Public Opinion Quarterly最新文献

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Experts or Politicians? Citizen Responses to Vaccine Endorsements across Five OECD Countries 专家还是政客?五个经合组织国家公民对疫苗认可的反应

1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad008

Joan Barceló, Greg Chih-Hsin Sheen, Hans H Tung, Wen-Chin Wu

Who is more influential in shaping citizens' health-related behaviors, experts or politicians? We conduct five conjoint experiments on 6,255 residents of France, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States, asking them to evaluate COVID-19 vaccines alongside randomly varying endorsements from national politicians and medical professionals. In every country, our results show that citizens are more likely to rely on medical professionals, the experts, more than on politicians when choosing a COVID-19 vaccine. Even after accounting for citizens' political alignment with the government, our evidence reveals that politicians play a very limited role in shaping vaccine acceptance. These results have implications for the role of political elites in shaping people's behaviors amid a large-scale crisis.

专家和政治家，谁在塑造公民健康行为方面更有影响力?我们对法国、德国、西班牙、英国和美国的6255名居民进行了五项联合实验，要求他们评估COVID-19疫苗，同时随机获得各国政治家和医疗专业人士的不同认可。在每个国家，我们的研究结果都表明，在选择COVID-19疫苗时，公民更有可能依赖医疗专业人员，专家而不是政治家。即使考虑到公民与政府的政治结盟，我们的证据表明，政治家在塑造疫苗接受度方面发挥的作用非常有限。这些结果暗示了政治精英在大规模危机中塑造人们行为的作用。

引用次数: 0

Estimating the Between-Issue Variation in Party Elite Cue Effects 估算党派精英线索效应的问题间差异

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac052

Ben M Tappin

Party elite cues are among the most well-established influences on citizens’ political opinions. Yet, there is substantial variation in effect sizes across studies, constraining the generalizability and theoretical development of party elite cues research. Understanding the causes of variation in party elite cue effects is thus a priority for advancing the field. In this paper, I estimate the variation in party elite cue effects that is caused simply by heterogeneity in the policy issues being examined, through a reanalysis of data from existing research combined with an original survey experiment comprising 34 contemporary American policy issues. My estimate of the between-issue variation in effects is substantively large, plausibly equal to somewhere between one-third and two-thirds the size of the between-study variation observed in the existing literature. This result has important implications for our understanding of party elite influence on public opinion and for the methodological practices of party elite cues research.

党内精英的暗示是影响公民政治观点的最根深蒂固的因素之一。然而，不同研究的效应量存在较大差异，制约了政党精英线索研究的普遍性和理论发展。因此，了解政党精英线索效应变化的原因是推进该领域的首要任务。在本文中，我通过对现有研究数据的重新分析，结合包含34个当代美国政策问题的原始调查实验，估计了政党精英暗示效应的变化，这种变化仅仅是由所研究政策问题的异质性引起的。我对问题之间的影响差异的估计是相当大的，似乎等于现有文献中观察到的研究之间差异的三分之一到三分之二。这一结果对我们理解党精英对民意的影响以及党精英线索研究的方法论实践具有重要的启示意义。

引用次数: 0

Polarization Eh? Ideological Divergence and Partisan Sorting in the Canadian Mass Public 极化是吗?加拿大大众中的意识形态分歧与党派分类

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac047

Eric Merkley

There has been increasing concern among commentators and scholars about polarization in Canada. This note uses the Canadian Election Study from 1993 to 2019 to measure trends in ideological divergence, ideological consistency, and partisan-ideological sorting in the Canadian mass public. It finds only mixed evidence that Canadians are diverging ideologically and becoming more polarized—ideological distributions are unimodal and trends toward more dispersion are slight and driven entirely by the last two election cycles. Canadians are, however, becoming modestly more ideologically consistent and much more sorted—that is, partisanship, ideological identification, and policy beliefs are increasingly interconnected. These findings call for additional research on the causes and consequences of mass polarization in Canada and further efforts to situate these results, along with findings from the United States, in a comparative context.

评论人士和学者越来越关注加拿大的两极分化。本文使用1993年至2019年的加拿大选举研究来衡量加拿大大众中意识形态分歧、意识形态一致性和党派意识形态分类的趋势。报告发现，只有混合的证据表明，加拿大人的意识形态正在分化，并变得更加两极分化——意识形态的分布是单峰的，更分散的趋势是轻微的，完全是由最近两个选举周期驱动的。然而，加拿大人在意识形态上变得更加一致，也更加分类——也就是说，党派之争、意识形态认同和政策信仰日益相互关联。这些调查结果要求对加拿大大规模两极分化的原因和后果进行进一步研究，并进一步努力将这些结果与美国的调查结果放在一个比较的背景下。

引用次数: 0

How Priming Fairness and Priming Constitutionality Impact the Effect of Partisan Self-Interest on Citizen Support for Election Reforms 启动公平与启动合宪性如何影响党派自身利益对公民选举改革支持的影响

1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad010

Daniel R Biggers, Shaun Bowler

Abstract Prior research suggests that citizen attitudes toward electoral laws and reforms derive from how individuals weigh two competing considerations: the rule’s procedural fairness and one’s partisan self-interest (or how they perceive the policy affects their party’s electoral prospects). Recent experimental work shows that despite a role for fairness concerns, policy support levels shift (at least to a degree) based on its anticipated impact on who votes. We examine how the presentation of the trade-off between fairness and partisan advantage influences election reform opinions. Using two sets of survey experiments, we find that priming fairness reduces, but does not eliminate, the effect of partisan self-interest in shaping policy evaluations. Priming a reform’s constitutionality so as to provide cover to infringe upon fairness considerations, however, does not exacerbate the impact of partisan self-interest on support for adoption. These results expand our understanding of how citizens weigh different factors when assessing electoral policies.

先前的研究表明，公民对选举法和选举法改革的态度源于个人如何权衡两个相互竞争的因素:规则的程序公平和个人的党派利益(或他们如何看待政策影响其政党的选举前景)。最近的实验工作表明，尽管存在公平问题，但政策支持水平(至少在一定程度上)会根据其对谁投票的预期影响而变化。我们研究了公平与党派优势之间权衡的呈现如何影响选举改革意见。通过两组调查实验，我们发现启动公平降低了(但并未消除)党派自利对政策评估的影响。然而，启动改革的合宪性，从而为违反公平考虑提供掩护，并不会加剧党派自身利益对支持收养的影响。这些结果扩大了我们对公民在评估选举政策时如何权衡不同因素的理解。

引用次数: 0

Before the Party Hijacks: The Limited Role of Party Cues in Appraisal of Low-Salience Policies—Experimental Evidence 党的劫机前：党的线索在低突出政策评价中的有限作用——实验证据

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac044

Clareta Treger

What shapes Americans’ policy preferences: partisanship or policy content? While previous studies have addressed this question, many of them focused on high-salience policies. This raises an identification challenge because the content of such policies contains party cues. The current study employs a diverse set of low-salience policies to discern the unique effects of party cues and policy content, before the issues are “hijacked” by the parties. These policies are embedded in an original conjoint experiment administered among a national US sample. The design enables me to assess the effects of policy content and partisan sponsorship orthogonally. Contrary to previous studies, I find that respondents are attentive to policy content on low-salience issues, and it influences their policy preferences similarly or even more than party cues, across policy domains. Moreover, the support patterns and levels of Democrats and Republicans for many low-salience policies are similar. Party cues, by contrast, polarize partisans’ preferences across domains.

是什么塑造了美国人的政策偏好：党派之争还是政策内容？虽然之前的研究已经解决了这个问题，但其中许多研究都集中在高度突出的政策上。这就带来了识别方面的挑战，因为此类政策的内容包含党派线索。目前的研究采用了一套不同的低显著性政策，以在问题被政党“劫持”之前，辨别政党线索和政策内容的独特影响。这些政策嵌入了在美国全国样本中进行的一项原始联合实验中。该设计使我能够正交地评估政策内容和党派赞助的影响。与之前的研究相反，我发现受访者关注低显著性问题的政策内容，这对他们的政策偏好的影响与政党线索相似，甚至更大。此外，民主党和共和党对许多低显著性政策的支持模式和水平是相似的。相比之下，党派暗示会使党派人士在各个领域的偏好两极分化。

引用次数: 0

Lying for Trump? Elite Cue-Taking and Expressive Responding on Vote Method 为特朗普撒谎?精英对投票方式的暗示与表达性回应

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac045

Enrijeta Shino, Daniel A. Smith, Laura Uribe

Might elite cues affect how we vote? Extant literature focuses on effects of elite cues on candidate evaluation or policy preference, but we know little about how they might affect vote method preferences. Drawing on a large survey of validated Florida voters, including those who regularly vote by mail, we find that retrospective and prospective misreporting of vote method prior to the 2020 General Election was driven primarily by support for Trump. The president’s supporters who were most politically aware were most likely to disavow their own voting by mail and misreport their anticipated vote method in the November election. Understanding the effects—and limits—of elite cues on the politicization of self-reported political behavior has important implications for pollsters and campaigns, election administrators, voters, and the broader democratic electoral process.

精英暗示会影响我们的投票方式吗?现有文献关注精英线索对候选人评价或政策偏好的影响，但我们对他们如何影响投票方法偏好知之甚少。通过对佛罗里达州有效选民(包括那些经常通过邮件投票的选民)的大规模调查，我们发现，在2020年大选之前，对投票方法的回顾性和前瞻性误报主要是由对特朗普的支持推动的。最有政治意识的总统支持者最有可能否认自己通过邮件投票，并在11月的选举中错误报告他们预期的投票方式。了解精英线索对自我报告的政治行为政治化的影响和限制，对民意测验专家和竞选活动、选举管理人员、选民和更广泛的民主选举过程具有重要意义。

引用次数: 2

Does Social Desirability Bias Distort Survey Analyses of Ideology and Self-Interest? Evidence from a List Experiment on Progressive Taxation 社会期望偏差是否扭曲了意识形态和自我利益的调查分析？累进税清单实验的证据

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac050

Tobias Heide-Jørgensen

The relative importance of ideological orientations and material self-interest as determinants of political attitudes is still discussed. Using a novel list experiment on opposition to progressive taxation embedded in a large representative Danish online survey (N = 2,010), I study how social desirability concerns bias the conclusions survey researchers draw regarding the influence of self-interest (gauged by income) and ideology (measured by left-right self-identifications) on public opinion. I find that right-wingers are much less opposed to progressive taxation when attitudes are measured indirectly and unobtrusively by means of the list experiment relative to asking directly about their opinions. In fact, rightists are no more against progressive taxation than leftists and centrists. Furthermore, opposition to tax progressivity is considerably lower among low-income individuals when social desirability bias is addressed, thereby increasing the attitudinal gap between low- and high-income individuals. The implications of the findings are that survey research risks exaggerating the importance of ideological orientations and underestimating how much political views reflect material self-interest.

意识形态取向和物质私利作为政治态度决定因素的相对重要性仍在讨论中。在丹麦一项具有代表性的大型在线调查中，使用了一项关于反对累进税的新颖列表实验（N = 2010年），我研究了社会可取性是如何使调查研究人员得出的关于利己主义（以收入衡量）和意识形态（以左右自我认同衡量）对公众舆论影响的结论产生偏见的。我发现，与直接询问他们的意见相比，当通过列表实验间接而不引人注目地衡量态度时，右翼分子对累进税的反对要少得多。事实上，右派并不比左派和中间派更反对累进税。此外，当社会愿望偏见得到解决时，低收入个人对税收累进性的反对要低得多，从而增加了低收入和高收入个人之间的态度差距。调查结果的含义是，调查研究有夸大意识形态取向重要性和低估政治观点在多大程度上反映物质私利的风险。

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引用次数: 2

Strategic Discrimination in the 2020 Democratic Primary 2020年民主党初选中的战略歧视

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac051

Jon Green, Brian F. Schaffner, Sam Luks

Primary voters frequently support the candidates they think have a greater chance of winning the general election over the candidates who most closely reflect their policy preferences—a perception referred to as “electability.” While electability is typically taken to mean ideological moderation, recent research highlights the potential for candidates’ demographic characteristics to affect such perceptions. Using a conjoint experiment conducted with a sample of nearly 3,000 likely Democratic primary voters in June 2019, we show that women and candidates of color were seen as less electable than their white, male counterparts despite being preferred more frequently, holding policy stances and general election strategies constant. These effects were independent of respondents’ hostile sexism and racial resentment, and mediation analysis indicates that electability concerns reduced overall support for women and candidates of color. The results replicate and extend recent findings related to “strategic discrimination” in the US electorate.

初选选民经常支持他们认为比最能反映他们政策偏好的候选人更有机会赢得大选的候选人，这种看法被称为“可选举性”。虽然可选举性通常被认为意味着意识形态温和，最近的研究强调了候选人的人口特征可能会影响这种看法。2019年6月，我们对近3000名可能的民主党初选选民进行了一项联合实验，结果表明，尽管女性和有色人种候选人更受青睐，政策立场和大选策略不变，但她们的当选率低于白人和男性候选人。这些影响与受访者敌对的性别歧视和种族怨恨无关，调解分析表明，对可选举性的担忧降低了对女性和有色人种候选人的总体支持。这一结果复制并扩展了最近与美国选民“战略歧视”有关的研究结果。

引用次数: 3

Updating amidst Disagreement: New Experimental Evidence on Partisan Cues 分歧中的更新:党派线索的新实验证据

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac053

Anthony Fowler, William G. Howell

In this era of hyper-polarization and partisan animosity, do people incorporate the viewpoints of their political opponents? Perhaps not. An important body of research, in fact, finds that the provision of information about opponents’ policy views leads survey respondents to reflexively adopt the opposite position. In this paper, we demonstrate that such findings arise from incomplete experimental designs and a particular measurement strategy. In a series of experiments that vary information about both parties’ positions simultaneously and that solicit continuous, rather than discrete, policy positions, we find that partisans update their beliefs in accordance with the positions of Republican and Democratic leaders alike. Partisans are not perennially determined to disagree. Rather, they are often willing to incorporate opposing viewpoints about a wide range of policy issues.

在这个高度两极分化和党派仇恨的时代，人们是否融入了政治对手的观点？也许不是。事实上，一项重要的研究发现，提供反对者政策观点的信息会导致受访者本能地采取相反的立场。在本文中，我们证明了这些发现是由不完整的实验设计和特定的测量策略引起的。在一系列实验中，我们发现党派人士根据共和党和民主党领导人的立场来更新他们的信仰，这些实验同时改变了有关两党立场的信息，并寻求持续而非离散的政策立场。党派人士并不总是下定决心不同意。相反，他们往往愿意在广泛的政策问题上纳入相反的观点。

引用次数: 1

Increasing the Acceptance of Smartphone-Based Data Collection. 提高智能手机数据收集的接受度。

IF 3.4 1区社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION

Public Opinion Quarterly

Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad019

Alexander Wenz, Florian Keusch

To study human behavior, social scientists are increasingly collecting data from mobile apps and sensors embedded in smartphones. A major challenge of studies implemented on general population samples, however, is that participation rates are rather low. While previous research has started to investigate the factors affecting individuals' decision to participate in such studies, less is known about features of the study design which are under the researcher's control and can increase the acceptance of smartphone-based data collection methods. Guided by the Technology Acceptance Model, we varied study characteristics in a vignette experiment to examine their effect on individuals' willingness to download a research app on their smartphone. Data were collected from 1,876 members of the NORC AmeriSpeak Panel, a probability-based panel of the general population aged 18+ in the United States. Respondents were randomly assigned to eight vignettes and, after each vignette, were asked to rate their willingness to participate in the described hypothetical study. The results show that individuals are more willing to participate in smartphone-based studies where they have some control over the data collection process, by having the option either to temporarily switch off the data collection or to review the data before submission. Furthermore, they are more willing to participate in research to which they are invited via postal letter rather than receiving a postal letter plus a phone call from an interviewer who walks them through the app installation. Finally, unconditional incentives increase their willingness to engage with smartphone-based data collection over conditional incentives.

为了研究人类行为，社会科学家越来越多地从移动应用程序和嵌入智能手机的传感器中收集数据。然而，对一般人口样本进行研究的一个主要挑战是参与率相当低。虽然之前的研究已经开始调查影响个人决定参与此类研究的因素，但对研究设计的特征知之甚少，这些特征在研究人员的控制下，可以增加对基于智能手机的数据收集方法的接受度。在技术接受模型的指导下，我们在一个小插曲实验中改变了研究特征，以检验它们对个人在智能手机上下载研究应用程序的意愿的影响。数据收集自NORC AmeriSpeak小组的1876名成员，该小组是一个基于概率的小组，主要针对美国18岁以上的普通人群。受访者被随机分配到八个小插曲中，在每个小插曲之后，被要求评估他们参与所描述的假设研究的意愿。结果表明，个人更愿意参与基于智能手机的研究，他们对数据收集过程有一定的控制，可以选择暂时关闭数据收集或在提交之前查看数据。此外，他们更愿意参与通过邮寄信件邀请他们参加的研究，而不是通过邮寄信件和面试官的电话来指导他们安装应用程序。最后，与有条件激励相比，无条件激励会增加他们参与基于智能手机的数据收集的意愿。

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引用次数: 0

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