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Polarizing Feedback Loops on Twitter: Congressional Tweets during the 2022 Midterm Elections 推特上两极分化的反馈回路:2022 年中期选举期间的国会推文
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231241228924
Patrick Rafail, Whitney E. O’Connell, Emma Sager
Political polarization has proliferated online. Scholars have identified multiple types of polarizing speech, which elicit stronger public reactions on social media platforms. Little research has focused on how social media platforms might hasten growing partisanship among both elites and the public. The authors examine these dynamics using a sample of 134,442 tweets posted by 527 members of Congress in the period surrounding the 2022 midterm elections. Our findings confirm that all types of polarization increase engagement, but party affiliation plays an important role in the process. Polarizing rhetoric from Republicans generally elicits a stronger reaction relative to that from Democrats. The exception is an increase in retweets of issue-based polarization when posted by Democrats. The authors conclude that all politicians are incentivized to adopt a polarizing presence on social media to raise their profiles. The diffusion of polarization may be shaped by partisanship, with the different parties amplifying different types of content.
政治极化在网络上激增。学者们发现了多种类型的极化言论,这些言论在社交媒体平台上引起了公众的强烈反应。很少有研究关注社交媒体平台如何加速精英和公众之间日益增长的党派之争。作者使用 527 名国会议员在 2022 年中期选举期间发布的 134,442 条推文作为样本,对这些动态进行了研究。我们的研究结果证实,所有类型的两极分化都会提高参与度,但党派在这一过程中扮演着重要角色。相对于民主党人,共和党人的两极分化言论一般会引起更强烈的反应。例外情况是,当民主党人发布基于议题的极化言论时,转发量会增加。作者的结论是,所有政治家都有动力在社交媒体上采取极化的表现形式,以提高自己的形象。两极分化的扩散可能受党派影响,不同党派会放大不同类型的内容。
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引用次数: 0
Trends of the Delay and Variance of Childbirth Timing by Completed Number of Children 按已生育子女数分列的生育时间推迟趋势和差异
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231241238142
Ryohei Mogi, Shohei Yoda
The timing of childbirth has undergone significant changes in the past decades. However, it may not be feasible for individuals with many children to further delay the timing of each childbirth given the biological constraints on fecundability and social age deadline for childbirth. Thus, the delay in having children and the increasing heterogeneity in its timing may present different trends when analyzed retrospectively by completed number of children. This study investigates the age at childbirth by birth order among women age 40+ in 17 European countries and Canada based on the number of children they have. Our findings show that individuals having more children tend to have each child at earlier ages, with less variation in timing, compared to the counterparts with fewer children. This suggests that changes in the timing of childbirth are more pronounced among individuals having fewer children and less so among those with having more children.
过去几十年来,生育时间发生了重大变化。然而,考虑到生育能力的生理限制和社会生育年龄的最后期限,对于多子女的个人来说,进一步推迟每次生育的时间可能并不可行。因此,如果按已生育子女数进行回顾性分析,生育子女时间的推迟和生育子女时间的日益异质性可能会呈现出不同的趋势。本研究调查了 17 个欧洲国家和加拿大 40 岁以上女性根据生育子女数按生育顺序排列的生育年龄。我们的研究结果表明,与子女较少的妇女相比,子女较多的妇女生育每个子女的年龄往往较早,生育时间的变化也较小。这表明,生育时间的变化在子女较少的人中更为明显,而在子女较多的人中则不那么明显。
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引用次数: 0
Political Polarization and the Dynamics between Actual Income and Perceived Income Inequality in the United States, 1987 to 2021 1987 年至 2021 年美国的政治两极化以及实际收入与感知收入不平等之间的动态关系
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231225580
Cary Wu, Kriti Sharma, Edward Haddon, Francesco Duina
The rich often perceive lower levels of inequality than the poor. In recent decades, however, notions regarding the equality or inequality of our society have progressively taken on a more political nature. Consequently, people’s perceptions of income inequality may be less associated with their actual income status and more with their political ideology. The authors visualize this “political turn” using data from the U.S. General Social Survey (1987–2021). The analysis shows that historically actual income and perceived inequality had an inverse relationship, independent of political alignment. Yet since 2000, this has changed: whereas Republicans show a deepening inverse correlation after some attenuation in prior years, Democrats reverse it. With this said, we see an increase in overall concern about inequality among those who identify strongly with either Democratic or Republican ideologies, but importantly the biggest increase is among those in the Democratic group. This invites reflections on the nature of the “political turn.”
富人通常认为不平等程度低于穷人。然而,近几十年来,有关社会平等或不平等的观念逐渐带有更多的政治色彩。因此,人们对收入不平等的看法可能与其实际收入状况的关联度较低,而与其政治意识形态的关联度较高。作者利用美国综合社会调查(1987-2021 年)的数据对这种 "政治转向 "进行了直观分析。分析表明,从历史上看,实际收入与感知的不平等呈反比关系,与政治倾向无关。然而,自 2000 年以来,这种情况发生了变化:共和党人的反向关系在前些年有所减弱后有所加深,而民主党人的反向关系则有所逆转。尽管如此,我们发现,在强烈认同民主党或共和党意识形态的人群中,对不平等的总体关注度有所上升,但重要的是,民主党人群中的上升幅度最大。这引出了对 "政治转向 "性质的思考。
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引用次数: 0
Changes in Americans’ Views on Who Should Provide and Pay for Assistance to Older Adults with Activity Limitations, 2012 to 2022 2012 年至 2022 年美国人对由谁为活动受限老年人提供援助和支付援助费用的看法的变化
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231225574
Sarah E. Patterson, Adriana M. Reyes
An aging U.S. population means more older adults in need of care over time. Although government programs that supply financial support for older adults receive high levels of backing, social norms dictate that when it comes to care, families should be held responsible. Although families do provide most of the care older adults receive, it can often be in balance with more formal provisions such as paid care. However, there is a divide between what older people themselves feel is best compared with other groups. The authors ask, What are American attitudes toward the provision of elder care and payment for such care, how have these attitudes changed in the past decade, and are there differences by age? The authors use cross-sectional data from the 2012 and 2022 General Social Survey and find that younger adults were more likely to support government provision and payment for elder care over time.
美国人口老龄化意味着随着时间的推移,需要护理的老年人会越来越多。虽然为老年人提供经济支持的政府计划得到了高度支持,但社会规范规定,在护理方面,家庭应承担责任。尽管家庭确实为老年人提供了大部分护理服务,但这往往与有偿护理等更为正式的服务相平衡。然而,与其他群体相比,老年人自己认为最好的护理方式之间存在分歧。作者问:美国人对提供老年人护理和支付此类护理费用的态度如何,这些态度在过去十年中发生了怎样的变化,是否存在年龄差异?作者使用了 2012 年和 2022 年一般社会调查的横截面数据,发现随着时间的推移,年轻的成年人更有可能支持由政府提供和支付老年人护理费用。
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引用次数: 0
Diversity and Dynamics in Care Networks of Older Americans 美国老年人护理网络的多样性和动态性
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231223906
Zhiyong Lin
Despite growing interest in exploring caregiving alternatives beyond traditional models, limited research has focused on the diverse care networks that provide assistance to older adults. The aim of this study is to illuminate the complexity of older adults’ care networks by developing a typology that considers care from various sources. Using latent class analysis on longitudinal data from the National Health and Aging Trends Study, the authors identify five distinct care network types: spousal care, care exclusively from children, care from both children and other sources, self-care with assistive technology, and care exclusively from nonfamily sources. Further analysis, including multinomial logistic regression and latent transition analysis, reveals that when a spouse is available, older adults, particularly older men, are more likely to rely on spousal care. However, in cases in which spouses and/or children are unavailable, older adults are inclined to turn to diverse care networks involving nontraditional caregivers or resort to self-care using assistive technologies. Additionally, declining health conditions are associated with a higher likelihood of receiving care from more varied care networks. This underscores the evolving nature of care arrangements in response to changing family structures and health needs.
尽管人们对探索传统模式之外的其他护理方式越来越感兴趣,但对为老年人提供帮助的各种护理网络的研究却很有限。本研究的目的是通过对不同来源的护理进行分类,揭示老年人护理网络的复杂性。通过对 "全国健康与老龄化趋势研究 "的纵向数据进行潜类分析,作者确定了五种不同的照护网络类型:配偶照护、完全来自子女的照护、来自子女和其他来源的照护、使用辅助技术的自我照护以及完全来自非家庭来源的照护。包括多项式逻辑回归和潜在转变分析在内的进一步分析表明,当配偶有空时,老年人,尤其是老年男性,更有可能依赖配偶的照顾。然而,在配偶和/或子女不在身边的情况下,老年人则倾向于求助于非传统护理人员参与的多样化护理网络,或利用辅助技术进行自我护理。此外,健康状况下降也与更有可能从更多样化的护理网络中获得护理有关。这凸显了护理安排随着家庭结构和健康需求的变化而不断发展的性质。
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引用次数: 0
Studying Travel Networks Using Establishment Covisit Networks in Online Review Data 利用在线评论数据中的机构ovisit网络研究旅行网络
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231241228917
Balázs Kovács
Whenever someone posts an online review of a restaurant, museum, or barbershop, they also leave a trace of where they traveled. The author visualizes travel patterns in 11 North American metropolitan areas using geolocated review data. The data are based on approximately 7 million online Yelp.com reviews posted by 2 million reviewers between 2005 and 2020. First, the author demonstrates how individual travel patterns can be mapped using the review data and discusses the potential applications of such individual-level data. The author then turns to aggregate-level maps, creating establishment covisit networks in which two establishments are linked if multiple reviewers visit both. Maps of establishment covisits reveal various intriguing patterns related to consumption and geography, such as the connections between neighborhoods and the centralization and segregation within a metropolitan area. Establishment covisit maps can also inform researchers about the diffusion of ideas and practices, trends in crime, and gentrification.
每当有人在网上发表对餐馆、博物馆或理发店的评论时,他们也会留下旅行地点的痕迹。作者利用地理定位的评论数据对北美 11 个大都市地区的旅行模式进行了可视化分析。这些数据基于 200 万评论者在 2005 年至 2020 年间发布的约 700 万条 Yelp.com 在线评论。首先,作者演示了如何利用评论数据绘制个人旅行模式图,并讨论了此类个人层面数据的潜在应用。然后,作者转向总体层面的地图,创建了机构共访网络,其中如果有多个评论者访问了两个机构,这两个机构就会被联系起来。机构共访地图揭示了与消费和地理相关的各种有趣模式,如邻里之间的联系以及大都市地区内的集中和隔离。机构共访地图还能让研究人员了解思想和实践的传播、犯罪趋势以及绅士化。
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引用次数: 0
“They Need to Go in There”: Criminalized Subjectivity among Formerly Incarcerated Black Men "他们需要进去":曾被监禁的黑人男子的犯罪主观性
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231224630
Lucius Couloute
Black people are overrepresented in the American criminal justice system, yet policy-based criminal justice research has historically ignored the perspectives of criminalized Black people. Using interviews with 27 formerly incarcerated Black men, the author helps address this issue by exploring how carceral experiences produce “criminalized subjectivities.” In particular, when explicitly asked about what they would say to powerful state officials about their contact with the criminal justice system, the Black men in this study described a range of practices and policies they viewed as unfair and contradictory. Interviewees discussed: unequal judicial processes, inhumane prison conditions, postimprisonment barriers to reintegration, and the rigged nature of racialized mass criminalization. The author argues that, taken together, their responses constitute a critical perspective urging structural (rather than individual-level) change, rooted in experiences with invisibilization and criminalization.
黑人在美国刑事司法系统中所占比例过高,但基于政策的刑事司法研究历来忽视被定罪黑人的观点。作者通过对 27 名曾被监禁的黑人男子进行访谈,探讨了监禁经历如何产生 "犯罪化的主体性",从而有助于解决这一问题。特别是,当被明确问及他们会就自己与刑事司法系统的接触向有权有势的国家官员说些什么时,本研究中的黑人男子描述了一系列他们认为不公平且自相矛盾的做法和政策。受访者讨论了:不平等的司法程序、不人道的监狱条件、入狱后重新融入社会的障碍,以及种族化大规模定罪的操纵性。作者认为,综合来看,他们的回答构成了一种批判性视角,敦促进行结构性(而非个人层面)变革,这种变革植根于无形化和犯罪化的经历中。
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引用次数: 0
We Got Our Guy!: Populist Attitudes after Populists Gain Power 我们得到了我们的人民粹主义者掌权后的态度
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231241234638
Yuchen Luo
Research on populist attitudes and populist leaders’ narratives has largely overlooked what happens to populist attitudes after a populist is elected, especially among the populist’s supporters. Existing literature points to two possible directions of change. On one hand, if populist attitudes stem from a perceived lack of representation, then we would expect people’s populist attitudes to decrease once their preferred candidate is in power. On the other hand, scholars have observed that populist politicians in power continue to deploy populist rhetoric, suggesting that their supporters’ populist attitudes should stay constant or even increase. In this project, the author focuses on Donald Trump and his supporters to explore this mechanism. Drawing on a national survey conducted around the 2016 and 2020 elections, the author shows that Trump’s supporters saw a significant decrease in populist attitudes after he came into power compared with both other American voters and other Republicans. The author also demonstrates that this decrease in populist attitudes is associated with changes in the level of “feeling represented.” On the basis of these findings, the author argues that populist attitudes are driven by feelings of lack of representation over other mechanisms.
有关民粹主义态度和民粹主义领导人言论的研究在很大程度上忽视了民粹主义者当选后的态度变化,尤其是民粹主义者的支持者。现有文献指出了两种可能的变化方向。一方面,如果民粹主义态度源于对缺乏代表性的感知,那么我们就会预期,一旦他们心目中的候选人上台执政,人们的民粹主义态度就会下降。另一方面,学者们观察到,民粹主义政治家执政后会继续使用民粹主义言论,这表明他们的支持者的民粹主义态度应该保持不变,甚至有所上升。在本项目中,作者以唐纳德-特朗普及其支持者为研究对象,探讨了这一机制。作者利用 2016 年和 2020 年大选前后进行的一项全国性调查,表明与其他美国选民和其他共和党人相比,特朗普上台后其支持者的民粹主义态度明显下降。作者还证明,民粹主义态度的下降与 "被代表感 "水平的变化有关。根据这些研究结果,作者认为民粹主义态度的驱动力是缺乏代表性的感觉,而不是其他机制。
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引用次数: 0
Visualizing Concentrations of Couples and Same-Sex Couples across U.S. Counties 可视化美国各县夫妻和同性夫妻的集中情况
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231222772
Francesca A. Marino, K. Westrick-Payne, Wendy D. Manning, Susan L. Brown
The 2020 decennial census provides a unique opportunity to directly count same-sex couples using a revised household roster, and its recently released Demographic and Housing Characteristics File offers county-level data on the concentration of same-sex couples. As county-level data can unveil more nuanced geographic patterns than state-level data, the authors examine within-state variation using two maps of county-level quartiles to compare the percentages of individuals in unions among the population and same-sex unions among all unions. The findings reveal that concentrations of same-sex couples are not necessarily driven by the percentages of individuals in unions. These patterns suggest that the social location of same-sex couples is not determined solely by the area’s couple configuration but by other factors. To help illuminate these factors, future research should explore whether the counties with high shares of couples but low shares of same-sex couples are also areas where inclusivity tends to be lagging.
2020 年十年一次的人口普查提供了一个利用修订后的家庭名册直接统计同性伴侣人数的独特机会,其最近发布的人口和住房特征档案提供了有关同性伴侣集中程度的县级数据。与州一级的数据相比,县一级的数据可以揭示更细微的地理模式,因此作者使用两张县一级四分位数地图来比较人口中结合的个人百分比和所有结合中同性伴侣的百分比,从而研究了州内的差异。研究结果表明,同性伴侣的集中并不一定受个人结合比例的影响。这些模式表明,同性伴侣的社会位置并不完全由该地区的伴侣结构决定,还受到其他因素的影响。为了帮助阐明这些因素,未来的研究应该探索那些夫妻比例高但同性夫妻比例低的县是否也是包容性趋于滞后的地区。
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引用次数: 0
The Intersections among Race, Religion, and Science in Explaining Mental Health Conditions 解释心理健康问题时种族、宗教和科学之间的交集
Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1177/23780231231225543
Daniel Bolger, Andrea K. Henderson, Bianca Mabute-Louie, Elaine Howard Ecklund
Racial minority groups in the United States often seek out religious support for mental health struggles. Yet past studies have often overlooked religion as a key explanatory factor shaping racial-ethnic differences in perceptions of mental health conditions such as depression and anxiety. The authors examine whether views of the relationship between religion and science shape agreement with different explanations for mental health conditions. Drawing on a national probability survey collected in 2021 ( n = 3,390), the authors find that individuals who draw boundaries between religion and science had higher odds of rejecting biological and social explanations of mental health conditions, whereas individuals who see religion and science as collaborative had higher odds of affirming biological and social explanations. Belief that we trust science too much (and religion not enough) helped explain Black respondents’ support for religious explanations. The findings underscore the importance of beliefs about religion and science in understanding racial-ethnic differences in views of mental health.
美国的少数种族群体在心理健康方面遇到困难时往往会寻求宗教支持。然而,以往的研究往往忽视了宗教这一关键的解释因素,它影响了种族-民族在抑郁和焦虑等心理健康问题上的认知差异。作者研究了对宗教与科学之间关系的看法是否会影响人们对精神健康状况不同解释的认同。根据 2021 年收集的一项全国概率调查(n = 3,390 人),作者发现,在宗教和科学之间划清界限的人拒绝接受对精神健康状况的生物和社会解释的几率更高,而认为宗教和科学是合作关系的人肯定生物和社会解释的几率更高。认为我们过于信任科学(而宗教信仰不够)有助于解释为什么黑人受访者支持宗教解释。这些发现强调了宗教和科学信仰在理解种族-民族心理健康观点差异方面的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World
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