “localized” knowledge empowers local actors. However, as the case studies show, when controversies become protracted, interest in the complexity of infrastructural politics dwindles and more entrenched political actors are capable of recuperating these controversies to their advantage. This is why maintaining the “territorialization” of controversies through the development of localized knowledge is essential for these cosmopolitics to bring social and political change.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-14DOI: 10.1177/23996544231221051
Jay Emery
Couched in work on territory, discourse and symbolic power, this paper examines how dominant representations and classifications of settlement types are produced by overlapping political, media and academic discourses through an investigation of the ‘post-industrial town.’ The 2016 referendum on European Union (EU) membership and the 2019 General Election thrust England’s deindustrializing towns into the foreground. Viewed as the primary settlement type of the ‘Brexit heartlands’ and the ‘Red Wall’, descriptions, encodings and classifications of the ‘post-industrial town’ have proliferated across media, academic and political discourses. Following, the article draws on Critical Discourse Studies to trace the emergence of the ‘post-industrial town’ as a territorial production. I argue that the ‘post-industrial town’ has been produced by discursive and socio-technical practices invoking symbolic imaginaries of how places look, who lives there and their practices. In the case of ‘post-industrial towns’, a dominant symbolic production has emerged of an older, white, working-class, non-cosmopolitan and socially conservative type of settlement. Moreover, discursive and symbolic territorial productions have led to (un)wilful misrepresentation and misrecognition as places ‘on-the-ground’ are brought into political strategizing and discourse.
{"title":"Settlement types, territorial discourse and the symbolic production of the ‘post-industrial town’","authors":"Jay Emery","doi":"10.1177/23996544231221051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231221051","url":null,"abstract":"Couched in work on territory, discourse and symbolic power, this paper examines how dominant representations and classifications of settlement types are produced by overlapping political, media and academic discourses through an investigation of the ‘post-industrial town.’ The 2016 referendum on European Union (EU) membership and the 2019 General Election thrust England’s deindustrializing towns into the foreground. Viewed as the primary settlement type of the ‘Brexit heartlands’ and the ‘Red Wall’, descriptions, encodings and classifications of the ‘post-industrial town’ have proliferated across media, academic and political discourses. Following, the article draws on Critical Discourse Studies to trace the emergence of the ‘post-industrial town’ as a territorial production. I argue that the ‘post-industrial town’ has been produced by discursive and socio-technical practices invoking symbolic imaginaries of how places look, who lives there and their practices. In the case of ‘post-industrial towns’, a dominant symbolic production has emerged of an older, white, working-class, non-cosmopolitan and socially conservative type of settlement. Moreover, discursive and symbolic territorial productions have led to (un)wilful misrepresentation and misrecognition as places ‘on-the-ground’ are brought into political strategizing and discourse.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139180466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.1177/23996544231182546
Laura Perler, Carolin Schurr, Nora Komposch, Mirko Winkel, Pedro Alejandro Cervantez Rodríguez
Building on work in feminist geopolitics, we discuss how the governance of in/fertility affects the value assigned to different bodies and the question whose bodies and lives are considered as worthy of reproducing in Mexico. To reveal the geopolitical entanglements of past and present forms of reproductive governance, we investigate the transnational connections of Mexico’s fertility network with Spain and the United States of America. We juxtapose visual materials from political campaigns of the past with advertisements for present-day fertility clinics to trace the reproductive geopolitics of (post)colonialism that shape current developments, practices, and discourses in this transnational fertility network. Each pair of visuals exemplifies particular times and spaces of reproductive geopolitics. The paper reveals how the contemporary Mexican fertility market is shaped by transnational forms of reproductive governance. We employ visual juxtaposition to provoke readers to think about the entanglement of present-day fertility markets with past reproductive geopolitics.
{"title":"Reproductive geopolitics: Governing in/fertile bodies in Mexico’s past and present","authors":"Laura Perler, Carolin Schurr, Nora Komposch, Mirko Winkel, Pedro Alejandro Cervantez Rodríguez","doi":"10.1177/23996544231182546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231182546","url":null,"abstract":"Building on work in feminist geopolitics, we discuss how the governance of in/fertility affects the value assigned to different bodies and the question whose bodies and lives are considered as worthy of reproducing in Mexico. To reveal the geopolitical entanglements of past and present forms of reproductive governance, we investigate the transnational connections of Mexico’s fertility network with Spain and the United States of America. We juxtapose visual materials from political campaigns of the past with advertisements for present-day fertility clinics to trace the reproductive geopolitics of (post)colonialism that shape current developments, practices, and discourses in this transnational fertility network. Each pair of visuals exemplifies particular times and spaces of reproductive geopolitics. The paper reveals how the contemporary Mexican fertility market is shaped by transnational forms of reproductive governance. We employ visual juxtaposition to provoke readers to think about the entanglement of present-day fertility markets with past reproductive geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139208411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-29DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216891
Sasha Brown
Creating borders and borderlands is a key role of the contemporary state. Drawing on an investigation of the Irish state bordering complex determining asylum and refugee claims in Ireland, this article illustrates the importance of the actions of individual state agents and the cultures of practice in state agencies in bordering and statecraft. Building on scholarship studying the state, I conceive of statecraft as cultures of practices, understood within a feminist geopolitical framework. Studying these cultures of practice reveals the ways state agencies and state agents produce knowledge and how they work within complex power-geometries of social and political geographies. I investigate the Irish asylum determination process using an archival ethnography methodology to encounter an online archive of refugee appeals decisions in Ireland. This article shows one result of this encounter: a published database of asylum decision patterns and practices of the refugee appeals tribunals and of individual Tribunal members issuing decisions to people seeking asylum in Ireland. I argue this approach: (1) addresses real needs for systematic evidence of practice of Tribunal members, as requested by asylum seekers and legal representatives; (2) investigates cultures of practice in decision-making bodies in the asylum complex of the Irish state; (3) and shows the importance of archives of asylum decision-making in the state practice of bordering and statecraft. Analysis shows an asylum determination culture heavily dependent on who is doing the deciding, the decision-maker assigned is a major element in outcomes of asylum claims. I also propose a framework for identifying statecraft and bordering as the collective project of groups and individuals embedded within the state; this framework provides productive and systematic evidence of bordering and the ways individuals and groups go about doing statecraft in the asylum determination process.
{"title":"Bordering in the archives: An investigation into a digital archive of the Irish asylum and refugee determination","authors":"Sasha Brown","doi":"10.1177/23996544231216891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231216891","url":null,"abstract":"Creating borders and borderlands is a key role of the contemporary state. Drawing on an investigation of the Irish state bordering complex determining asylum and refugee claims in Ireland, this article illustrates the importance of the actions of individual state agents and the cultures of practice in state agencies in bordering and statecraft. Building on scholarship studying the state, I conceive of statecraft as cultures of practices, understood within a feminist geopolitical framework. Studying these cultures of practice reveals the ways state agencies and state agents produce knowledge and how they work within complex power-geometries of social and political geographies. I investigate the Irish asylum determination process using an archival ethnography methodology to encounter an online archive of refugee appeals decisions in Ireland. This article shows one result of this encounter: a published database of asylum decision patterns and practices of the refugee appeals tribunals and of individual Tribunal members issuing decisions to people seeking asylum in Ireland. I argue this approach: (1) addresses real needs for systematic evidence of practice of Tribunal members, as requested by asylum seekers and legal representatives; (2) investigates cultures of practice in decision-making bodies in the asylum complex of the Irish state; (3) and shows the importance of archives of asylum decision-making in the state practice of bordering and statecraft. Analysis shows an asylum determination culture heavily dependent on who is doing the deciding, the decision-maker assigned is a major element in outcomes of asylum claims. I also propose a framework for identifying statecraft and bordering as the collective project of groups and individuals embedded within the state; this framework provides productive and systematic evidence of bordering and the ways individuals and groups go about doing statecraft in the asylum determination process.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139210296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216303
Gregory Fayard
There has been a general bias in tourism research toward the politics of the destination country, neglecting the theoretical importance of state policies at source countries in influencing tourism flows. In most studies of international travel, political action is essentially ensconced on the destination side, as governments and other authorities, competing in broader markets, attempt to make destinations attractive for potential visitors. Overlooked is the fact that source states influence tourist routes and behavior, changing the volume, composition, timing, and targets of foreign travel. In redressing these gaps, this paper will present a theory of outgoing travel from a nation-state perspective. I present a typology of theoretical connections between regulating outgoing travel and state strategies of domestic legitimation and foreign policy. Finally, I use this theoretical framework to investigate the specific case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), to determine to what degree the Chinese central state makes use of outgoing tourism to achieve policy objectives.
{"title":"The geopolitics of outbound travel: Theorizing outgoing tourism as state strategy","authors":"Gregory Fayard","doi":"10.1177/23996544231216303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231216303","url":null,"abstract":"There has been a general bias in tourism research toward the politics of the destination country, neglecting the theoretical importance of state policies at source countries in influencing tourism flows. In most studies of international travel, political action is essentially ensconced on the destination side, as governments and other authorities, competing in broader markets, attempt to make destinations attractive for potential visitors. Overlooked is the fact that source states influence tourist routes and behavior, changing the volume, composition, timing, and targets of foreign travel. In redressing these gaps, this paper will present a theory of outgoing travel from a nation-state perspective. I present a typology of theoretical connections between regulating outgoing travel and state strategies of domestic legitimation and foreign policy. Finally, I use this theoretical framework to investigate the specific case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), to determine to what degree the Chinese central state makes use of outgoing tourism to achieve policy objectives.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139236224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-23DOI: 10.1177/23996544231217850
Sattwick Dey Biswas
In the 18th century, Adam Smith, the father of modern economics, observed the power of existing capitalists (landlords/merchants) on economy and land issues. While describing the feudal relationships between lord and serf, Smith observed, “All for ourselves and nothing for other people seems ... have been the vile maxim of the masters of mankind.” Even though centuries have passed and in India, the relationship between the landlords, caste and sharecroppers does not follow the typical exploitative condition of 18th-century serfdom, the power of legal ownership encourages the landlords to imitate “the vile maxim of the masters of mankind”. We investigate the role of “power” in manipulating land acquisition-related impact assessments in practice as an imitation of the vile maxim. We empirically examine this assumption with the two land acquisition cases, i.e. Salboni and Singur, West Bengal, India. The empirical study suggests how the vile maxim reproduces the existing injustices during land acquisitions in India.
{"title":"Masters of mankind: Negotiations, local powers and assessments for land acquisition for industrialisation in West Bengal","authors":"Sattwick Dey Biswas","doi":"10.1177/23996544231217850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231217850","url":null,"abstract":"In the 18th century, Adam Smith, the father of modern economics, observed the power of existing capitalists (landlords/merchants) on economy and land issues. While describing the feudal relationships between lord and serf, Smith observed, “All for ourselves and nothing for other people seems ... have been the vile maxim of the masters of mankind.” Even though centuries have passed and in India, the relationship between the landlords, caste and sharecroppers does not follow the typical exploitative condition of 18th-century serfdom, the power of legal ownership encourages the landlords to imitate “the vile maxim of the masters of mankind”. We investigate the role of “power” in manipulating land acquisition-related impact assessments in practice as an imitation of the vile maxim. We empirically examine this assumption with the two land acquisition cases, i.e. Salboni and Singur, West Bengal, India. The empirical study suggests how the vile maxim reproduces the existing injustices during land acquisitions in India.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139245965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1177/23996544231216890
Mara Nogueira
In this paper, I examine the links between revanchist populism and the labor crisis in Brazil, a country with a stratified labor market where informality is prevalent among low-income, racialized groups. I analyze the struggles of street vendors for accessing urban space in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, where the Worker’s Party (PT) played a key role in evicting vendors from public spaces and criminalizing their activity in the early 2000s. I focus on the connections between this initiative and a more recent “revitalization” policy that displaced street vendors from public spaces in the city center. In this context, I explore the political discourses of displaced workers during the 2018 elections that brought Bolsonaro to power. I show how the eviction stimulated antipetismo (anti-PT sentiment) among street vendors by triggering collective memories and rage against the party that “sold them out.” I argue that street vendors strongly identify as workers but are excluded from the unionized waged workingmen notion central to unions and Latin American left-wing parties. By discussing how street vendors reiterate their position as workers and not criminals, I highlight their identification with a moral notion of worker aligned with Bolsonaro’s conservative anti-crime agenda. I thus argue that support for Bolsonaro among street vendors was stimulated by the shortcomings of Brazil’s urban reform as well as the lack of appropriate policy responses to an increasingly heterogeneous and informalized workforce. I conclude by emphasizing the importance of supporting the collective struggles of non-waged workers as a path beyond revanchist populism.
{"title":"“The Worker's Party sold out the street vendors”: Revanchist populism and the crisis of labor in Belo Horizonte, Brazil","authors":"Mara Nogueira","doi":"10.1177/23996544231216890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/23996544231216890","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I examine the links between revanchist populism and the labor crisis in Brazil, a country with a stratified labor market where informality is prevalent among low-income, racialized groups. I analyze the struggles of street vendors for accessing urban space in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, where the Worker’s Party (PT) played a key role in evicting vendors from public spaces and criminalizing their activity in the early 2000s. I focus on the connections between this initiative and a more recent “revitalization” policy that displaced street vendors from public spaces in the city center. In this context, I explore the political discourses of displaced workers during the 2018 elections that brought Bolsonaro to power. I show how the eviction stimulated antipetismo (anti-PT sentiment) among street vendors by triggering collective memories and rage against the party that “sold them out.” I argue that street vendors strongly identify as workers but are excluded from the unionized waged workingmen notion central to unions and Latin American left-wing parties. By discussing how street vendors reiterate their position as workers and not criminals, I highlight their identification with a moral notion of worker aligned with Bolsonaro’s conservative anti-crime agenda. I thus argue that support for Bolsonaro among street vendors was stimulated by the shortcomings of Brazil’s urban reform as well as the lack of appropriate policy responses to an increasingly heterogeneous and informalized workforce. I conclude by emphasizing the importance of supporting the collective struggles of non-waged workers as a path beyond revanchist populism.","PeriodicalId":507957,"journal":{"name":"Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139252589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}