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The Global Crisis of Trust in Elections 全球选举信任危机
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-25 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae016
Nicholas Kerr, Bridgett A King, Michael Wahman
This article introduces a special issue on trust in elections. While the number of electoral democracies has grown globally, we are currently experiencing a crisis of electoral trust. Political polarization, social divisions, and the rapid spread of misinformation have all been related to enhanced widespread skepticism about the quality of national elections. The special issue is focused on two central questions: How can we explain variations in trust in elections at the individual and country levels? How does trust in elections shape political behavior? In the introduction essay, we frame the contributions of the special issue, provide descriptive statistics about trust in elections globally, summarize the current state of the literature, and point to avenues for future research.
本文介绍关于选举信任的特刊。虽然全球选举民主国家的数量有所增加,但我们目前正在经历一场选举信任危机。政治两极分化、社会分裂以及错误信息的迅速传播都与人们对国家选举质量的普遍怀疑有关。本特刊主要关注两个核心问题:我们如何解释选举信任度在个人和国家层面的变化?对选举的信任如何影响政治行为?在引言文章中,我们阐述了本特刊的贡献,提供了有关全球选举信任度的描述性统计数据,总结了文献的现状,并指出了未来的研究方向。
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引用次数: 0
The Electoral Misinformation Nexus: How News Consumption, Platform Use, and Trust in News Influence Belief in Electoral Misinformation. 选举误导信息的联系:新闻消费、平台使用和对新闻的信任如何影响对选举误导信息的相信。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-22 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae019
Camila Mont'Alverne, Amy Ross Arguedas, Sayan Banerjee, Benjamin Toff, Richard Fletcher, Rasmus Kleis Nielsen

Electoral misinformation, where citizens believe false or misleading claims about the electoral process and electoral institutions-sometimes actively and strategically spread by political actors-is a challenge to public confidence in elections specifically and democracy more broadly. In this article, we analyze a combination of 42 million clicks in links and apps from behavioral tracking data of 2,200 internet users and a four-wave panel survey to investigate how different kinds of online news and media use relate to beliefs in electoral misinformation during a contentious political period-the 2022 Brazilian presidential elections. We find that, controlling for other factors, using news from legacy news media is associated with belief in fewer claims of electoral misinformation over time. We find null or inconsistent effects for using digital-born news media and various digital platforms, including Facebook and WhatsApp. Furthermore, we find that trust in news plays a significant role as a moderator. Belief in electoral misinformation, in turn, undermines trust in news. Overall, our findings document the important role of the news media as an institution in curbing electoral misinformation, even as they also underline the precarity of trust in news during contentious political periods.

选举误导信息,即公民相信有关选举过程和选举机构的虚假或误导性说法--有时是由政治行为者积极和策略性地传播--是对公众对选举乃至民主的信心的挑战。在这篇文章中,我们分析了 2200 名互联网用户行为跟踪数据中的 4200 万次链接和应用程序点击,并结合四波面板调查,研究了在 2022 年巴西总统选举这一具有争议的政治时期,不同类型的网络新闻和媒体使用与选举误导信息信仰之间的关系。我们发现,在控制其他因素的情况下,随着时间的推移,使用传统新闻媒体的新闻与相信较少的选举误导相关。我们发现,使用数字新闻媒体和各种数字平台(包括 Facebook 和 WhatsApp)会产生无效或不一致的影响。此外,我们还发现对新闻的信任起到了重要的调节作用。对选举误导信息的信任反过来又会削弱对新闻的信任。总之,我们的研究结果证明了新闻媒体作为一个机构在遏制选举误导信息方面的重要作用,同时也强调了在有争议的政治时期新闻信任的不稳定性。
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引用次数: 0
The Trump Effect? Right-Wing Populism and Distrust in Voting by Mail in Canada. 特朗普效应?加拿大右翼民粹主义和对邮寄投票的不信任。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-16 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae020
Cary Wu, Andrew Dawson

Do Donald Trump's attacks on voting by mail influence how some Canadians view mail-in ballots? The Trump effect on views and behaviors surrounding voting by mail has been well documented in the United States. North of the border, more Canadians than ever voted by mail in the last general election. In this study, we consider how right-wing populism is associated with trust in voting by mail among Canadians. Specifically, we seek to test two main hypotheses. First, we consider whether Canadians holding populist views-and, in particular, those holding right-wing populist views (would-be Trump supporters)-are less trusting of voting by mail. Second, we consider whether political media exposure amplifies this association. We analyze data from both the 2021 Canadian Election Study and Democracy Checkup Survey. We find that those who hold populist views clearly have less trust in voting by mail. This is especially true among right-leaning individuals. Furthermore, as in the United States, this effect is moderated by one's level of political media exposure, with higher levels of political media exposure amplifying the effect of populist views on trust in voting by mail. Our findings, therefore, suggest that the politicization of mail-in voting by President Trump has important implications for the legitimacy of the electoral system not only in the United States, but also in Canada and potentially in other parts of the world.

唐纳德-特朗普对邮寄投票的攻击是否影响了一些加拿大人对邮寄选票的看法?在美国,特朗普对邮寄投票的观点和行为所产生的影响已经有据可查。在加拿大边境以北,在上次大选中通过邮寄方式投票的加拿大人比以往任何时候都多。在本研究中,我们将探讨右翼民粹主义与加拿大人对邮寄投票的信任之间的关系。具体来说,我们试图检验两个主要假设。首先,我们考虑持有民粹主义观点的加拿大人--尤其是持有右翼民粹主义观点的加拿大人(特朗普的潜在支持者)--是否对邮寄投票的信任度较低。其次,我们考虑政治媒体的曝光是否会放大这种关联。我们分析了 2021 年加拿大选举研究(Canadian Election Study)和民主检查调查(Democracy Checkup Survey)的数据。我们发现,持有民粹主义观点的人对邮寄投票的信任度明显较低。这在右倾人士中尤为明显。此外,与美国的情况一样,这种影响受个人政治媒体接触程度的调节,政治媒体接触程度越高,民粹主义观点对邮寄投票信任度的影响就越大。因此,我们的研究结果表明,特朗普总统将邮寄投票政治化不仅对美国选举制度的合法性有重要影响,而且对加拿大和世界其他地区的选举制度的合法性也有潜在影响。
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引用次数: 0
Where Are the Sore Losers? Competitive Authoritarianism, Incumbent Defeat, and Electoral Trust in Zambia's 2021 Election. 失败者在哪里?赞比亚 2021 年大选中的竞争性独裁、现任者的失败和选举信任。
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-16 eCollection Date: 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae030
Nicholas Kerr, Matthias Krönke, Michael Wahman

How do electoral turnovers shape citizen perceptions of election quality in competitive authoritarian regimes? We argue that electoral outcomes are crucial for determining perceptions of electoral quality. While detailed evaluation of electoral trust is complex in competitive autocracies with institutional uncertainty and polarized electoral environments, turnovers send strong and unequivocal signals about election quality. Previous literature has noted a strong partisan divide in electoral trust in competitive authoritarian regimes, but turnovers can boost trust among both incumbent and opposition supporters. We test this argument in the case of Zambia's 2021 election, a case where a ruling party lost despite electoral manipulation and strong control over the Election Management Body (EMB). Empirically, we leverage the first-ever panel survey carried out during Zambian elections. Comparing trust in elections before and after the election, we find that perceived election quality increased after the 2021 electoral turnover among both losers and winners. We find that trust in elections increased the most among winning opposition supporters. Moreover, despite the outgoing president's attempt to portray the election as fraudulent, losing ruling-party supporters also increased their trust in elections after the turnover. The study has important implications for the literature on democratic consolidation and institutional trust.

在竞争激烈的专制政权中,选举更替如何影响公民对选举质量的看法?我们认为,选举结果对决定选举质量的看法至关重要。在制度不确定、选举环境两极分化的竞争性专制政权中,对选举信任的详细评估非常复杂,而选举更替则对选举质量发出了强烈而明确的信号。以往的文献指出,在竞争性专制政权中,选举信任度存在严重的党派分歧,但换届可以提高执政者和反对派支持者的信任度。我们以赞比亚 2021 年大选为例检验了这一论点,在这次大选中,尽管执政党操纵选举并对选举管理机构(EMB)拥有强大的控制权,但还是输掉了选举。在实证方面,我们利用了赞比亚选举期间首次开展的面板调查。通过比较选举前后对选举的信任度,我们发现,在 2021 年选举更替之后,失败者和获胜者对选举质量的感知都有所提高。我们发现,获胜的反对党支持者对选举信任度的提高幅度最大。此外,尽管即将卸任的总统试图将选举描绘成舞弊,但在选举更替后,落选的执政党支持者也提高了对选举的信任度。这项研究对有关民主巩固和制度信任的文献具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Trust in the Count: Improving Voter Confidence with Post-election Audits 相信选举:通过选举后审计提高选民信心
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-12 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae029
Jacob Jaffe, Joseph R Loffredo, Samuel Baltz, Alejandro Flores, Charles Stewart
Post-election audits are thought to bolster voter confidence in elections, but it is unclear which aspects of audits drive public trust. Using preregistered vignette and conjoint survey experiments administered by YouGov on a sample of 2,000 American respondents, we find that how an audit is conducted is more important than what an audit finds. Structural features of audits, like who conducts it and how its results are announced, turn out to be more consequential to voter evaluations of election results than the actual discrepancy found. Moreover, while Democrats and Republicans have increasingly divided views of the state of democracy in the United States, they are similarly receptive to information presented about audits and largely agree that audits are effective tools for detecting errors in vote counting. Our findings thus reinforce the expectation that audits do increase voter trust and highlight that election administrators can strengthen voter confidence by making audits as transparent as possible.
选举后审计被认为能增强选民对选举的信心,但审计的哪些方面能提高公众信任度尚不清楚。通过使用 YouGov 对 2000 名美国受访者进行的预先登记的小插图和联合调查实验,我们发现如何进行审计比审计发现什么更重要。审计的结构特征,如审计由谁进行以及审计结果如何公布,对选民评价选举结果的影响要大于审计发现的实际差异。此外,虽然民主党人和共和党人对美国民主状况的看法分歧越来越大,但他们对审计信息的接受程度却相差无几,并在很大程度上同意审计是发现计票错误的有效工具。因此,我们的研究结果加强了审计确实能提高选民信任度的预期,并强调选举管理者可以通过尽可能提高审计透明度来增强选民信心。
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引用次数: 0
The Dynamics of Electoral Manipulation and Institutional Trust in Democracies: Election Timing, Blatant Fraud, and the Legitimacy of Governance 民主政体中选举操纵与制度信任的动态:选举时机、公然舞弊与治理的合法性
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-07-12 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae022
Masaaki Higashijima, Hisashi Kadoya, Yuki Yanai
This paper explores the dynamic relationship between electoral manipulation and popular trust in political institutions. Governments often manipulate election results by resorting to electoral fraud. They also tilt the electoral field by opportunistically deciding when to hold elections, in other words, election timing maneuvering. How do these two different types of electoral manipulation affect citizens’ trust in the government, legislature, and election management bodies (EMBs)? We suggest that although the short-term effects of election timing manipulation are unclear due to its ambiguous nature as an electioneering strategy, substantial electoral margins created by timing maneuvering facilitate smooth decision-making, leading to boosting trust in the government and legislature over the long run. In contrast, as electoral fraud is an unambiguous form of manipulation, it may undermine trust in the government and parliament, although such effects may not last. By combining an original dataset of election timing with existing survey data comprising 335,000 citizens from fifty-eight democratic countries, we find evidence in support of our theoretical expectations.
本文探讨了选举操纵与民众对政治机构信任之间的动态关系。政府经常通过选举舞弊来操纵选举结果。它们还通过伺机决定何时举行选举(换句话说,就是选举时机操纵)来倾斜选情。这两种不同类型的选举操纵如何影响公民对政府、立法机构和选举管理机构的信任?我们认为,尽管选举时间操纵作为一种助选策略的性质模糊,其短期影响尚不明确,但时间操纵所创造的可观选举差额有助于顺利决策,从而在长期内提高对政府和立法机构的信任。相反,由于选举舞弊是一种明确的操纵形式,它可能会削弱人们对政府和议会的信任,尽管这种影响可能不会持久。通过将选举时间的原始数据集与来自 58 个民主国家的 335,000 名公民的现有调查数据相结合,我们发现了支持我们理论预期的证据。
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引用次数: 0
Your Typical Criminal: Why White Americans Hate Voter Fraud 你的典型罪犯为什么美国白人痛恨选民欺诈?
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-06-28 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae023
Adriano Udani, Anita Manion, David Kimball
Public concerns about voter fraud are widespread and are frequently cited to justify new voting restrictions and harsh punishment for violators. But to what extent do beliefs about a perpetrator’s identity shape public support for efforts to prevent and punish voter fraud? Antipathy toward racial and ethnic groups is a strong predictor of public beliefs about voter fraud. Yet, prior studies have only been able to approximate beliefs about deviant behavior, and not specifically casting an illegal ballot. Drawing from sociology and criminology, we use a “typification” strategy that more directly measures which people are perceived as typical perpetrators of casting illegal ballots. We utilize nationally representative surveys of US voters in the 2017–2020 modules of the Cooperative Election Study to apply and empirically test the typification theory. Among white respondents, we find that the typification of racially minoritized groups such as Blacks, Latinos, Arabs, and immigrants as illegal voters is widespread and is strongly associated with beliefs about voter fraud, support for restrictive election policies, and harsh punishment of illegal voting. The pictures of likely criminals that white voters carry in their heads shape their preferences for crime policies, and this extends to the domain of voter fraud.
公众普遍关注选民欺诈问题,并经常以此为由制定新的投票限制措施和严惩违规者。但是,对犯罪者身份的看法在多大程度上影响了公众对预防和惩罚选民欺诈行为的支持?对种族和民族群体的反感是公众对选民舞弊看法的一个强有力的预测因素。然而,以往的研究只能大致反映出人们对不正常行为的看法,而不能具体反映出人们对非法投票的看法。借鉴社会学和犯罪学,我们采用 "类型化 "策略,更直接地衡量哪些人被认为是典型的非法投票者。我们利用 "合作选举研究"(Cooperative Election Study)2017-2020 年模块中对美国选民进行的全国代表性调查,应用并实证检验了类型化理论。在白人受访者中,我们发现将黑人、拉美人、阿拉伯人和移民等少数种族群体类型化为非法选民的现象十分普遍,并且与对选民欺诈的看法、对限制性选举政策的支持以及对非法投票的严厉惩罚密切相关。白人选民头脑中可能存在的罪犯形象决定了他们对犯罪政策的偏好,这一点也延伸到了选民欺诈领域。
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引用次数: 0
Autocratization Spillover: When Electing an Authoritarian Erodes Election Trust across Borders 专制蔓延:当选举独裁者削弱跨国选举信任时
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae018
Ka Ming Chan
The rich literature on election trust predominantly uses domestic determinants as explanatory factors. But given the international nature of the autocratization wave, can an autocratization event across borders erode election trust? This article argues that an authoritarian’s electoral success in a neighboring country can shatter democratic norms and demonstrate the viability of authoritarians. This autocratization event abroad can thus reduce citizens’ principled support for democracy and its political system. Consequently, citizens across borders are less likely to see democratic elections as the “only game in town” and they have less trust in elections. To test this idea, I study the spillover effects of the 2018 Brazilian presidential election, in which an authoritarian candidate won decisively. Using the AmericasBarometer in Colombia that was launched throughout this election, I find that the election trust of Colombian citizens erodes after Jair Bolsonaro’s electoral success. To probe into the mechanism, I uncover that his electoral victory leads Colombian citizens to be less supportive of the domestic political system and reduces their principled support for democracy. The causal mediation analysis demonstrates that these two variables mediate the effect of the authoritarian’s electoral success on election trust. These findings on autocratization spillover effects illustrate the importance of external autocratization events in the study of election trust.
有关选举信任的丰富文献主要使用国内决定因素作为解释因素。但是,鉴于专制化浪潮的国际性,跨国界的专制化事件会削弱选举信任吗?本文认为,专制者在邻国的选举成功可以打破民主规范,证明专制者的生存能力。因此,这种海外专制化事件会降低公民对民主及其政治制度的原则性支持。因此,跨国公民不太可能将民主选举视为 "镇上唯一的游戏",他们对选举的信任度也会降低。为了验证这一观点,我研究了 2018 年巴西总统选举的溢出效应,在这次选举中,威权主义候选人取得了决定性的胜利。利用哥伦比亚在此次大选期间推出的 "美洲晴雨表"(AmericasBarometer),我发现哥伦比亚公民的选举信任度在博尔索纳罗(Jair Bolsonaro)竞选成功后有所下降。为了探究其机制,我发现博尔索纳罗的选举胜利导致哥伦比亚公民对国内政治制度的支持度降低,并减少了他们对民主的原则性支持。因果中介分析表明,这两个变量中介了专制者选举成功对选举信任的影响。这些关于专制化溢出效应的发现说明了外部专制化事件在选举信任研究中的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Misleading Polls in the Media: Does Survey Clickbait Have Social Consequences? 媒体中的误导性民意调查:调查点击诱饵会产生社会后果吗?
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae009
Matthew H Graham, D Sunshine Hillygus, Andrew Trexler
In today’s competitive information environment, clicks are the currency of the digital media landscape. Clickbait journalism attempts to entice attention with provocative and sensational headlines, but what are the implications when public opinion polls are the hook? Does the use of survey clickbait—news stories that make misleading claims about public opinion—have implications for perceptions of the public, journalists, or the polling industry? In two survey experiments conducted in the United States, we find that exposure to apolitical survey clickbait that makes exaggerated claims about the incompetence of the American public undermines perceptions of their capacity for democratic citizenship. At the same time, we find no evidence that this type of survey clickbait damages the reputations of the media or polling industry, suggesting that the media may have perverse incentives to use low-quality polls or to misrepresent polling results to drive traffic.
在当今竞争激烈的信息环境中,点击量是数字媒体领域的货币。点击诱饵新闻试图以挑衅性和耸人听闻的标题吸引眼球,但当民意调查成为诱饵时,会产生什么影响?使用调查点击诱饵--对民意做出误导性宣称的新闻报道--是否会对公众、记者或民调行业的看法产生影响?在美国进行的两项调查实验中,我们发现,非政治性调查点击诱饵夸大了美国公众的无能,从而削弱了人们对其民主公民能力的看法。与此同时,我们没有发现任何证据表明这类调查点击诱饵损害了媒体或民调行业的声誉,这表明媒体可能有不正当的动机使用低质量的民调或歪曲民调结果来提高流量。
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引用次数: 0
Validating the “Genuine Pipeline” to Limit Social Desirability Bias in Survey Estimates of Voter Turnout 验证 "真实管道 "以限制选民投票率调查估计中的社会期望偏差
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfae007
Matthew DeBell, D Sunshine Hillygus, Daron R Shaw, Nicholas A Valentino
It is well documented that survey overreporting of voter turnout due to social desirability bias threatens inference about political behavior. This paper reports four studies that contained question wording experiments to test questions designed to minimize that bias using a “pipeline” approach. The “pipeline” informs survey participants that researchers can perform vote validation to verify turnout self-reports. This approach reduced self-reported turnout by 5.7 points in the 2020 American National Election Study, which represents a majority of the estimated overreporting bias. It reduced reported turnout by 4 points in two nonprobability samples. No effect was found in a third nonprobability study with Amazon Mechanical Turk workers. Validated vote data also confirm that the pipeline approach reduced overreporting. We tested heterogeneous effects for sophistication and several other variables, but results were inconclusive. The pipeline approach reduces overreporting of voter turnout and produces more accurate estimates of voters’ characteristics.
有资料表明,由于社会可取性偏差而导致的投票率调查多报现象会威胁到对政治行为的推断。本文报告了包含问题措辞实验的四项研究,这些实验测试了旨在使用 "管道 "方法最大限度减少偏差的问题。管道 "方法告知调查参与者,研究人员可以进行投票验证,以核实投票率自我报告。在 2020 年美国全国大选研究中,这种方法将自报投票率降低了 5.7 个百分点,占估计的多报偏差的大部分。在两个非概率样本中,它使报告的投票率降低了 4 个百分点。在第三项针对亚马逊 Mechanical Turk 工作者的非概率研究中未发现任何影响。经过验证的投票数据也证实,管道法减少了多报现象。我们测试了复杂性和其他几个变量的异质性效应,但结果并不确定。管道法减少了对投票率的多报,并对选民特征做出了更准确的估计。
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引用次数: 0
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Public Opinion Quarterly
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