{"title":"AAPOR Award for Exceptionally Distinguished Achievement","authors":"R. Y. Shapiro","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac037","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49381319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Steven W. Webster. American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics.","authors":"Kyle Mattes","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44761720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Emily Van Duyn. Democracy Lives in Darkness: How and Why People Keep their Politics a Secret.","authors":"Katherine J. Cramer","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac029","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42989143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
That voters punish the incumbent president in bad times, and reward them in good times, has become a stylized fact of elections. Despite COVID-19 representing an unprecedented catastrophe, Trump’s approval ratings, unlike other world leaders, remained stable throughout 2020. To explore this puzzle, we surveyed the same Americans twice before the 2020 election—a period when COVID cases spiked. Instead of finding that the crisis’s severity affected Trump’s approval, we find the reverse—perception of the crisis depended on one’s prior political predispositions. People who already supported Trump were more likely to underestimate COVID fatalities and case rates, and less likely to perceive the crisis as worsening over time (daily infections doubled between interviews). Those who perceived the crisis to worsen, but continued to support Trump, expressed unwillingness to blame the president. A public so polarized that it fails to acknowledge disaster, or attribute blame, cannot hold its government accountable.
{"title":"Political Accountability and Selective Perception in the Time of COVID","authors":"Sean Freeder, Neil A. O’BRIAN","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 That voters punish the incumbent president in bad times, and reward them in good times, has become a stylized fact of elections. Despite COVID-19 representing an unprecedented catastrophe, Trump’s approval ratings, unlike other world leaders, remained stable throughout 2020. To explore this puzzle, we surveyed the same Americans twice before the 2020 election—a period when COVID cases spiked. Instead of finding that the crisis’s severity affected Trump’s approval, we find the reverse—perception of the crisis depended on one’s prior political predispositions. People who already supported Trump were more likely to underestimate COVID fatalities and case rates, and less likely to perceive the crisis as worsening over time (daily infections doubled between interviews). Those who perceived the crisis to worsen, but continued to support Trump, expressed unwillingness to blame the president. A public so polarized that it fails to acknowledge disaster, or attribute blame, cannot hold its government accountable.","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44587594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"David E. Campbell, Geoffrey C. Layman, and John C. Green. Secular Surge: A New Fault Line in American Politics","authors":"R. Burge","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac028","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49567537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-12eCollection Date: 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac026
Faradj Koliev, Douglas Page, Jonas Tallberg
Do international shaming efforts affect citizens' support for government policies? While it is a frequent claim in the literature that shaming works through domestic politics, we know little about how and when international criticism affects domestic public opinion. We address this question through an originally designed survey experiment in Sweden, which (i) compares the effects of international shaming in two issue areas-human rights and climate change, and (ii) tests whether government responses to criticism moderate the impact of shaming. Our main findings are fourfold. First, we find substantial effects of international shaming on domestic public opinion. These effects hold across both issue areas and irrespective of whether citizens support government parties or not. Second, human rights shaming has a stronger impact on citizens' support for government policies than climate shaming. Third, shaming is most effective among citizens who are more supportive of climate action, human rights, and international cooperation. Finally, our findings are mixed with respect to the effect of government responses. While government responses do not moderate the effects of human rights shaming, they seem to mitigate the effects of climate shaming.
{"title":"The Domestic Impact of International Shaming: Evidence from Climate Change and Human Rights.","authors":"Faradj Koliev, Douglas Page, Jonas Tallberg","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac026","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Do international shaming efforts affect citizens' support for government policies? While it is a frequent claim in the literature that shaming works through domestic politics, we know little about how and when international criticism affects domestic public opinion. We address this question through an originally designed survey experiment in Sweden, which (i) compares the effects of international shaming in two issue areas-human rights and climate change, and (ii) tests whether government responses to criticism moderate the impact of shaming. Our main findings are fourfold. First, we find substantial effects of international shaming on domestic public opinion. These effects hold across both issue areas and irrespective of whether citizens support government parties or not. Second, human rights shaming has a stronger impact on citizens' support for government policies than climate shaming. Third, shaming is most effective among citizens who are more supportive of climate action, human rights, and international cooperation. Finally, our findings are mixed with respect to the effect of government responses. While government responses do not moderate the effects of human rights shaming, they seem to mitigate the effects of climate shaming.</p>","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":"86 3","pages":"748-761"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://ftp.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pub/pmc/oa_pdf/52/46/nfac026.PMC9521198.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"33488615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Environment rather than personal inclination of editors determines the editorial treatment of lynchings, according to the results of a survey, begun in I 930, of editorials on lynchings in every one of thirteen Southern states. Mrs. Ames, who organized the Texas League of Women Voters, serving as its President for four years, has been Vice-Chairman of the Texas Commission on Interracial Cooperation and General Field Secretary of the Southern Commission on Interracial Cooperation. She is also Executive Director of the Central Council of the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching, with offices at Atlanta. The efforts of the Council are directed toward the development and promotion of educational programs against lynching and toward the repudiation of the claim that lynching is necessary to the protection of white women. During the last five years Mrs. Ames has personally visited the scenes of more than twenty lynchings, interviewing the people, including newspaper editors, and collecting editorials from local papers and from the dailies in the states in which the lynchings took place. Mrs. Ames has also found that in states where a relatively few large dailies have under no condition offered comfort to lynchers, the number of lynchings is steadily decreasing.
{"title":"Editorial Treatment of Lynchings","authors":"Jessie Daniel Ames","doi":"10.1086/265154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/265154","url":null,"abstract":"Environment rather than personal inclination of editors determines the editorial treatment of lynchings, according to the results of a survey, begun in I 930, of editorials on lynchings in every one of thirteen Southern states. Mrs. Ames, who organized the Texas League of Women Voters, serving as its President for four years, has been Vice-Chairman of the Texas Commission on Interracial Cooperation and General Field Secretary of the Southern Commission on Interracial Cooperation. She is also Executive Director of the Central Council of the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching, with offices at Atlanta. The efforts of the Council are directed toward the development and promotion of educational programs against lynching and toward the repudiation of the claim that lynching is necessary to the protection of white women. During the last five years Mrs. Ames has personally visited the scenes of more than twenty lynchings, interviewing the people, including newspaper editors, and collecting editorials from local papers and from the dailies in the states in which the lynchings took place. Mrs. Ames has also found that in states where a relatively few large dailies have under no condition offered comfort to lynchers, the number of lynchings is steadily decreasing.","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/265154","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41593662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract We explore the role of “political discontent” as a second dimension of American public opinion. Others have shown that a second dimension tends to capture social and/or racial attitudes. What happens when indicators of discontent are included in such analyses? Using data from two surveys and the ordered optimal classification (OOC) procedure, we scale seven items from the “discontent” literature alongside a larger set of questions that has been shown to capture the two-dimensional structure of mass opinion. Discontent items dominate the second dimension in both data sets. Further, five of the seven items predict voting for “insurgents” in the 2016 presidential primaries. Second-dimension attitudes matter in elections and concern the political system writ large. By extension, the liberal-conservative heuristic gives an incomplete picture of mass political behavior.
{"title":"The Structure of American Political Discontent","authors":"Jack Santucci, Joshua J. Dyck","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We explore the role of “political discontent” as a second dimension of American public opinion. Others have shown that a second dimension tends to capture social and/or racial attitudes. What happens when indicators of discontent are included in such analyses? Using data from two surveys and the ordered optimal classification (OOC) procedure, we scale seven items from the “discontent” literature alongside a larger set of questions that has been shown to capture the two-dimensional structure of mass opinion. Discontent items dominate the second dimension in both data sets. Further, five of the seven items predict voting for “insurgents” in the 2016 presidential primaries. Second-dimension attitudes matter in elections and concern the political system writ large. By extension, the liberal-conservative heuristic gives an incomplete picture of mass political behavior.","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":"86 1","pages":"381 - 392"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45659943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Diana C. Mutz. Winners and Losers: The Psychology of Foreign Trade. Reviewed by Scott Clifford","authors":"Scott Clifford","doi":"10.1093/poq/nfac006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfac006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51359,"journal":{"name":"Public Opinion Quarterly","volume":"258 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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