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Darwin's "Dark Matter" and the History of Biology: An Editorial Introduction. 达尔文的 "暗物质 "与生物学史:编辑导言》。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-12-01 Epub Date: 2024-11-25 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09799-z
Vassiliki Betty Smocovitis
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引用次数: 0
James T. Costa, Radical by Nature: The Revolutionary Life of Alfred Russel Wallace, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023, ISBN: 9780691233796, 515 pp. 詹姆斯·t·科斯塔,《天生激进:阿尔弗雷德·拉塞尔·华莱士的革命生活》,普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023年,ISBN: 9780691233796, 515页。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09794-4
Martin Fichman
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引用次数: 0
Marianne Sommer, The Diagrammatics of 'Race:' Visualizing Human Relatedness in the History of Physical, Evolutionary, and Genetic Anthropology, ca. 1770-2020, Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024, ISBN: 9781805112655. 玛丽安·索默,《种族的图解:在身体、进化和遗传人类学的历史上可视化人类关系》,约1770-2020,剑桥,英国:开放图书出版社,2024,ISBN: 9781805112655。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09798-0
Jonathan Marks
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引用次数: 0
Neal A. Knapp, Making Machines of Animals: The International Livestock Exposition, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2023, ISBN: 9781421446554, 216 pp. Neal A. Knapp,《动物机器制造:国际畜牧博览会》,巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社,2023,ISBN: 9781421446554, 216页。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09797-1
Abraham Gibson
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引用次数: 0
Lee B. Kass, From Chromosomes to Mobile Genetic Elements: The Life and Work of Nobel Laureate Barbara McClintock, Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2024, ISBN: 9781032365329, 265 pp. 李B.卡斯,从染色体到移动遗传元素:诺贝尔奖获得者芭芭拉麦克林托克的生活和工作,博卡拉顿:CRC出版社,2024,ISBN: 9781032365329, 265页。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09796-2
Kim Kleinman
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引用次数: 0
Hey Hey We’re the Monkeys! An Essay Review of Gowan Dawson’s Monkey to Man 嘿嘿,我们是猴子!Gowan Dawson 的《从猴子到人》论文评论
IF 0.8 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-06 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09786-4
Greg Priest
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引用次数: 0
Recapitulation, Heredity, and Freud's View of Human Nature. 复述、遗传和弗洛伊德的人性观。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-01 Epub Date: 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09784-6
Jonah Branding

There's something strange about Freud's Civilization and its Discontents (1930). Biologically, Freud was a Neo-Lamarckian, who believed in both the modification of organisms through need and the inheritance of acquired characteristics. However, in Civilization, Freud argued that because human nature is immutable, society has dim odds of improving substantially. Lamarckians, of course, rejected that any species-nature is immutable, as species can always be transformed via the inheritance of acquired characteristics. In fact, many of Freud's Viennese contemporaries-such as Wilhelm Reich, Julius Tandler, and Paul Kammerer-took their Lamarckism to license precisely the sorts of radical social projects Freud deemed impossible. Thus the Freud of Civilization helped himself to a rigid view of human nature which, given his associated biological views, he seemingly ought to have rejected. In this paper, I explain this apparent inconsistency, and suggest Freud resolved it in the following way: Freud was not merely a Lamarckian, but also a strong and peculiar kind of recapitulationist, who believed stages of psychological development both recapitulate phylogeny, and "remain with us" throughout both individual lives and future species-history. I suggest Freud's recapitulationism supposed a certain inertia: what occurred in phylogenetic history cannot un-occur, and therefore there are aspects of our nature which we cannot un-acquire. In this way, Freud reached a rigid conception of human nature despite his Lamarckism.

弗洛伊德的《文明及其不满》(1930 年)有些奇怪。从生物学角度看,弗洛伊德是新拉马克主义者,他既相信生物会因需要而改变,也相信后天特征的遗传。然而,在《文明》一书中,弗洛伊德认为,由于人性是不可改变的,因此社会大幅改善的可能性微乎其微。当然,拉马克主义者否认任何物种的本性是一成不变的,因为物种总是可以通过后天特征的遗传而改变。事实上,许多与弗洛伊德同时代的维也纳人,如威廉-赖希(Wilhelm Reich)、朱利叶斯-坦德勒(Julius Tandler)和保罗-卡默勒(Paul Kammerer),正是利用他们的拉马克主义来支持弗洛伊德认为不可能实现的激进社会项目。因此,"文明的弗洛伊德 "帮助自己形成了一种僵化的人性观,而根据他的相关生物学观点,他似乎本应摒弃这种人性观。在本文中,我将解释这种明显的不一致,并建议弗洛伊德通过以下方式解决这一问题:弗洛伊德不仅是拉马克主义者,还是一个强烈而独特的重现论者,他认为心理发展的各个阶段都重现了系统发育,并在个体生命和未来的物种历史中 "与我们同在"。我认为弗洛伊德的再现论假定了某种惯性:在系统发育历史中发生的事情不可能不发生,因此我们的本性中也有我们无法不获得的方面。这样,尽管弗洛伊德奉行拉马克主义,但他对人类本性的认识是僵化的。
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引用次数: 0
How Phenograms and Cladograms Became Molecular Phylogenetic Trees. 表型图和支系图是如何成为分子系统树的
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-01 Epub Date: 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09782-8
Nina Kranke

Tree diagrams are the prevailing form of visualization in biological classification and phylogenetics. Already during the time of the so-called Systematist Wars from the mid-1960s until the 1980s most journal articles and textbooks published by systematists contained tree diagrams. Although this episode of systematics is well studied by historians and philosophers of biology, most analyses prioritize scientific theories over practices and tend to emphasize conflicting theoretical assumptions. In this article, I offer an alternative perspective by viewing the conflict through the lens of representational practices with a case study on tree diagrams that were used by numerical taxonomists (phenograms) and cladists (cladograms). I argue that the current state of molecular phylogenetics should not be interpreted as the result of a competition of views within systematics. Instead, molecular phylogenetics arose independently of systematics and elements of cladistics and phenetics were integrated into the framework of molecular phylogenetics, facilitated by the compatibility of phenetic and cladistic practices with the quantitative approach of molecular phylogenetics. My study suggests that this episode of scientific change is more complex than common narratives of battles and winners or conflicts and compromises. Today, cladograms are still used and interpreted as specific types of molecular phylogenetic trees. While phenograms and cladograms represented different forms of knowledge during the time of the Systematist Wars, today they are both used to represent evolutionary relationships. This indicates that diagrams are versatile elements of scientific practice that can change their meaning, depending on the context of use within theoretical frameworks.

树状图是生物分类学和系统发生学中最常用的可视化形式。从 20 世纪 60 年代中期到 80 年代的所谓 "系统学战争 "期间,系统学家出版的大多数期刊文章和教科书都包含树图。尽管生物学历史学家和哲学家对系统学的这一插曲进行了深入研究,但大多数分析都将科学理论置于实践之上,并倾向于强调相互冲突的理论假设。在本文中,我提供了另一种视角,通过对数字分类学家(表图)和支系学家(支系图)使用的树图进行案例研究,从表征实践的角度来看待这一冲突。我认为,分子系统发生学的现状不应被解释为系统学内部观点竞争的结果。相反,分子系统发育学是独立于系统学而产生的,支系学和表型学的要素被整合到分子系统发育学的框架中,表型学和支系学的实践与分子系统发育学的定量方法相兼容,从而促进了分子系统发育学的发展。我的研究表明,这一科学变革的插曲要比常见的战斗和胜利者或冲突和妥协的叙述更为复杂。今天,支系图仍被作为特定类型的分子系统发生树来使用和解释。虽然表型图和支系图在系统论战争时期代表了不同形式的知识,但今天它们都被用来表示进化关系。这表明,图表是科学实践中的多用途元素,可以根据理论框架内的使用环境改变其含义。
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引用次数: 0
"The Logic of Monsters:" Pere Alberch and the Evolutionary Significance of Experimental Teratology. "怪物的逻辑:"佩雷-阿尔贝奇和实验畸胎学的进化意义。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-01 Epub Date: 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09783-7
Juanma Sánchez Arteaga

This paper offers an historical introduction to Pere Alberch's evolutionary thought and his contributions to Evo-Devo, based on his unique approach to experimental teratology. We will take as our point of reference the teratogenic experiments developed by Alberch and Emily A. Gale during the 1980s, aimed at producing monstrous variants of frogs and salamanders. We will analyze his interpretation of the results of these experiments within the framework of the emergence of evolutionary developmental biology (or "Evo-Devo"). The aim is understand how Alberch interpreted teratological anomalies as highly revealing objects of study for understanding the development of organic form, not only in an ontogenetic sense-throughout embryonic development-but also phylogenetically-throughout the evolution of species. Alberch's interpretation of monsters reflects the influence of a long tradition of non-Darwinian evolutionary thought, which began in the nineteenth century and was continued in the twentieth century by people such as Richard Goldschmidt, Conrad H. Waddington, and Stephen Jay Gould. They all proposed various non-gradualist models of evolution, in which embryonic development played a central role. Following this tradition, Alberch argued that, in order to attain a correct understanding of the role of embryological development in evolution, it was necessary to renounce the gradualist paradigm associated with the Darwinian interpretation of evolution, which understood nature as a continuum. According to Alberch, the study of monstrous abnormalities was of great value in understanding how certain epigenetic restrictions in development could give rise to discontinuities and directionality in morphological transformations throughout evolution.

本文基于佩雷-阿尔贝奇独特的实验致畸学方法,从历史角度介绍了他的进化思想及其对进化论的贡献。我们将以阿尔伯奇和艾米莉-A-盖尔(Emily A. Gale)在 20 世纪 80 年代开发的致畸实验为参照,旨在制造青蛙和蝾螈的畸形变种。我们将在进化发育生物学(或称 "Evo-Devo")兴起的框架内分析他对这些实验结果的解释。我们的目的是要了解阿尔伯奇是如何将畸形异常解释为极具启发性的研究对象,从而理解有机体的发展,不仅是在本体论意义上--整个胚胎发育过程中,而且是在系统论意义上--整个物种进化过程中。阿尔伯奇对怪兽的解释反映了非达尔文进化论思想悠久传统的影响,这一传统始于 19 世纪,在 20 世纪由理查德-戈德施密特、康拉德-H-瓦丁顿和斯蒂芬-杰-古尔德等人延续了下来。他们都提出了各种非渐进主义的进化模式,其中胚胎发育起着核心作用。秉承这一传统,阿尔伯奇认为,为了正确理解胚胎发育在进化中的作用,有必要放弃与达尔文进化论相关的渐进主义范式,因为达尔文进化论将自然界理解为一个连续体。阿尔伯奇认为,畸形异常的研究对于理解发育过程中的某些表观遗传限制如何导致整个进化过程中形态转变的不连续性和方向性具有重要价值。
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引用次数: 0
The Study of Geographical Distribution in the Analysis of Domestication as an Evolutionary Process: Tensions in Alphonse de Candolle's Approach. 在分析作为进化过程的驯化时研究地理分布:阿尔方斯-德-坎多勒方法中的矛盾。
IF 0.7 1区 哲学 Q4 BIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-01 Epub Date: 2024-09-23 DOI: 10.1007/s10739-024-09785-5
Miriam Álvarez-Tostado, Alfredo Bueno-Hernández, Ana Barahona, Fabiola Juárez-Barrera

Interest in the study of domesticated plants increased near the end of the 18th century, mainly because of their economic potential. In the 19th century, there was a new focus on the historical understanding of species, their origin, changes in their distribution, and their evolutionary history. Charles Darwin developed an extended interpretation of species domestication, considering variations, reproduction, inheritance, and modification as standard processes between wild and domesticated organisms. In this context, one relatively neglected aspect was the geographical distribution of domesticated species. Alphonse de Candolle addressed and developed in detail the question of the geographical origin of cultivated plants. Since 1836 Alphonse de Candolle had been studying the topic and obtained evidence that contributed to understanding aspects such as the center of origin, dispersion, competition, selection, and time of domestication. Although Darwin himself admitted that Géographie botanique raisonnée (de Candolle, Alphonse,de. Géographie botanique raisonnée; ou, exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l'epoque actuelle, 2ème tome. Paris: Masson.) was of great help to him in the development of his evolutionary theory, the importance of de Candolle's contribution is seldom recognized. Our purpose is to detail the dialogue between Alphonse de Candolle and Darwin on the geography of domesticated plants, to understand some of the most critical discussions that contributed to the reinterpretation of domestication under the Darwinian proposal of modified descent.

18 世纪末,人们对驯化植物研究的兴趣日益浓厚,这主要是因为它们具有经济潜力。19 世纪,人们开始关注对物种、物种起源、物种分布变化和物种进化史的历史理解。查尔斯-达尔文(Charles Darwin)对物种驯化进行了扩展解释,认为变异、繁殖、遗传和改造是野生生物和驯化生物之间的标准过程。在这一背景下,一个相对被忽视的方面是驯化物种的地理分布。阿尔方斯-德-康多勒(Alphonse de Candolle)详细探讨并发展了栽培植物的地理起源问题。自 1836 年以来,阿尔方斯-德-坎多勒一直在研究这一课题,并获得了有助于了解起源中心、散布、竞争、选择和驯化时间等方面的证据。尽管达尔文本人承认,《植物志》(de Candolle, Alphonse,de.Géographie botanique raisonnée; ou, exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l'epoque actuelle, 2ème tome.Paris:Masson.)对他进化理论的发展有很大帮助,但人们很少认识到 de Candolle 贡献的重要性。我们的目的是详细介绍阿尔方斯-德-坎多勒与达尔文之间关于驯化植物地理学的对话,以了解一些最关键的讨论,这些讨论有助于根据达尔文的改良血统建议重新解释驯化。
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Journal of the History of Biology
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