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European Union versus core state powers: the customisation of EU fiscal policy 欧盟vs核心国家权力:欧盟财政政策的定制化
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2217234
Tiziano Zgaga, Eva Thomann, Mathieu Goubier
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引用次数: 2
The politics of policy analysis: theoretical insights on real world problems 政策分析的政治学:对现实世界问题的理论见解
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2221282
P. Cairney
ABSTRACT How can policy process research help to address policy and policymaking problems? This special edition of the Journal of European Public Policy seeks to address that question by examining the theory and practice of policy analysis. The call for papers sought state of the art articles that conceptualise the politics of policy analysis, and empirical studies that use theoretical insights to analyse and address real world problems. Contributions could draw on mainstream policy theories to explain how policymaking works, and/ or critical approaches that identify and challenge inequalities of power. This introduction shows why such perspectives matter, and how they contribute to a full examination of policy analysis.
摘要政策过程研究如何帮助解决政策和决策问题?《欧洲公共政策杂志》特刊试图通过研究政策分析的理论和实践来解决这个问题。论文征集寻求将政策分析的政治概念化的最新文章,以及利用理论见解分析和解决现实世界问题的实证研究。贡献可以借鉴主流政策理论来解释政策制定是如何运作的,和/或识别和挑战权力不平等的关键方法。这一介绍说明了为什么这些观点很重要,以及它们如何有助于全面审查政策分析。
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引用次数: 2
Regional involvement in EU trade policy: what remains after politicization? 欧盟贸易政策的区域参与:政治化后还剩下什么?
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2223233
Jörg Broschek, C. Freudlsperger
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引用次数: 1
How TTIP split the social-democrats: reacting to the politicisation of EU trade policy in the European parliament TTIP如何分裂社会民主党:对欧洲议会中欧盟贸易政策政治化的反应
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2223226
Ferdi De Ville, Niels Gheyle
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引用次数: 4
In this together? Support for European fiscal integration in the COVID-19 crisis 一起来吗?在2019冠状病毒病危机中支持欧洲财政一体化
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-13 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2220357
B. Bremer, Theresa Kuhn, M. Meijers, F. Nicoli
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引用次数: 2
Religion policy and subnational identity construction in Alsace-Moselle, France, and Catalonia, Spain 法国阿尔萨斯-摩泽尔和西班牙加泰罗尼亚的宗教政策与次国家认同建构
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-11 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2222779
S. Shady
ABSTRACT Religious-secular clashes have contributed to the structure of political competition into the twenty-first century. Yet subnational regions did not experience the secular-clerical cleavage as states did. Historical experience with overlapping secular-clerical and centre-periphery cleavages has shaped how (sub)national communities approach the relationship between religion and territorial identity today. This essay builds a theory of the strategic use of religion to strengthen subnational identity using the cases of Alsace-Moselle and Catalonia. I argue that historical alignment of secular-clerical and centre-periphery cleavages has evolved to create a contemporary political opportunity structure for subnational elites to leverage religion to strengthen community identity and obtain authority devolution. As a result, I observe intrastate differences in religious pluralism policies and the framing of their links to community identity.
宗教与世俗的冲突促成了进入21世纪的政治竞争结构。然而,国家以下地区并没有像各州那样经历世俗的神职人员分裂。世俗神职人员和中边缘分裂重叠的历史经验塑造了(亚)民族社区今天如何处理宗教和领土认同之间的关系。本文以阿尔萨斯-摩泽尔和加泰罗尼亚为例,构建了一个利用宗教加强国家以下认同的战略理论。我认为,世俗神职人员和中边缘分裂的历史结盟已经演变为创造一个当代政治机会结构,让国家以下的精英利用宗教来加强社区认同并获得权力下放。因此,我观察到州内宗教多元化政策的差异及其与社区身份联系的框架。
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引用次数: 1
Politicisation, business lobbying, and the design of preferential trade agreements 政治化、商业游说和特惠贸易协定的设计
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2218413
Elise Antoine, E. Atikcan, A. Chalmers
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引用次数: 2
From the Wieser report to Team Europe: explaining the ‘battle of the banks’ in development finance 从Wieser报告到欧洲团队:解释发展融资中的“银行之战”
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2221301
D. Hodson, D. Howarth
The European Union (EU) and its member states are the world ’ s largest development donor, but the European fi nancial architecture for development su ff ers from well-documented problems of fragmentation. EU member states ’ decision to convene the Wieser Group in April 2019 raised expectations over rationalising the roles of the European Investment Bank (EIB) and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). However, the Council of the EU showed little enthusiasm for the group ’ s call to create a single entity for external development fi nance. Twelve months later, member states endorsed Team Europe, an alternative approach which mobilises the resources of the EIB, the EBRD, the European Commission and national development fi nance institutions in support of shared development goals. This article seeks to explain why the Council ultimately preferred Team Europe ’ s coordinated approach to the Wieser Report ’ s centralised vision of a European Climate and Sustainable Development Bank. In keeping with new intergovernmentalism, we fi nd that member states ’ willingness to cooperate but reluctance to delegate, and the aim of EU institutions to protect their turf, favoured Team Europe. We see few reasons to expect radical changes in this domain despite continued doubts over the e ff ectiveness and coherence of European development fi nance.
欧盟(EU)及其成员国是世界上最大的发展捐助国,但欧洲的发展金融体系存在着有据可查的碎片化问题。欧盟成员国决定于2019年4月召开维泽集团会议,这提高了人们对欧洲投资银行(EIB)和欧洲复兴开发银行(EBRD)角色合理化的期望。然而,欧盟理事会对该组织要求建立一个单一的外部发展融资实体的呼吁几乎没有表现出热情。12个月后,成员国批准了欧洲团队,这是一种调动欧洲投资银行、欧洲复兴开发银行、欧盟委员会和国家发展融资机构资源支持共同发展目标的替代方法。这篇文章试图解释为什么理事会最终倾向于欧洲团队的协调方法,而不是维瑟报告中关于欧洲气候与可持续发展银行的集中愿景。为了与新的政府间主义保持一致,我们发现成员国愿意合作但不愿授权,以及欧盟机构保护其地盘的目标,有利于欧洲团队。尽管人们对欧洲发展融资的有效性和一致性仍持怀疑态度,但我们几乎没有理由期待这一领域发生根本性变化。
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引用次数: 2
Mind the gap! UK employment policy both during and beyond EU membership: from policy layering to policy drift 小心空隙!英国在加入欧盟期间和之后的就业政策:从政策分层到政策漂移
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2216222
P. Copeland
ABSTRACT This article interrogates the impact of EU employment policy on the UK both during and after EU Membership. To do so, it adopts insights from both historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. The argument made is that integration in the area of employment policy resulted in a process of ‘layering’ whereby EU policy ultimately tamed some of the more liberal elements of the UK’s employment model. Such layering, however, failed to generate a more fundamental change within the UK’s path dependency owing to the emergence of a powerful discourse within British politics. This discourse portrayed EU legislation as a threat to the UK’s ability to generate growth and jobs. As an ‘independent’ country, however, overtime UK employment policy is likely to experience policy drift from the EU, albeit the extent of such remains unclear.
摘要本文探讨了在加入欧盟期间和之后,欧盟就业政策对英国的影响。为此,它采用了历史制度主义和话语制度主义的见解。提出的论点是,就业政策领域的一体化导致了一个“分层”过程,欧盟政策最终驯服了英国就业模式中一些更自由的因素。然而,由于英国政治中出现了强有力的话语,这种分层未能在英国的路径依赖性中产生更根本的变化。这种言论将欧盟立法描述为对英国创造增长和就业能力的威胁。然而,作为一个“独立”国家,英国的加班就业政策可能会偏离欧盟,尽管其程度尚不清楚。
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引用次数: 2
The origins of ‘cakeism’: the British think tank debate over repatriating sovereignty and its impact on the UK’s Brexit strategy “蛋糕主义”的起源:英国智库关于归还主权及其对英国脱欧战略的影响的辩论
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-03 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2022.2072371
Andrew Glencross
ABSTRACT This article uncovers the origins of ‘cakeism’ i.e., the notion the UK could keep certain EU benefits or not suffer costs after Brexit. The analysis demonstrates how the assumptions behind cakeism originated after 1992 in policy circles associated with the Conservative Party. They argued that a free-trade alternative to the EU was easy to put in place by simply disaggregating preferred elements of the single market from supranationalism. A Westminster-centric perspective also meant these proto-Brexiters were unable to countenance any potential domestic disruption caused by leaving the EU. During May’s Brexit negotiations, European Research Group MPs resorted to cakeist arguments that reprised the same assumptions about international trade and the unitary nature of the UK state articulated well before 2016. Cakeist ideas helped scupper May’s customs plan and paved the way for Johnson’s free trade deal, thereby demonstrating the enduring influence of the early think-tank debate on leaving the EU.
摘要本文揭示了“蛋糕主义”的起源,即英国脱欧后可以保留某些欧盟利益或不承担成本。该分析表明,蛋糕主义背后的假设是如何在1992年后起源于与保守党有关的政策圈的。他们认为,通过简单地将单一市场的偏好元素与超民族主义相分离,很容易建立一个替代欧盟的自由贸易方案。以威斯敏斯特为中心的观点也意味着这些原脱欧派无法支持脱欧造成的任何潜在国内混乱。在5月份的脱欧谈判中,欧洲研究小组的议员们诉诸于结块主义的论点,重复了早在2016年之前就阐述的关于国际贸易和英国国家统一性质的相同假设。Cakeist的想法破坏了梅的海关计划,并为约翰逊的自由贸易协议铺平了道路,从而表明了早期智囊团关于脱欧的辩论的持久影响。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Journal of European Public Policy
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