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Learning mode misfits in policy learning: typology, case study and lessons learnt 政策学习中的学习模式错位:类型学、案例研究和经验教训
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-22 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2280678
Malte Möck, P. Feindt
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引用次数: 0
Minding the time gap: politicians’ perspectives on inter-temporal trade-offs in policy and politics 注意时间差:政治家对政策和政治中跨时空权衡的看法
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2282735
Axel Cronert, Olivier Jacques, Benjamin Ferland
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引用次数: 0
Bureaucratic politics, risk management, and agency strategy: a study of agency management in a gale 官僚政治、风险管理和机构战略:大风中的机构管理研究
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2281586
Jørgen Grønnegaard Christensen, Peter B. Mortensen, H. Salomonsen
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引用次数: 0
How the impossible became possible: evolving frames and narratives on responsibility and responsiveness from the Eurocrisis to NextGenerationEU 不可能是如何变为可能的:从欧洲危机到下一代欧盟,有关责任和响应的框架和论述不断演变
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2282164
Amandine Crespy, Tom Massart, Vivien A. Schmidt
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引用次数: 0
The ECB and the inflation monsters: strategic framing and the responsibility imperative (1998–2023) 欧洲央行与通胀怪物:战略框架与责任要求(1998-2023 年)
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-19 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2281583
Aurélien Goutsmedt, Clément Fontan
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the geography of discontent: perceptions of government’s biases against left-behind places 了解不满情绪的地理分布:关于政府对留守儿童偏见的看法
IF 4.2 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-19 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2277381
Lawrence McKay, Will Jennings, Gerry Stoker
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引用次数: 0
IO survival politics: international organisations amid the crisis of multilateralism 国际组织生存政治:多边主义危机中的国际组织
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2276757
Leonard August Schuette
ABSTRACTInternational organisations (IOs) have never been more authoritative and potentially agential while simultaneously faced more intense threats to their continued existence. Amid these dialectic conditions, this article identifies a novel type of behaviour: IO Survival Politics. IO Survival Politics occurs when senior institutional actors perceive the organisation to face an existential threat and, in response, employ extraordinary strategies to ensure the organisation’s continued existence. Survival Politics thus differs both in degree and kind from the ways in which secretariats exercise influence during conditions of normal policymaking. Two case studies illustrate the concept: (1) the European Commission’s response to Brexit and (2) NATO’s response to President Trump’s withdrawal threats. Drawing on 87 interviews with senior officials, the article shows that IO Survival Politics occurs across a range of diverse IOs in face of diverse threats and can be a crucial factor in determining the fate of IOs in crisis. By conceptualising IO Survival Politics, the article intends to open new avenues for research and advance scholarly understanding of IOs and the crisis of multilateralism.KEYWORDS: International organisationscrisesagencyNATOEUmultilateralism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis article is part of a project that has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme [grant agreement No 802568].Notes on contributorsLeonard August SchuetteLeonard Schuette is a senior researcher at the Munich Security Conference. The bulk of the word for this article was done when he was a visiting researcher at the University of Oxford and PhD researcher at the University of Maastricht. The author is indebted to Hylke Dijkstra, Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, Christian Kreuder-Sonnen, Tim Heinkelmann-Wild, and the participants at the ECPR Conference in Innsbruck (2022) and DVPW workshop on international organisations in Bonn (2022) for their most helpful comments.
摘要国际组织从未像现在这样具有权威性和潜在的代理能力,但同时也面临着对其持续存在的强烈威胁。在这些辩证的条件下,本文确定了一种新的行为类型:IO生存政治。生存政治发生在高级机构参与者意识到组织面临生存威胁,并采取特殊策略以确保组织继续存在的时候。因此,生存政治在程度和种类上都不同于秘书处在正常决策条件下施加影响的方式。两个案例研究说明了这一概念:(1)欧盟委员会对英国退欧的反应;(2)北约对特朗普总统撤军威胁的反应。通过对87名高级官员的采访,本文表明,面对各种威胁,IO生存政治发生在各种不同的IOs中,这可能是决定危机中IOs命运的关键因素。通过概念化国际组织生存政治,本文旨在为研究开辟新的途径,并促进对国际组织和多边主义危机的学术理解。关键词:国际组织;危机;机构;;;;;本文是欧洲研究委员会(ERC)在欧盟地平线2020研究与创新计划(资助协议号802568)下资助的一个项目的一部分。作者简介:leonard Schuette是慕尼黑安全会议的高级研究员。这篇文章的大部分文字是他在牛津大学做访问研究员和马斯特里赫特大学做博士研究员时写的。作者感谢Hylke Dijkstra, Mette eilstrupp - sangiovanni, Christian Kreuder-Sonnen, Tim Heinkelmann-Wild以及因斯布鲁克ECPR会议(2022)和波恩国际组织DVPW研讨会(2022)的参与者提供的最有帮助的意见。
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引用次数: 0
Falling behind whom? Economic geographies of right-wing populism in Europe 落后于谁?欧洲右翼民粹主义的经济地理
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2278647
Dominik Schraff, Jonas Pontusson
ABSTRACTExisting studies suggest that right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) appeal to people in communities that have fallen behind in material terms. However, it remains open which benchmark communities apply as they become politically discontented. We argue that the structure of territorial inequalities influences the benchmarks used by people in regions falling behind. Panel data regressions using subnational election results in EU states from 1990 to 2018 reveal a sharp contrast between the economic geographies of right-wing populism in core and peripheral EU member states. We find a strong association between falling behind the richest region of the country and RWPP support within core EU countries, while in peripheral EU states falling behind the EU core is associated with regional support for RWPPs. This suggests that RWPP voters in peripheral countries cue on how they are faring relative to the EU core, while RWPP supporters in core countries cue on how they are faring relative to dynamic regions of their own country. Our analysis also shows that increased manufacturing employment reinforces the effect of falling behind the richest region in core EU member states, while we find no strong evidence that regional economic stagnation is important to the electoral performance of RWPPs.KEYWORDS: Europegeographyinequalityright-wing populism AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of the paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (Montreal) in September 2022 and at a workshop at Copenhagen Business School in October 2022. We thank the participants in both events for constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While SD’s national vote share increased by 2.5 points, its Stockholm vote share increased by less than one percentage point. Statistics Sweden, https://www.scb.se/en/finding-statistics/statistics-by-subject-area/democracy/general-elections/general-elections-results/.2 Dropping the three smallest member states (Luxembourg, Cyprus and Malta) and losing some additional observations for lack of data on independent variables, our analysis is restricted to 1,053 regional units in 25 countries. Regional units are NUTS 3 regions for 19 countries and NUTS 2 regions for 6 countries (Belgium, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Slovenia and the UK). Countries that have joined the EU since 1990 enter the dataset the year they obtained the status of an ‘accession country.’ The EU-NED dataset and codebook are available at: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/file.xhtml?fileId=6157990&version=1.13 We consider ‘right-wing’ to be interchangeable with ‘far Right’ and ‘radical Right.’ While many recent studies posit common determinants of left-wing and right-wing populism, Gonthier (Citation2023) as well as Burgoon et al. (Citation2019) emphasise differences in the motivations of individuals who support left-wing and right-wing populist parties.4 It goes without say
现有研究表明,右翼民粹主义政党(RWPPs)对物质条件落后的社区人群具有吸引力。然而,当基准社区在政治上变得不满时,它仍然是开放的。我们认为,地域不平等的结构影响了落后地区人们使用的基准。利用1990年至2018年欧盟国家次国家选举结果进行的面板数据回归显示,右翼民粹主义在欧盟核心成员国和外围成员国的经济地理上形成了鲜明对比。我们发现,落后于该国最富裕地区与欧盟核心国家对RWPP的支持之间存在很强的联系,而在欧盟外围国家,落后于欧盟核心与区域对RWPP的支持有关。这表明,边缘国家的RWPP选民取决于他们相对于欧盟核心的表现,而核心国家的RWPP支持者则取决于他们相对于本国充满活力的地区的表现。我们的分析还表明,制造业就业的增加强化了落后于欧盟核心成员国最富裕地区的影响,而我们没有发现强有力的证据表明区域经济停滞对rwpp的选举表现很重要。本文的早期版本于2022年9月在美国政治科学协会(蒙特利尔)年会上发表,并于2022年10月在哥本哈根商学院的研讨会上发表。我们感谢两场活动的参与者提供的建设性反馈。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1虽然瑞典民主党在全国的投票份额增加了2.5个百分点,但其在斯德哥尔摩的投票份额只增加了不到一个百分点。剔除三个最小的成员国(卢森堡、塞浦路斯和马耳他),并因缺乏自变量数据而失去一些额外的观察结果,我们的分析仅限于25个国家的1,053个区域单位。区域单位为19个国家的NUTS 3区域和6个国家(比利时、爱尔兰、荷兰、波兰、斯洛文尼亚和英国)的NUTS 2区域。自1990年以来加入欧盟的国家在获得“加入国”地位的那一年进入该数据集。我们认为“右翼”与“极右翼”和“激进右翼”是可以互换的。虽然最近的许多研究都假设了左翼和右翼民粹主义的共同决定因素,但Gonthier (Citation2023)和Burgoon等人(Citation2019)强调了支持左翼和右翼民粹主义政党的个人动机的差异毋庸置疑,社会地位有一个重要的(相互)主观因素,但社会地位不应与Inglehart和Norris强调的文化价值观冲突混为一谈(Citation2019)。在我们的理解中,“唯物主义解释”并不意味着“客观条件”足以解释对右翼民粹主义政党的支持。将右翼民粹主义与区域经济轨迹分化联系起来的文献中值得注意的贡献包括Hobolt (Citation2016)、McNamara (Citation2017)、Rodríguez-Pose (Citation2018)、Essletzbichler等人(Citation2018)、Carreras等人(Citation2019)、Djikstra等人(Citation2019)、Schraff (Citation2019)和Adler和Ansell (Citation2020)。参见Chou等人(Citation2022)对民粹主义研究中“地方主义转向”的更广泛讨论所有被我们称为“右翼民粹主义”的政党也被民粹主义者称为“欧洲怀疑论者”。参见Djikstra等人(Citation2019)对民粹主义和欧洲怀疑主义之间重叠的有用讨论。6正如Hense和Schäfer (Citation2022)所记录的那样,没有任何政治发言权的观念与欧洲民主国家对rwpp的投票密切相关。参见Lipps和Schraff (Citation2021)关于区域不平等对国家政治机构和欧盟机构信任的影响其他研究确定了贫富欧盟成员国之间公众态度的差异,包括De Vries (Citation2018), Vasilopoulou和Talving (Citation2020),以及Mayne和Katsanidou (Citation2022)León和Scantamburlo (Citation2022)对各州选举中的政党纲领进行了分析,提供了一个引人入胜的案例,研究德国新选择党如何在动员地区不满和呼吁德国民族认同之间取得平衡我们的论证也从Scase (Citation1977)中得到启发。 在Runciman (Citation1966)的基础上,Scase令人信服地表明,瑞典体力劳动者比他们的英国同行更有可能将自己与(上层)中产阶级进行比较。他把两个样本之间的差异归因于国家工会运动的结构请注意,我们对核心-外围区分的概念化从根本上讲是经济的,因此与欧洲一体化学生的类似区分不同(例如,Schimmelfennig, Citation2016)。与接下来的实证分析一样,表1排除了三个最小的欧盟成员国。卢森堡的人均国内生产总值(2021年为131511美元)以及欧盟创始成员国的身份,显然属于欧盟核心。英国是欧盟的核心成员国,因为我们的分析涵盖了1990年至2018年这段时间。还要注意的是,所有核心成员国在1990年就已经比所有外围成员国富裕了。11 ARDECO对地区人均国内生产总值的估计将购买力考虑在内。资料来源:https://knowledge4policy.ec.europa.eu/territorial/ardeco-database_en.12自2007-2008年金融危机以来,地区不平等的加剧与欧盟核心国家个人(“垂直”)收入不平等的稳定形成鲜明对比:平均而言,从2006年到2021年,前10%的税前国民收入份额增加了不到1% (https://wid.world/)。瑞典的情况说明了纵向和横向不平等的不同趋势,以及右翼民粹主义支持的地区差异。根据瑞典统计局的定义,2010年,大都市地区“有贫困风险”的成年人比例为14.2%,小城镇和农村地区为14.3%。到2020年,大都市地区的这一数字下降到11.8%,而小城镇和农村地区的这一数字增加到20.3% (https://www.statistikdatabasen.scb.se/pxweb/en/ssd/START__LE__LE0101/)。在同一时期,税后国民收入的基尼系数从0.31下降到0.29 (https://wid.world/).13)由于标准误差估计更为保守,我们更倾向于对地区和年份水平采用固定效应规范,而不是随机效应。此外,目前还没有现成的估计程序,允许准二项式链接函数在多层次GLM中,以及缺乏工具来计算聚类标准误差我们对上述控制变量的测量也是基于ARDECO数据(https://knowledge4policy.ec.europa.eu/territorial/ardeco-database_en)。我们的分析中包含的所有变量的描述性统计数据见附录1请注意,有11个核心国家和14个外围国家,核心国家样本的N值仍然是4888,外围国家样本的N值是2588。这是由于富裕国家的数据涵盖的时间较长,而且富裕国家往往有更多的地区(例如,德国有大约400个NUTS3地区)表4中报告的相互作用效应是使用标准化变量和双贬低估计器(Giesselmann & Schmidt-Catran, Citation2022)估计的17图7左侧面板中GDP增长高值时的非线性模式是统计外推的结果,很少有观察结果驱动这些结果(见边际效应下面的地毯图)。dominik Schraff在本文中的工作得到了瑞士国家科学基
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引用次数: 3
How the Eurozone shapes populism: a comparative political economy approach 欧元区如何塑造民粹主义:一种比较政治经济学方法
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2269972
Philip Rathgeb, Jonathan Hopkin
The rise of populist parties is a defining feature of political change in the advanced capitalist countries. Whereas a large body of research explores populist parties in domestic politics, we know little about how populist parties of right and left have responded to the transformation of the transnational Eurozone regime. In this paper, we show how the diverse exposure to the costs and benefits of EMU can explain their EU-level economic policy positions and thereby create opportunities for populist alliances across the left-right divide. In the debtor countries of Southern Europe, populist parties of both right and left have resisted demands for neoliberal reform during the Euro crisis while supporting fiscal risk-sharing arrangements during the COVID-19 pandemic, making populist left-right coalitions possible. In the creditor countries of Northern Europe, by contrast, populist right and left parties have been fundamentally divided throughout. Based on case study analyses of Germany and Italy, the most prominent creditor and debtor countries, our findings suggest that populist parties may only find common ground when ‘Brussels’ interferes in domestic policy-making autonomy by imposing neoliberal reform.
民粹主义政党的崛起是发达资本主义国家政治变革的一个显著特征。尽管大量研究探讨了国内政治中的民粹主义政党,但我们对左翼和右翼民粹主义政党如何应对欧元区跨国政权的转型知之甚少。在本文中,我们展示了对欧洲货币联盟的成本和收益的不同暴露如何解释他们在欧盟层面的经济政策立场,从而为跨越左右分歧的民粹主义联盟创造机会。在南欧债务国,右翼和左翼民粹主义政党在欧元危机期间抵制新自由主义改革的要求,而在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间支持财政风险分担安排,这使得民粹主义左右联盟成为可能。相比之下,在北欧债权国,民粹主义的右翼和左翼政党一直存在根本分歧。基于对德国和意大利这两个最突出的债权国和债务国的案例研究分析,我们的研究结果表明,只有当“布鲁塞尔”通过实施新自由主义改革干涉国内决策自主权时,民粹主义政党才可能找到共同点。
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引用次数: 0
Unpacking the European Commission's fiscal policy response to crisis: mapping and explaining economic ideas in the European Semester 2011–2022 拆解欧盟委员会应对危机的财政政策:绘制和解释2011-2022年欧洲学期的经济思想
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2274347
Rachel Graham, Martijn Schoonvelde, Marij Swinkels
In this paper, we examine how and why the European Commission's ideas on fiscal policy have changed over the course of the European Semester. Empirically, we rely on a semi-supervised scaling approach to identify economic ideas as they appear in Semester documents from the aftermath of the financial crisis onwards (2011-2022). Our findings demonstrate a gradual shift in ideas from an ordoliberal to a Keynesian direction, especially during the overlapping Von der Leyen and Covid-19 crisis years. We identify substantial country-specific differences throughout 2011–2022, with some countries receiving exclusively Keynesian recommendations, and others distinctively ordoliberal ones. These patterns can be explained in part by economic conditions in those member states but not by the public's trust in the EU. These results underscore the reactive nature of the Commission's economic ideology; crises, as well as member states’ economic conditions, shape the direction of its fiscal policy recommendations.
在本文中,我们研究了欧盟委员会关于财政政策的想法是如何以及为什么在欧洲学期的过程中发生变化的。从经验上看,我们依靠半监督缩放方法来识别金融危机之后(2011-2022年)学期文件中出现的经济思想。我们的研究结果表明,思想逐渐从自由主义转向凯恩斯主义,特别是在冯德莱恩和Covid-19危机重叠的年份。我们确定了2011-2022年期间各国之间存在的重大差异,一些国家只接受凯恩斯主义建议,而另一些国家则接受独特的自由主义建议。这些模式可以部分地用这些成员国的经济状况来解释,但不能用公众对欧盟的信任来解释。这些结果强调了委员会经济意识形态的被动性质;危机以及成员国的经济状况决定了其财政政策建议的方向。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of European Public Policy
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