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Television, Authoritarianism, and Support for Trump: A Replication 电视、威权主义和对特朗普的支持:复制
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad015
Erik Hermann, M. Morgan, J. Shanahan, Harry Yaojun Yan
Many factors contributed to support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, among them media influences. Morgan and Shanahan (2017) found that television viewing was associated with support for Trump, mediated through authoritarianism. In light of the changes in the political and media environments during Trump’s presidency, our study examined whether Morgan and Shanahan’s (2017) findings still held in the 2020 US presidential election. Replicating their findings, we found that authoritarianism still mediates the relationship between television viewing and Trump support. As in the original study, the indirect effect is moderated by political ideology and gender, with stronger indirect effects among liberals and females.
许多因素促成了唐纳德·特朗普在2016年美国总统大选中的支持,其中包括媒体的影响。Morgan和Shanahan(2017)发现,在威权主义的调解下,观看电视与支持特朗普有关。鉴于特朗普总统任期内政治和媒体环境的变化,我们的研究考察了摩根和沙纳汉(2017)的调查结果在2020年美国总统大选中是否仍然有效。复制他们的发现,我们发现威权主义仍然在电视观看和特朗普支持之间起着中介作用。与最初的研究一样,间接效应受到政治意识形态和性别的调节,自由主义者和女性的间接效应更强。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Racial Descriptive Norms on Vaccination against COVID-19 种族描述性规范对COVID-19疫苗接种的影响
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad017
Marzia Oceno, Wei Yen
Racial disparities have persisted in COVID-19 infection, hospitalization, and death rates in the United States. Differences in vaccination hesitancy have also emerged by race: communities of color and, particularly, African Americans have been more reluctant to get a vaccine to prevent COVID-19. Can racial descriptive norms provide a tool to increase confidence and reduce hesitancy within the US public? We conducted a survey experiment at the end of January 2021 on a sample of non-Hispanic white and Black American adults. The experiment varied whether information about uptake intent by race was provided, and what racial group was reported to be more likely to get a vaccine if one were available to them today. Our results show that the tendency to conform to one’s racial ingroup can play a key role in improving vaccination attitudes across race. Indeed, whites become significantly more willing to get vaccinated now or in the near future after they learn that a majority of whites intend to do so. Furthermore, both Blacks with high science trust and whites with low science trust are more likely to accept multiple vaccine doses and yearly boosters if their racial ingroup plans on getting vaccinated. Finally, the desire for ingroup conformity leads Blacks with low science trust to be more willing to receive a vaccine when they are provided a choice among vaccine brands.
在美国,COVID-19感染、住院和死亡率方面的种族差异持续存在。种族也出现了疫苗接种犹豫的差异:有色人种社区,特别是非洲裔美国人更不愿意接种疫苗来预防COVID-19。种族描述性规范能否提供一种工具,增强美国公众的信心,减少他们的犹豫?我们在2021年1月底对非西班牙裔美国白人和黑人成年人进行了一项调查实验。实验改变了是否提供了有关种族摄取意图的信息,以及如果今天可以获得疫苗,哪些种族群体更有可能获得疫苗。我们的研究结果表明,倾向于符合一个人的种族群体可以在改善跨种族的疫苗接种态度方面发挥关键作用。事实上,当白人知道大多数白人打算接种疫苗后,他们现在或在不久的将来明显更愿意接种疫苗。此外,科学信任度高的黑人和科学信任度低的白人都更有可能接受多剂疫苗和每年一次的助推器,如果他们的种族群体计划接种疫苗的话。最后,对群体一致性的渴望导致科学信任度较低的黑人在疫苗品牌选择时更愿意接受疫苗。
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引用次数: 0
"Deservingness" and Public Support for Universal Public Goods: A Survey Experiment. 普遍性公共物品的“应得性”与公众支持:一项调查实验
IF 2.9 1区 社会学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-04-03 eCollection Date: 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad007
Thomas Gift, Carlos X Lastra-Anadón

Voters support less spending on means-tested entitlements when they perceive beneficiaries as lacking motivation to work and pay taxes. Yet do concerns about the motivations of "undeserving" beneficiaries also extend to universal public goods (UPGs) that are free and available to all citizens? Lower spending on UPGs poses a particular trade-off: it lessens subsidization of "unmotivated" beneficiaries, but at the expense of reducing the ideal levels of UPGs that voters personally can access. Studies suggest that individuals will sacrifice their preferred amounts of public goods when beneficiaries who do not pay taxes try to access these goods, but it is unclear whether they distinguish based on motivations. To analyze this question, we field a nationally representative survey experiment in the UK that randomly activates some respondents to think about users of the country's universal National Health Service as either "motivated" or "unmotivated" noncontributors. Although effect sizes were modest and spending preferences remained high across the board, results show that respondents support less spending on the NHS when activated to think of users as "unmotivated" noncontributors. These findings suggest how the deservingness heuristic may shape public attitudes toward government spending, regardless of whether benefits are targeted or universal.

当选民认为受益人缺乏工作和纳税的动力时,他们支持减少在经济状况调查福利上的支出。然而,对“不值得”受益人动机的担忧是否也延伸到所有公民都可以免费获得的普遍公共产品?降低UPG的支出带来了一个特殊的权衡:它减少了对“无动力”受益人的补贴,但以降低选民个人可以获得的理想UPG水平为代价。研究表明,当不纳税的受益人试图获得这些物品时,个人会牺牲他们喜欢的公共物品数量,但尚不清楚他们是否根据动机进行区分。为了分析这个问题,我们在英国进行了一项具有全国代表性的调查实验,随机激活一些受访者,将该国全民国民健康服务的用户视为“有动机”或“没有动机”的非参与者。尽管影响规模不大,支出偏好总体上仍然很高,但结果显示,当被激活并将用户视为“没有动机”的非参与者时,受访者支持减少对NHS的支出。这些发现表明,无论福利是有针对性的还是普遍性的,应得启发式可能会影响公众对政府支出的态度。
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引用次数: 0
Weaving It In: How Political Radio Reacts to Events 穿插其中:政治电台对事件的反应
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-25 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad005
Clara Vandeweerdt
How do ideologically slanted media outlets react to politically relevant events? Previous research suggests that partisan media trumpet ideologically congenial events, such as opposing-party scandals, while ignoring bad news for their own side. Looking at reactions to newsworthy events on political radio—an often-partisan medium that reaches more Americans than Twitter—I find a different pattern. Based on recordings of hundreds of shows totaling two million broadcast hours, I demonstrate that regardless of their ideological leanings, political shows respond to events by dramatically increasing the attention they give to related policy issues. At the same time, liberal and conservative shows continue to frame those issues in very different ways. Instead of ignoring inconvenient events, partisan media “weave them in,” interpreting them in ways consistent with their ideological leanings. These media dynamics imply that nationally significant events can cause opinion polarization rather than convergence—becoming a divisive rather than a shared experience.
有意识形态倾向的媒体如何对政治相关事件做出反应?先前的研究表明,党派媒体会大肆宣扬意识形态上一致的事件,比如反对党的丑闻,而忽略己方的坏消息。看看政治广播对有新闻价值事件的反应,我发现了一种不同的模式。政治广播通常是一种比twitter更能触及美国人的党派媒体。根据总计200万播放小时的数百个节目的录音,我证明,无论政治节目的意识形态倾向如何,它们对事件的反应都是大幅增加对相关政策问题的关注。与此同时,自由派和保守派的节目继续以非常不同的方式构建这些问题。党派媒体没有忽视不方便的事件,而是“编织”它们,以符合他们意识形态倾向的方式解释它们。这些媒体动态暗示,全国性的重大事件可能导致意见两极分化,而不是趋同——成为一种分裂的经历,而不是一种共同的经历。
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引用次数: 0
Experimenting with List Experiments: Interviewer Effects and Immigration Attitudes 列表实验:面试官效应与移民态度
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-24 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad001
Christopher F. Karpowitz, Sarah Austin, Jacob Crandall, Raquel Macias
List experimentation is a common survey methodology that purports to reduce or eliminate social desirability bias. While some studies have assessed list experimentation’s effectiveness in achieving that goal, to our knowledge, this is the first ever experimental evaluation of interviewer effects on list experiment performance. We embedded a list experiment about immigration attitudes in an in-person survey administered to 718 white respondents. Randomly assigning Caucasian and Latinx interviewers, we find strong evidence that responses to the list experiment differed by interviewer ethnicity, thus failing to fully eliminate social desirability bias. A follow-up survey of 1,460 online respondents revealed similar difference-in-differences when merely priming the ethnic identities of survey researchers through pictures. The results of this study shed light on patterns of interpersonal communication about sensitive issues and how social context shapes the reporting of political attitudes, even when methodology specifically meant to mute sensitivity biases is employed.
列表实验是一种常见的调查方法,旨在减少或消除社会期望偏差。虽然一些研究评估了列表实验在实现这一目标方面的有效性,但据我们所知,这是有史以来第一次对面试官对列表实验表现的影响进行实验评估。我们在一项针对718名白人受访者的面对面调查中嵌入了一项关于移民态度的列表实验。随机分配高加索和拉丁裔受访者,我们发现强有力的证据表明,对列表实验的反应因受访者种族而异,因此未能完全消除社会期望偏见。一项针对1460名在线受访者的后续调查显示,仅通过图片启动调查研究人员的种族身份时,差异也存在类似差异。这项研究的结果揭示了敏感问题的人际沟通模式,以及社会背景如何影响政治态度的报道,即使采用了专门旨在消除敏感偏见的方法。
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引用次数: 1
Satisfaction with Democracy: A Review of a Major Public Opinion Indicator 对民主的满意度:一个主要民意指标的回顾
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-08 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad003
Shane P. Singh, Quinton Mayne
Satisfaction with democracy (SWD) is one of the most commonly studied topics in the fields of political behavior and public opinion. Gauged with a survey question that asks respondents whether they are satisfied with the way democracy works, SWD has featured as an independent or dependent variable in more than 400 publications. In this Synthesis, we review the evolution and findings of this nearly 50-year-old body of literature, identifying gaps and disagreements. We pay particular attention to issues of measurement and conceptualization, research methodology, and real-world importance. We conclude by highlighting critical areas of future research, including continued investigation into the measurement of SWD and what the question captures, more qualitative and (quasi-)experimental work, more focus on emotions and extreme (dis)satisfaction, and greater geographic coverage.
民主满意度(Satisfaction with democracy, SWD)是政治行为和民意研究领域中最常研究的课题之一。社会福利署在超过400份刊物中以自变量或因变量的形式出现,问卷询问受访者是否满意民主的运作方式。在本文中,我们回顾了这一近50年的文献体系的演变和发现,找出了差距和分歧。我们特别关注测量和概念化问题,研究方法和现实世界的重要性。最后,我们强调了未来研究的关键领域,包括继续研究社会福利的测量方法和问题所反映的内容,更多的定性和(准)实验工作,更多地关注情绪和极端(不满)满意度,以及更大的地理覆盖范围。
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引用次数: 4
The Devil No More? Decreasing Negative Outparty Affect through Asymmetric Partisan Thinking 魔鬼不再存在?非对称党派思维减少消极局外人影响
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-06 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfad009
Wayde Z. C. Marsh
Political scientists, party elites, and journalists agree that affective polarization and negative partisanship are serious problems in American politics, but is it possible to reverse this trend and decrease negative outparty affect? Using two original survey experiments that manipulate partisans to think of the Republican and Democratic parties in either expressive or instrumental terms, I find that providing policy information about the parties decreases Republicans’ negative affect toward Democrats, while providing party coalition information decreases Democrats’ negative affect toward Republicans. Neither type of information, however, causes a significant change in inparty affect. This paper provides evidence, therefore, that an asymmetric informational intervention can decrease negative outparty affect, with important implications for an affectively polarized America.
政治学家、政党精英和记者都认为,情感两极分化和负面党派偏见是美国政治中的严重问题,但有可能扭转这一趋势,减少负面党外影响吗?使用两个原始的调查实验,操纵党派人士以表达或工具的方式思考共和党和民主党,我发现提供有关政党的政策信息可以减少共和党人对民主党人的负面影响,而提供政党联盟信息可以减少民主党人对共和党人的负面影响力。然而,这两种类型的信息都不会引起当事人情感的显著变化。因此,本文提供了证据,证明不对称的信息干预可以减少负面的党外影响,这对情感两极分化的美国具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
Taylor N. Carlson and Jaime E. Settle. What Goes Without Saying: Navigating Political Discussion in America Taylor N.Carlson和Jaime E.Settle。无话可说:引导美国的政治讨论
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac056
E. Sydnor
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引用次数: 4
Nathan P. Kalmoe and Lilliana Mason. Radical American Partisanship: Mapping Violent Hostility, Its Causes, and the Consequences for Democracy 内森·p·卡尔莫和莉莲娜·梅森。激进的美国党派之争:描绘暴力敌意,其原因,以及对民主的后果
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac054
Laura Jakli
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引用次数: 26
Stuart N. Soroka and Christopher Wlezien. Information and Democracy: Public Policy in the News 斯图亚特·N·索罗卡和克里斯托弗·沃齐恩。信息与民主:新闻中的公共政策
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfac055
Nate Breznau
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Public Opinion Quarterly
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