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Evaluating Pre-election Polling Estimates Using a New Measure of Non-ignorable Selection Bias. 用一种不可忽略的选择偏差的新方法评估选前民调估计。
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-06-08 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad018
Brady T West, Rebecca R Andridge

Among the numerous explanations that have been offered for recent errors in pre-election polls, selection bias due to non-ignorable partisan nonresponse bias, where the probability of responding to a poll is a function of the candidate preference that a poll is attempting to measure (even after conditioning on other relevant covariates used for weighting adjustments), has received relatively less focus in the academic literature. Under this type of selection mechanism, estimates of candidate preferences based on individual or aggregated polls may be subject to significant bias, even after standard weighting adjustments. Until recently, methods for measuring and adjusting for this type of non-ignorable selection bias have been unavailable. Fortunately, recent developments in the methodological literature have provided political researchers with easy-to-use measures of non-ignorable selection bias. In this study, we apply a new measure that has been developed specifically for estimated proportions to this challenging problem. We analyze data from 18 different pre-election polls: 9 different telephone polls conducted in 8 different states prior to the US presidential election in 2020, and nine different pre-election polls conducted either online or via telephone in Great Britain prior to the 2015 general election. We rigorously evaluate the ability of this new measure to detect and adjust for selection bias in estimates of the proportion of likely voters that will vote for a specific candidate, using official outcomes from each election as benchmarks and alternative data sources for estimating key characteristics of the likely voter populations in each context.

在为最近选举前民意调查中的错误提供的众多解释中,由于不可忽视的党派无反应偏见造成的选择偏见,其中对民意调查的回应概率是民意调查试图衡量的候选人偏好的函数(即使在对用于权重调整的其他相关协变量进行调节之后),在学术文献中受到的关注相对较少。在这种选择机制下,即使经过标准的权重调整,基于个别或综合民意调查的候选人偏好估计也可能存在重大偏差。直到最近,还没有测量和调整这种不可忽视的选择偏差的方法。幸运的是,方法学文献的最新发展为政治研究人员提供了易于使用的测量不可忽视的选择偏差的方法。在这项研究中,我们应用了一种新的测量方法,该方法是专门为估计比例而开发的,用于解决这一具有挑战性的问题。我们分析了18个不同的选前民意调查的数据:在2020年美国总统大选之前在8个不同的州进行的9次不同的电话民意调查,以及在2015年大选之前在英国进行的9次不同的在线或电话民意调查。我们使用每次选举的官方结果作为基准和替代数据源来估计每种情况下可能的选民群体的关键特征,严格评估了这种新措施在估计将投票给特定候选人的可能选民比例时检测和调整选择偏差的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Lewis A. Friedland, Dhavan V. Shah, Michael W. Wagner, Katherine J. Cramer, Chris Wells, and Jon Pevehouse. Battleground: Asymmetric Communication Ecologies and the Erosion of Civil Society in Wisconsin Lewis A.Friedland、Dhavan V.Shah、Michael W.Wagner、Katherine J.Cramer、Chris Wells和Jon Pevehouse。战场:不对称的传播生态与威斯康星州公民社会的侵蚀
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-27 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad022
B. K. Munis
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引用次数: 4
Thomas R. Marshall. American Public Opinion and the Supreme Court, 1930–2020: A Representative Institution 托马斯·r·马歇尔。美国公众舆论与最高法院,1930-2020:一个代表性机构
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad024
Christopher D. Kromphardt
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引用次数: 0
Manuscript Referees, 2022 《手稿参考》,2022
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad021
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引用次数: 0
M. V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee. Rural Republican Realignment in the Modern South: The Untold Story M.V.胡德三世和赛斯C.麦基。现代南方乡村共和党重组:不为人知的故事
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad023
Zoe Nemerever
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引用次数: 0
The Effects of Polarized Evaluations on Political Participation: Does Hating the Other Side Motivate Voters? 两极化评价对政治参与的影响:憎恨对方是否能激励选民?
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad012
Chloe Ahn, Diana C. Mutz
This study examines whether rising polarization in Americans’ partisan judgments has positive implications for political participation. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel survey data, we find evidence that polarized judgments are related to pre-election intent to vote, as well as to post-election self-reported voter turnout. Polarized evaluations also predict greater reporting of participation in campaign activities beyond voting. Polarization in candidate evaluations consistently has more of an impact than affective polarization. However, our results suggest that polarization in evaluations of both parties and candidates includes an expressive component that does not necessarily translate into political action. Roughly one-quarter to one-third of the actual change in turnout can potentially be attributed to polarization in evaluations of Republican and Democratic presidential candidates.
这项研究考察了美国人党派判断的两极分化是否对政治参与有积极影响。根据横断面和小组调查数据,我们发现两极分化的判断与选举前的投票意图以及选举后自我报告的选民投票率有关。两极分化的评估还预测,除了投票之外,更多的竞选活动参与报告也会出现。候选人评价中的极化始终比情感极化具有更大的影响。然而,我们的研究结果表明,对两党和候选人的评价中的两极分化包括一个表达成分,但不一定转化为政治行动。投票率实际变化的大约四分之一到三分之一可能归因于对共和党和民主党总统候选人评价的两极分化。
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引用次数: 0
What They Have but Also Who They Are: Avarice, Elitism, and Public Support for Taxing the Rich 他们有什么,但也有他们是谁:贪婪、精英主义和公众对富人征税的支持
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad016
John V. Kane, Benjamin J. Newman
Scholarship evaluating public support for redistribution has emphasized that stereotypical perceptions of low-income people inform citizens’ willingness to redistribute wealth to the poor. Less understood, however, is the extent to which stereotypical perceptions of high-income people lead to greater willingness to raise taxes on high-income individuals. These perceptions likely involve resource-based considerations (i.e., what rich people have). However, following recent scholarship, perceptions of the wealthy may also involve more fundamental, trait-based considerations (i.e., who the rich are as people). In this Research Note, we isolate causal effects, utilizing conjoint experiments, of both resource-based and character-based attributes of the rich on support for taxing wealthy people. We find evidence that two character traits—avarice and elitism—significantly increase support for raising taxes on wealthy individuals, and this pattern appears to be the case even among groups generally opposed to redistribution (e.g., Republicans and conservatives). We conclude that, while resource-based considerations remain important, the scholarly literature on redistribution may also benefit from a deeper understanding of the trait-based foundations of public attitudes toward taxing the wealthy.
评估公众对再分配支持的奖学金强调,对低收入人群的刻板印象决定了公民将财富再分配给穷人的意愿。然而,人们较少了解的是,对高收入人群的刻板印象在多大程度上导致了对高收入个人增税的意愿。这些看法可能涉及基于资源的考虑(即富人拥有什么)。然而,根据最近的学术研究,对富人的看法也可能涉及更基本的、基于特质的考虑(即富人是谁)。在本研究报告中,我们利用联合实验,分离了富人基于资源和性格的属性对支持向富人征税的因果影响。我们发现有证据表明,两种性格特征——贪婪和精英主义——显著增加了对富人增税的支持,即使在普遍反对再分配的群体(如共和党人和保守派)中,这种模式似乎也是如此。我们得出的结论是,尽管基于资源的考虑仍然很重要,但关于再分配的学术文献也可能受益于对公众对富人征税态度的基于特征的基础的更深入理解。
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引用次数: 0
Trends in Abortion Attitudes: From Roe to Dobbs 堕胎态度的趋势:从罗伊到多布斯
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad014
B. Norrander, C. Wilcox
American public opinion on abortion has been investigated a multitude of times since the Supreme Court’s 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade. In this trends article, we review public attitudes in five areas: (1) support or opposition to Roe v. Wade, (2) basic attitudes toward abortion, (3) attitudes toward abortion under different conditions, (4) attachments to the pro-choice versus pro-life labels, and (5) abortion attitudes in the 50 states. Initial public reaction to the 2022 Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision overturning Roe is also covered.
自1973年最高法院对罗伊诉韦德案作出裁决以来,美国公众对堕胎的意见进行了多次调查。在这篇趋势文章中,我们回顾了公众在五个方面的态度:(1)支持或反对罗伊诉韦德案,(2)对堕胎的基本态度,(3)对不同情况下堕胎的态度,(4)对支持选择与反对生命标签的依恋,以及(5)50个州对堕胎的态度。公众对2022年多布斯诉杰克逊妇女健康组织推翻罗伊案判决的最初反应也包括在内。
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引用次数: 1
Television, Authoritarianism, and Support for Trump: A Replication 电视、威权主义和对特朗普的支持:复制
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad015
Erik Hermann, M. Morgan, J. Shanahan, Harry Yaojun Yan
Many factors contributed to support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, among them media influences. Morgan and Shanahan (2017) found that television viewing was associated with support for Trump, mediated through authoritarianism. In light of the changes in the political and media environments during Trump’s presidency, our study examined whether Morgan and Shanahan’s (2017) findings still held in the 2020 US presidential election. Replicating their findings, we found that authoritarianism still mediates the relationship between television viewing and Trump support. As in the original study, the indirect effect is moderated by political ideology and gender, with stronger indirect effects among liberals and females.
许多因素促成了唐纳德·特朗普在2016年美国总统大选中的支持,其中包括媒体的影响。Morgan和Shanahan(2017)发现,在威权主义的调解下,观看电视与支持特朗普有关。鉴于特朗普总统任期内政治和媒体环境的变化,我们的研究考察了摩根和沙纳汉(2017)的调查结果在2020年美国总统大选中是否仍然有效。复制他们的发现,我们发现威权主义仍然在电视观看和特朗普支持之间起着中介作用。与最初的研究一样,间接效应受到政治意识形态和性别的调节,自由主义者和女性的间接效应更强。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Racial Descriptive Norms on Vaccination against COVID-19 种族描述性规范对COVID-19疫苗接种的影响
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad017
Marzia Oceno, Wei Yen
Racial disparities have persisted in COVID-19 infection, hospitalization, and death rates in the United States. Differences in vaccination hesitancy have also emerged by race: communities of color and, particularly, African Americans have been more reluctant to get a vaccine to prevent COVID-19. Can racial descriptive norms provide a tool to increase confidence and reduce hesitancy within the US public? We conducted a survey experiment at the end of January 2021 on a sample of non-Hispanic white and Black American adults. The experiment varied whether information about uptake intent by race was provided, and what racial group was reported to be more likely to get a vaccine if one were available to them today. Our results show that the tendency to conform to one’s racial ingroup can play a key role in improving vaccination attitudes across race. Indeed, whites become significantly more willing to get vaccinated now or in the near future after they learn that a majority of whites intend to do so. Furthermore, both Blacks with high science trust and whites with low science trust are more likely to accept multiple vaccine doses and yearly boosters if their racial ingroup plans on getting vaccinated. Finally, the desire for ingroup conformity leads Blacks with low science trust to be more willing to receive a vaccine when they are provided a choice among vaccine brands.
在美国,COVID-19感染、住院和死亡率方面的种族差异持续存在。种族也出现了疫苗接种犹豫的差异:有色人种社区,特别是非洲裔美国人更不愿意接种疫苗来预防COVID-19。种族描述性规范能否提供一种工具,增强美国公众的信心,减少他们的犹豫?我们在2021年1月底对非西班牙裔美国白人和黑人成年人进行了一项调查实验。实验改变了是否提供了有关种族摄取意图的信息,以及如果今天可以获得疫苗,哪些种族群体更有可能获得疫苗。我们的研究结果表明,倾向于符合一个人的种族群体可以在改善跨种族的疫苗接种态度方面发挥关键作用。事实上,当白人知道大多数白人打算接种疫苗后,他们现在或在不久的将来明显更愿意接种疫苗。此外,科学信任度高的黑人和科学信任度低的白人都更有可能接受多剂疫苗和每年一次的助推器,如果他们的种族群体计划接种疫苗的话。最后,对群体一致性的渴望导致科学信任度较低的黑人在疫苗品牌选择时更愿意接受疫苗。
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Public Opinion Quarterly
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