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Discourse analysis and strategic policy advice: manoeuvring, navigating, and transforming policy 话语分析和战略政策建议:策略、导航和转变
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2217846
Kennet Lynggaard, P. Triantafillou
ABSTRACT Discourse analysis (DA) has established itself as a widely accepted and legitimate approach to policy analysis. It is used to study issues such as the role of knowledge in policymaking, political cleavages and coalitions, and legitimacy. However, the proponents of DA have generally been reluctant to provide strategic policy advice. This reluctance limits the utility of DA for providing new and partly alternative policy ideas and advice on how to propagate new policies and to consolidate existing ones. This paper aims to extend the scope of DA to include advice that may change or modify how discourses are utilised in shaping policy. It elaborates on seven types of discursive agency allowing policy actors (including politicians, policy strategists, public managers, and citizen groups) to either consolidate existing policy or propagate new policy by manoeuvring within a given discursive framework, navigating between different and conflicting discourses, or transforming existing discourses.
话语分析已经成为一种被广泛接受和合法的政策分析方法。它用于研究知识在决策中的作用、政治分裂和联盟以及合法性等问题。然而,DA的支持者通常不愿意提供战略政策建议。这种不情愿限制了DA就如何宣传新政策和巩固现有政策提供新的和部分替代的政策想法和建议的效用。本文旨在扩大DA的范围,包括可能改变或修改话语在制定政策中的使用方式的建议。它阐述了七种类型的话语机构,允许政策行动者(包括政治家、政策战略家、公共管理者和公民团体)通过在给定的话语框架内操纵、在不同和冲突的话语之间导航或转换现有话语来巩固现有政策或宣传新政策。
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引用次数: 1
Tit for tat? EU risk-sharing and experienced reciprocity 以牙还牙?欧盟风险分担和经验丰富的互惠
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2215820
Ann-Kathrin Reinl, Alexia Katsanidou
As with previous crises, EU-wide risk-sharing has also been demanded during the Covid-19 pandemic. Yet, this crisis did not unfold in a political vacuum. Instead, public backing for EU-wide risk-sharing might have been informed by past crises experiences. Building on the idea of experienced reciprocal risk-sharing, we assume that the willingness to share risks is greater when a crisis-ridden country has also shown solidarity before, whereas readiness to cooperate may be mitigated by non-solidarity-oriented behaviour in the past. We test this assumption based on a survey experiment carried out in eleven EU countries in 2020. Our findings suggest that, when people are given information about whether another country has acted in solidarity in the past, this influences their willingness to support risk-sharing in the present. However, we also find evidence that respondents’ preferences outside the experimental setting do not always match their country's recent history of reciprocal risk-sharing.
与以往的危机一样,在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,也要求欧盟范围内的风险分担。然而,这场危机并非在政治真空中展开。相反,公众对欧盟范围内风险共担的支持可能是基于过去的危机经验。基于经验丰富的互惠风险分担的理念,我们假设,当一个危机缠身的国家以前也表现出团结时,分担风险的意愿会更大,而合作的意愿可能会因过去非团结导向的行为而减弱。我们根据2020年在11个欧盟国家进行的一项调查实验来检验这一假设。我们的研究结果表明,当人们得知另一个国家过去是否团结一致时,这会影响他们目前支持风险分担的意愿。然而,我们也发现证据表明,受访者在实验环境之外的偏好并不总是与他们国家最近互惠风险分担的历史相匹配。
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引用次数: 1
Continuity despite crises: Germany’s euro policy in the light of the pandemic, war and inflation 危机中的连续性:德国在疫情、战争和通货膨胀背景下的欧元政策
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2218883
Magnus G. Schoeller, Sebastian Heidebrecht
After a decade of reforming and stabilising the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), it has been put to a triple test: the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the return of inflation have posed serious challenges to the eurozone that call for policy responses. Against the background of recent advances in European integration theory, we assess whether and how these challenges have led to a change in the EMU policy of the eurozone's most powerful member, Germany. We conceptualise three ideal-typical policy options for Germany to deal with EMU's challenges and we search for traces of policy learning from past eurozone crisis management. On the basis of semi-structured interviews with German political elites, we cannot identify any significant change in Germany's EMU policy. We conclude that the unwavering continuity of Germany's euro policy makes further substantial integration in EMU unlikely. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Journal of European Public Policy is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
经过十年的经济和货币联盟(EMU)改革和稳定,它面临着三重考验:新冠肺炎疫情、乌克兰战争和通货膨胀的卷土重来给欧元区带来了严重挑战,需要采取政策应对措施。在欧洲一体化理论最近取得进展的背景下,我们评估这些挑战是否以及如何导致欧元区最强大成员国德国的欧洲货币联盟政策发生变化。我们为德国应对欧洲货币联盟的挑战提出了三种理想的典型政策选择,并从过去的欧元区危机管理中寻找政策学习的痕迹。在对德国政治精英进行半结构化采访的基础上,我们无法确定德国动车组政策有任何重大变化。我们得出的结论是,德国欧元政策的坚定不移的连续性使得欧洲货币联盟不太可能进一步实现实质性一体化。[发件人]《欧洲公共政策杂志》版权归Routledge所有,未经版权持有人明确书面许可,不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到listserv。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。(版权适用于所有人。)
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引用次数: 2
A different logic of polity building? The Russian invasion of Ukraine and EU citizens’ demand for social security 不同的政治建设逻辑?俄罗斯入侵乌克兰与欧盟公民对社会保障的需求
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2217228
M. Natili, Francesco Visconti
ABSTRACT The present study considers whether the Russian invasion of Ukraine constitutes an opportunity for EU policy centralisation and polity-building in non-military domains, according to a social security logic. It argues that the war and growing concerns about energy security and prices have presented EU policymakers with a transboundary policy puzzle on how to ensure autonomy in energy supply, fight climate change and protect household disposable income. Then, it examines public preferences on energy and social policy options, evaluating whether the war contributed to increasing demand for supra-national capacity building and investigating the priorities (and divides) across and within EU countries in these policy areas. The findings show that social security concerns related to the war in Ukraine have been translated into greater support for policy centralisation, but they have not helped to overcome divides over conflicting policy goals, leaving policymakers with some difficult decisions.
摘要本研究根据社会安全逻辑,考虑了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是否构成了欧盟在非军事领域政策集中和政治建设的机会。它认为,战争以及对能源安全和价格的日益担忧,给欧盟决策者带来了一个跨界政策难题,即如何确保能源供应自主性、应对气候变化和保护家庭可支配收入。然后,它审查了公众对能源和社会政策选择的偏好,评估战争是否有助于增加对超国家能力建设的需求,并调查欧盟国家之间和内部在这些政策领域的优先事项(和分歧)。研究结果表明,与乌克兰战争有关的社会保障问题已转化为对政策集中化的更大支持,但它们并没有帮助克服在相互冲突的政策目标上的分歧,给决策者留下了一些艰难的决定。
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引用次数: 3
Democracy and discontent: institutional trust and evaluations of system performance among core and peripheral far right voters 民主与不满:核心和外围极右翼选民对制度的信任和对制度绩效的评估
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2215816
Sofia Vasilopoulou, Daphne Halikiopoulou
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引用次数: 1
Parallel, divergent or drifting? Regulating healthcare products in a post-Brexit UK 平行、发散还是漂移?英国脱欧后的医疗保健产品监管
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2213721
Mark Dayan, T. Hervey, N. Fahy, Elizabeth Vlachakis, M. McCarey, Mark L. Flear, S. Greer, H. Jarman
ABSTRACT EU laws have exerted a powerful influence on research, manufacturing, supply, sale and procurement of the products on which national health systems rely. Pre-Brexit, the UK was closely involved in the policy and operation of regulations affecting these goods. Since Brexit, ideological polarisation and the political salience of health during a global pandemic have driven a rhetoric of competitive divergence. However, active UK policy divergence to date is limited. It is unsettled whether the UK, as a small market in this global industry, genuinely seeks a higher risk, more industry-friendly regulatory paradigm. With regulatory and policy capacity also under strain, important decisions have been delayed. The position of Northern Ireland remains highly precarious, with negotiations ongoing on how to handle its unique partial status within the single market. The UK’s attempt to remain within the EU’s research funding programme has consequently been pushed into involuntary divergence.
摘要欧盟法律对国家卫生系统所依赖的产品的研究、制造、供应、销售和采购产生了强大的影响。脱欧前,英国密切参与了影响这些商品的法规的政策和运作。自英国脱欧以来,意识形态两极分化和全球疫情期间健康问题的政治突出性引发了竞争分歧的言论。然而,迄今为止,英国积极的政策分歧是有限的。英国作为这个全球行业中的一个小市场,是否真的寻求一种风险更高、对行业更友好的监管模式,目前尚不确定。由于监管和政策能力也面临压力,重要决策被推迟。北爱尔兰的地位仍然非常不稳定,目前正在就如何处理其在单一市场中独特的部分地位进行谈判。因此,英国试图留在欧盟的研究资助计划中,却陷入了非自愿的分歧。
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引用次数: 4
Social identities and deadlocked debates on nuclear energy policy 社会身份和陷入僵局的核能政策辩论
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2215495
Johanna Hornung
ABSTRACT Since the security of energy supply in Europe is at stake, the debate on energy sources prominently took hold on the agenda of European countries. Nuclear energy is one of the issues on this agenda. However, nuclear energy is discussed quite differently in Germany and France, although the two countries both experienced strong public protest in the 1970s and are similar in size, economy, industry and culture. By comparing the two, this article analyses the reasons for the different debates on nuclear energy existent in Germany and France. It argues that stances on nuclear energy form the core of social identities that prevent members of these groups to deviate from the group norm. The relevance of certain types of identities is a function of the institutions of the political system. To change the way energy sources are discussed, it is necessary to create or make salient different group identities.
摘要由于欧洲能源供应的安全岌岌可危,能源问题的辩论在欧洲各国的议程上占据了重要地位。核能是这一议程上的问题之一。然而,德国和法国对核能的讨论截然不同,尽管这两个国家在20世纪70年代都经历了强烈的公众抗议,而且在规模、经济、工业和文化方面都很相似。通过对两者的比较,分析了德国和法国在核能问题上存在不同争论的原因。它认为,对核能的立场构成了社会身份的核心,防止这些群体的成员偏离群体规范。某些类型的身份的相关性是政治制度的一个功能。为了改变讨论能源的方式,有必要创造或形成显著的不同群体身份。
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引用次数: 1
Implementation leeway in the Dublin system: evidence from Switzerland 都柏林制度的实施余地:来自瑞士的证据
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2215274
Théoda Woeffray
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引用次数: 0
When does the EU commission listen to experts? Analysing the effect of external compliance assessments on supranational enforcement in the EU 欧盟委员会什么时候听取专家的意见?分析外部合规评估对欧盟超国家执法的影响
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2214582
Asya Zhelyazkova, R. Schrama
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引用次数: 0
Withdrawal symptoms: party factions, political change and British foreign policy post-Brexit 脱欧症状:政党派系、政治变化和英国脱欧后的外交政策
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-17 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2198578
Benjamin Martill
ABSTRACT The effects of Brexit on British foreign, security and defence policy have been complex. Initial efforts to agree structured cooperation failed, with later governments refusing to negotiate on this area, followed by unstructured re-engagement after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This article argues that these changes can be explained by reference to the factional politics during the Brexit negotiations within the Conservative Party, with the defeat of May’s Withdrawal Agreement bringing to power a pro-Brexit faction with a distinct foreign policy worldview and incentives to demonstrate a cleaner break from the European Union. Empirically, the article draws on a series of interviews conducted with UK and EU policymakers. The findings demonstrate the significance of ideology and party factions in a policy domain where the UK is powerful enough to treat EU institutions as useful rather than necessary, and shows the direct and indirect ways factional politics brings about external change.
摘要英国脱欧对英国外交、安全和国防政策的影响是复杂的。最初达成结构性合作的努力失败了,后来的政府拒绝就这一领域进行谈判,随后在俄罗斯入侵乌克兰后又进行了无组织的重新接触。这篇文章认为,这些变化可以通过参考保守党脱欧谈判期间的派系政治来解释,梅的《退出协议》的失败使一个支持脱欧的派系上台,该派系拥有独特的外交政策世界观,并有动机表现出与欧盟的彻底决裂。从经验上讲,这篇文章借鉴了对英国和欧盟政策制定者进行的一系列采访。研究结果表明,在英国足够强大的政策领域,意识形态和政党派系的重要性足以将欧盟机构视为有用而非必要的,并表明派系政治带来外部变革的直接和间接方式。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of European Public Policy
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