Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2076875
María José Correa-Gómez
trained chemicus from the lower educational level of the professional chemist who worked in factories, at the same level as operators in mechanical engineering. De chemist is the published version of Vermande’s PhD thesis. This helps to explain the fact that the book contains many little summaries and repetitions, as well as extensive appendices typical of that genre. Vermande focuses on the occupation of the chemist, without paying much attention to contextualising the primary source material. For instance, he regularly cites references to chemisten in late seventeenth-century pamphlets, but he seems unaware of the context and rhetoric of the pamphlet wars at the time, with their extremely crude language and a predominant concern with secrecy and self-interest in the (Amsterdam) medical sector. A more contextualised analysis of these controversies could have strengthened the arguments of the thesis. Vermande’s book covers a period of 220 years, but the focus of the analysis is on the late seventeenth century and on the period 1760–1820. The first half of the eighteenth century remains underdiscussed. This is a pity, because during this period the Netherlands were known as a hotbed of chemical and medical teaching, which must have had a direct effect on the popularity of the chemist. For a start, more than ever before, anatomy and the making of anatomical preparations – for instance the work of Frederik Ruysch and Bernhard Siegfried Albinus – heavily relied on chemical techniques, whereby chemicals (presumably sold in chemical shops) and their particular properties literally and metaphorically took the place of bodily fluids and physiological processes. Similarly, Vermande does not analyse the rise of the chemist against the backdrop of the popular and influential chemistry teaching of Herman Boerhaave and his disciples. Recent historical work has shown that Boerhaave, even more than his predecessors Franciscus dele Boë Sylvius, Johann Conrad Barchusen, and Jacob LeMort, elevated chemistry to a serious academic discipline, which must have had a positive effect on the popularity and business of the chemist. Who, after all, supplied the chemicals for the students’ experimental activities? In his lectures, Boerhaave also demarcated his “new” method of chemistry from the chemistry of his predecessors, thereby making a clear distinction between true and false (al)chemists. This demarcation was even stronger in the works of his disciples and must have resonated with the need of the chemisten to distinguish themselves as an occupational group. Despite these shortcomings, the great merit of Vermande’s study is his novel focus on the largely forgotten group of the chemisten in the history of chemistry and medicine. I found many interesting details that set me thinking. For example, I was struck by the number of widows of chemisten who took over the shops of their deceased husbands, and the apparent need, in 1813, to formulate specific regulations for thes
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Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2071818
J. Bertomeu-sánchez
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Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2066257
J. Rees
Garraf landfill, where Barcelona’s refuse had accumulated for more than thirty years. Similar cultural actions were used to soften the impact of complex projects such as the Corta Atalaya copper mine in Spain, where certain industries fostered mechanisms of ignorance through the sponsorship of artistic work, as Galech Amillano shows. New opportunities for labour in developing factories were another part of this continued silencing of the environmental and health effects of industrial projects, as exemplified by Pujada in his chapter on the Flix factory in Spain, and also by Rodríguez-Giralt and Tironi in their study on the installation of a copper smelting plant in the Puchuncaví area on the central coast of Chile. The latter also addresses the emergence of local opposition to toxic hazards and demands for policies that acknowledged them. Hamilton’s case study of the Parque de la Albufera in Valencia and the development of the rice industry documents a lack of knowledge of hydrological systems and their implications for contamination. Finally, Barca addresses the new forms of ignorance associated with narratives of the Anthropocene that leave out the toxicity, inequality, and environmental injustice of modern industry. In summary, Tóxicos invisibles investigates the methods by which the processes of scientific and technological change were constructed as well as regulated. It highlights specific participants – scientists, bureaucrats, politicians, journalists, and businessmen. It problematises not only their participation in the development of environmental ignorance, but also their limited capacity to modify the processes of this “invisibility of toxicity,” or to promote a more fruitful dialogue with stakeholders. In addition, the book promotes critical analysis of the production, representation, translation, and appropriation of ignorance, which of course does not only concern environmental issues.
{"title":"A Rainbow Palate: How Chemical Dyes Changed the West’s Relationship With Food","authors":"J. Rees","doi":"10.1080/00026980.2022.2066257","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00026980.2022.2066257","url":null,"abstract":"Garraf landfill, where Barcelona’s refuse had accumulated for more than thirty years. Similar cultural actions were used to soften the impact of complex projects such as the Corta Atalaya copper mine in Spain, where certain industries fostered mechanisms of ignorance through the sponsorship of artistic work, as Galech Amillano shows. New opportunities for labour in developing factories were another part of this continued silencing of the environmental and health effects of industrial projects, as exemplified by Pujada in his chapter on the Flix factory in Spain, and also by Rodríguez-Giralt and Tironi in their study on the installation of a copper smelting plant in the Puchuncaví area on the central coast of Chile. The latter also addresses the emergence of local opposition to toxic hazards and demands for policies that acknowledged them. Hamilton’s case study of the Parque de la Albufera in Valencia and the development of the rice industry documents a lack of knowledge of hydrological systems and their implications for contamination. Finally, Barca addresses the new forms of ignorance associated with narratives of the Anthropocene that leave out the toxicity, inequality, and environmental injustice of modern industry. In summary, Tóxicos invisibles investigates the methods by which the processes of scientific and technological change were constructed as well as regulated. It highlights specific participants – scientists, bureaucrats, politicians, journalists, and businessmen. It problematises not only their participation in the development of environmental ignorance, but also their limited capacity to modify the processes of this “invisibility of toxicity,” or to promote a more fruitful dialogue with stakeholders. In addition, the book promotes critical analysis of the production, representation, translation, and appropriation of ignorance, which of course does not only concern environmental issues.","PeriodicalId":50963,"journal":{"name":"Ambix","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49648733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2071815
Rina Knoeff
ground the intersubjectivity of the new science. A few suggestions for further development come to mind. Christian Aristotelians did not think that final causation in non-intelligent things was due to an “indwelling intelligence” (p. 40), but that God directed them to their ends as an archer does an arrow (see Laurence Carlin’s recent work). Similarly, well before Ray, Galen’s De usu partium set out in exhaustive detail how one could make the structures, actions, and uses or functions of body parts into “objects of empirical knowledge” (p. 36). Galen’s texts also separated the descriptions of structures and actions from discussions of their uses (and Galenic anatomy texts often used mundane analogies for parts). Royal Society writers on anatomy almost certainly followed this genre tradition, and not treatises on navigational instruments, as claimed (pp. 93, 202 n. 48). Finally, Aesthetic Science could have found a productive conversation partner in Marieke Hendriksen’s excellent history of the material culture, epistemology, and aesthetics of Leiden’s eighteenth-century anatomical collections, Elegant Anatomy (2015). In sum, this is a beautiful, concise study that will be of interest to historians of science, aesthetics, and communication. The central argument, that aesthetic sensibilities, or at least theories or discourse about them, shaped some investigative and communicative practices in the Royal Society and addressed the problem of intersubjectivity, is striking in its weaving of different sources and fields into a coherent vision.
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Pub Date : 2022-04-27DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2066253
Brigitte Van Tiggelen
There is noNobel prize inMathematics, the urban legend goes, because a mathematician was the lover of Madame Nobel. But then most people know Alfred Nobel remained a bachelor until his death in 1896. What is less known is that there are envelopes addressed to a Madame Nobel in Alfred Nobel’s own writing. He maintained a long-term affair with a young Austrian woman, Sofie Hess. The affair between the forty-three-year-old wealthy vagabond of Europe and the twenty-six-year-old flower shop girl started in 1876 with all the traditional trimmings – endearing pet names, luxury gifts, meetings on Nobel’s business travels, and different apartments and places for Hess to stay, in Paris and elsewhere. Their epistolary exchanges continued long after their relationship had progressively soured, yielding a significant body of correspondence. The letters were deliberately kept hidden by those in charge of Nobel’s legacy and his first biographers, and when Hess threatened to sell the letters of her deceased lover, despite a significant sum left to her in Nobel’s will and her previous promise to destroy those letters, the lot was swiftly acquired by the Nobel Foundation to make sure this part of his life would remain in the shadows. They were not destroyed, though, and this is fortunate, even if scholars had to wait until 1976 to access this archive. For those curious about the love life of great men, Alfred Nobel’s case is rather disappointing. Apart from his mother, there are only two female figures who stand out: Bertha von Suttner and Sofie Hess. And with these two, it would be difficult to find more contrasting characters: one of noble descent, highly educated, mastering several foreign languages, politically engaged, and aiming to improve society; the other from the lower bourgeoisie, struggling to write in her own mother tongue, oblivious to the issues of her day, and unfocused even in her aim of being a high-maintenance kept woman, requesting large amounts of money, but not seizing opportunities for social or intellectual advancement through her benefactor’s tutelage. Von Suttner inspired Nobel’s idea for the Peace prize, while Hess seems to have passed through his life without leaving much of a trace. Yet Nobel corresponded with both, offering glimpses into hugely different aspects of his personality, and the image of himself he wanted to project. On that point, A Nobel Affair provides more insight into Nobel’s psychological and social difficulties than Edelgard Biedermann’s German edition of his correspondence with von Suttner. Because he plays less of a role on an imaginary stage when he writes to Sofie, Alfred appears more crippled in his anxiety and paranoia about his business and health, uncertain about his big projects and the path to take, often depressed, gradually more misanthropic, and definitely less of a gentleman and benefactor of humankind in his treatment of what he identifies as his lover’s deficiencies both in character and social proven
坊间流传着诺贝尔数学奖的由来，因为一位数学家是诺贝尔夫人的情人。但大多数人都知道阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔直到1896年去世都是单身。鲜为人知的是，有些信封是写给诺贝尔夫人的，是阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔自己写的。他与一位年轻的奥地利女子苏菲·赫斯保持着长期的婚外情。这个43岁的富有的欧洲流浪汉和这个26岁的花店女孩的恋情始于1876年，伴随着所有传统的装饰——可爱的宠物名字，奢侈的礼物，诺贝尔商务旅行中的会面，以及在巴黎和其他地方为赫斯提供的不同的公寓和住所。在他们的关系逐渐恶化之后，他们的书信交流仍在继续，产生了大量的信件。这些信件被负责诺贝尔遗产的人和他的第一批传记作者故意隐藏起来，当赫斯威胁要卖掉她已故情人的信件时，尽管诺贝尔遗嘱中给她留下了一大笔钱，她之前承诺要销毁这些信件，但诺贝尔基金会迅速获得了这些信件，以确保他生命的这一部分不会被曝光。然而，它们并没有被摧毁，这是幸运的，即使学者们不得不等到1976年才能访问这些档案。对于那些对伟人的爱情生活感到好奇的人来说，阿尔弗雷德•诺贝尔(Alfred Nobel)的情况相当令人失望。除了他的母亲，只有两个女性形象引人注目:伯莎·冯·苏特纳和苏菲·赫斯。在这两个人身上，很难找到更鲜明的对比:一个是贵族血统，受过高等教育，掌握几门外语，参与政治，旨在改善社会;另一个来自下层资产阶级，挣扎着用自己的母语写作，对当时的问题浑然不觉，甚至对自己的目标也不专注，她想成为一个高赡养的女人，要求大量的钱，但却没有抓住机会，在她的恩人的监护下获得社会或智力上的进步。冯·苏特纳启发了诺贝尔设立和平奖的想法，而赫斯似乎在他的一生中没有留下多少痕迹。然而，诺贝尔与这两者都有联系，这让人们得以一窥他性格中截然不同的方面，以及他想要展现的自己的形象。在这一点上，与埃德尔加德·比德曼(Edelgard Biedermann)的德文版诺贝尔与冯·苏特纳(von Suttner)的通信相比，《诺贝尔事件》(A Nobel Affair)提供了更多关于诺贝尔心理和社会困难的见解。因为当他写信给苏菲时，他在一个虚构的舞台上扮演的角色少了，阿尔弗雷德对自己的事业和健康的焦虑和偏执显得更加残缺，对自己的大项目和未来的道路不确定，经常沮丧，逐渐变得厌恶人类，在处理他认为爱人在性格和社会出身方面的缺陷时，他显然不像一个绅士和人类的恩人。渐渐地，他开始怀疑苏菲的亲戚，他们的意图和不良影响(有时是正确的)，对她轻率的社交行为不屑一顾，他起初觉得这很可爱，并在强调她缺乏写作风格、举止粗俗、贪婪和挥霍方面表现出相当的评判和严厉。然而，在他们交往的二十年里，他仍然忠于她，支付她的费用，担心她的健康和下落，尽管她生了一个男人的孩子，他劝她嫁给一个男人，希望他的父亲能照顾这个家庭。最终，他断绝了一切联系，并根据他的律师的财务安排，禁止苏菲再给他写信。
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2055902
A. Kraft
Aaron Cheak’s Rubedo Press has published a new Latin-English edition of the well-known alchemical treatise Saturnia Regna. After Hermetic Recreations (2017), The Basilian Aphorisms (2018), and The Key to the Hermetic Sanctum (2020), this is the fourth dual-language edition of alchemical texts by this publisher. The Reign of Saturn consists of four parts: the lengthy introduction (pp. 9–81), the LatinEnglish facing-page edition of the 1657 Saturnia Regna (pp. 82–222), the editors’ annotations and commentary (pp. 223–280), and a bibliography (pp. 281–300). The Saturnia Regna itself comprises the preface (Praefatio) of the original book (pp. 85–94), the “Hermetic Propositions” (Positiones Hermeticae, pp. 95–176) and the “Lydian Stone” (Lapislydius, pp. 177–200) which form the main parts of the book, and the final part of the original book, titled “practice” (Praxis). Saturnia Regna was first published in Latin in Paris 1657 as Saturnia Regna in aurea saecula conversa, which gives the English title The Reign of Saturn Transformed into an Age of Gold. Beside the initials S. M. T. F. P., no author is named; the title page only mentions a certain “philochymist” from Paris, Huginus à Barma, at whose expense the book was printed. The text was translated into German as early as 1674, and later also into French (1780) and Italian (1986). It is here available in English for the first time. The book is remarkable because in the two main parts, the “Hermetic Propositions” and the “Lydian Stone,” the text remains extremely philosophical and mystical, with no guidance for practical (al)chemical work. In contrast, the short Praxis at the end of the book provides detailed practical instructions that a chemist trained in chymistry and chymical language could implement. It is reasonable to assume that these are texts by different authors. During their meticulous research, the editors found a manuscript of Saturnia Regna in the Austrian National Library dated 1649, eight years before the text appeared in print in Paris in 1657. On the title page of this manuscript, the author is abbreviated with the initials P. F. T. M. S., and the title is given as Saturnia Regna sive Magisterium Sapientum, i.e. The Reign of Saturn, or the Magisterium of the Wise. The initials on the title page are in reverse order compared to the printed book and Huginus à Barma is not mentioned. This is no surprise if he paid for printing of the text in Paris only. But another name appears on the title page, that of “Patre Gabriele Gotifredo ordinis St. Francisi de Paula in Moravia.” The editors could not identify this person, but at that time there was a Pauline monastery in the Margraviate of Moravia in Vranov near Brno in modern-day Czech Republic. So it is reasonably assumed that the manuscript originated fromMoravia. But the main difference to the printed text is that the manuscript does not contain the Praefatio or the Praxis, but instead three other pieces of alchemical text. The editors co
亚伦·切克的鲁贝多出版社出版了著名的炼金术专著《Saturnia Regna》的新拉丁-英语版本。继《赫尔墨斯的娱乐》(2017)、《巴西莲格言》(2018)和《赫尔墨斯密室的钥匙》(2020)之后，这是该出版社出版的第四本双语炼金术教科书。《土星的统治》由四部分组成:冗长的引言(第9-81页)、1657年《土星》的拉丁-英语正面版(第82-222页)、编辑的注释和评论(第223-280页)和参考书目(第281-300页)。《Saturnia Regna》本身包括原书的序言(Praefatio)(第85-94页)、“赫尔墨斯命题”(第95-176页)和“吕底亚石”(Lapislydius，第177-200页)，它们构成了书的主要部分，以及原书的最后一部分，标题为“实践”(Praxis)。1657年，《Saturnia Regna》在巴黎首次以拉丁文出版，书名为《Saturnia Regna in aurea saecula conversa》，英文书名为《土星的统治转变为黄金时代》。在首字母S. M. T. F. P旁边，没有作者的名字;扉页只提到了一位来自巴黎的“哲学家”，Huginus Barma，他出资出版了这本书。这本书早在1674年就被翻译成德语，后来又被翻译成法语(1780年)和意大利语(1986年)。这本书是第一次用英文出版。这本书是值得注意的，因为在两个主要部分，“赫尔墨斯命题”和“吕底亚石”，文本仍然非常哲学和神秘，没有指导实际的(所有)化学工作。相比之下，在书的末尾简短的实践提供了详细的实践说明，在化学和化学语言训练的化学家可以执行。假设这些是不同作者的文本是合理的。在他们细致的研究中，编辑们在奥地利国家图书馆发现了一份1649年的Saturnia Regna手稿，比1657年在巴黎印刷的文本早了8年。在这本手稿的扉页上，作者的名字缩写为p.f.t.m.s.，书名是Saturnia Regna sive Magisterium Sapientum，即《土星的统治》，或《智者的权威》。标题页上的首字母与印刷书的顺序相反，没有提到Huginus Barma。如果他只支付了巴黎印刷费，这也就不足为奇了。但另一个名字出现在扉页上，那就是“摩拉维亚的圣弗朗西斯·德·保拉”。编辑们无法确认这个人的身份，但当时在今天的捷克共和国布尔诺附近的弗拉诺夫的摩拉维亚margravate有一个波林修道院。因此，有理由认为手稿起源于摩拉维亚。但与印刷文本的主要区别在于，手稿中没有包含《Praefatio》或《practice》，而是包含了另外三篇炼金术文本。编辑们正确地将“实践法”放在了迈克尔·森迪沃吉(Michael Sendivogius, 1566-1636)的炼金术配方中，这些配方描述了从地下提取的盐制备哲人石的方法，他们还提供了一个图表，显示了这些过程的一个子组的各个步骤(第279页)，这些步骤被描述为“operazione filosofica”。引言包括对Sendivogius的想法和这种类型的食谱的谱系的信息概述，列出了大约十个版本。其中最著名的是约翰·约阿希姆·贝歇尔(1635-1682)在1682年出版的炼金术配方集Chymischer glks - hafen(第231-240页)中出版的两个版本。编辑们认为胡吉努斯的《实践》是这种食谱最早的印刷版本，但这一荣誉被取消了
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Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2058175
R. Verwaal
(e.g. pp. 216, 335). However, Lennartson wonderfully translates a couple of reactions that Bergman represented symbolically into modern nomenclature, illustrating, aside from the symbols themselves, how nothing has changed (p. 275). While it is fashionable to be critical of modern publishing, I cannot refrain from comment about the poor, possibly non-existent, copy-editing, which is, of course, not the author’s fault. While the author is clearly very fluent in English, almost every page contains an error of some sort – e.g. “dived” for “divided,” “where” for “were” –while the phrase “Swedish biographers only priced her [Bergman’s wife] for taking good care of her husband” is opaque, though I suppose “prized” or possibly “valued” rather than “priced”might have been intended (pp. 14, 58, 191). Cumulatively, these become very distracting, and the publisher should have employed a native English speaker to read through the text to remove them. On the positive side, the publisher did allow a large number of illustrations, all in colour, including portraits, maps (very useful, though a scale would have been helpful), buildings (including floor plans), apparatus, crystals, manuscripts, book pages, etc. Generally they are clear, though the images of Bergman’s blow-pipe box (p. 326) and of the basalt formations at Billingen (p. 85) are both a bit murky. Also, there is no list of illustrations, which would have been helpful. This seems to be one of the first books to be published in a new series entitled Perspectives on the History of Chemistry, edited by Seth Rasmussen, which “aims to provide volumes that advance the historical knowledge of chemistry and its practice, while also remaining accessible to both scientists and formal historians of science. Volumes should thus be of broad interest to the greater chemical community, while still retaining a high level of historical scholarship” (front matter, n.p.). Though I am not quite sure what “formal” means here, this Plutarchian biography generally meets these criteria and one cannot really ask for more.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-30DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2052529
Letícia Dos Santos Pereira, Olival Freire Júnior, Gisela Boeck
The Baltic-German chemist Wilhelm Ostwald (1853–1932) was nominated several times for the Nobel Prize in chemistry between 1904 and 1909. Many of these nominations were based on his pedagogical works. The appreciation of Ostwald's pedagogical activity can shed light on how science pedagogy was seen in the early twentieth century and how Ostwald was considered by his contemporaries. Based on sources from the Nobel Prize archives and other documents, in this paper we discuss the views of the Nobel Prize nominators on Ostwald's pedagogical works as presented in the nomination letters and the evaluation of The Nobel Committee for Chemistry on the merits of pedagogy.
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Pub Date : 2022-03-30DOI: 10.1080/00026980.2022.2042058
B. T. Moran
Among the cross currents of social and intellectual life in the early modern era, wonder, utility, and playfulness combined to inspire curiosity and to give value to novel alchemical procedures and chemical remedies. One of the most skilful alchemical and medical performers, who brought theatrical techniques to bear upon an economy of alchemical secrets and magic, was the self-trained Paracelsian physician, mining expert, and alchemical adept, Leonhard Thurneisser zum Thurn (1531–1596). In creatively designed and illustrated books produced for a luxury market, he constructed, in words and images, theatres of procedure, instrumentation, and chemical curiosity based in traditions of Renaissance magic and Paracelsian natural philosophy. Thurneisser's books combined strategies of spectacle and performance within the context of chemical analysis, and in one text especially brought the dramatic technique of “making strange” to bear upon promoting alchemical procedures for purposes of exposing the hidden powers within plants. In staging analytical spectacles involving measurement, instrumentation, and distillation as part of the analysis of minerals, waters, and plants, Thurneisser brought together laboratory-based procedures and theoretically grounded performances within the alchemical marketplace and engaged the agency of readers in establishing the credibility of the philosophy of nature that underscored the products he produced and sold.
在近代早期社会和智力生活的交叉潮流中，惊奇、实用和好玩结合在一起激发了人们的好奇心，并赋予了新的炼金术和化学疗法的价值。最熟练的炼金术和医学表演者之一是自学成才的帕拉塞尔斯医生、采矿专家和炼金术专家莱昂哈德·图恩(Leonhard Thurneisser zum Thurn, 1531-1596)，他把戏剧技巧运用到炼金术的秘密和魔法经济中。在为奢侈品市场制作的具有创造性设计和插图的书籍中，他用文字和图像构建了基于文艺复兴时期魔法和帕拉塞尔自然哲学传统的程序、仪器和化学好奇心。Thurneisser的书在化学分析的背景下结合了奇观和表演的策略，并在一篇文章中特别引入了“制造奇怪”的戏剧技术，以促进炼金术的过程，目的是揭露植物隐藏的力量。在将测量、仪器和蒸馏作为矿物、水和植物分析的一部分进行分析的过程中，Thurneisser将基于实验室的程序和炼金术市场中理论基础的表现结合起来，并与读者合作建立自然哲学的可信度，强调了他生产和销售的产品。
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