Pub Date : 2023-11-22DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2280678
Malte Möck, P. Feindt
{"title":"Learning mode misfits in policy learning: typology, case study and lessons learnt","authors":"Malte Möck, P. Feindt","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2280678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2280678","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"237 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139248257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2282735
Axel Cronert, Olivier Jacques, Benjamin Ferland
{"title":"Minding the time gap: politicians’ perspectives on inter-temporal trade-offs in policy and politics","authors":"Axel Cronert, Olivier Jacques, Benjamin Ferland","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2282735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2282735","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139251641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2281586
Jørgen Grønnegaard Christensen, Peter B. Mortensen, H. Salomonsen
{"title":"Bureaucratic politics, risk management, and agency strategy: a study of agency management in a gale","authors":"Jørgen Grønnegaard Christensen, Peter B. Mortensen, H. Salomonsen","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2281586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2281586","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"232 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139254428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2282164
Amandine Crespy, Tom Massart, Vivien A. Schmidt
{"title":"How the impossible became possible: evolving frames and narratives on responsibility and responsiveness from the Eurocrisis to NextGenerationEU","authors":"Amandine Crespy, Tom Massart, Vivien A. Schmidt","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2282164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2282164","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139250808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-19DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2281583
Aurélien Goutsmedt, Clément Fontan
{"title":"The ECB and the inflation monsters: strategic framing and the responsibility imperative (1998–2023)","authors":"Aurélien Goutsmedt, Clément Fontan","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2281583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2281583","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139260624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-19DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2277381
Lawrence McKay, Will Jennings, Gerry Stoker
{"title":"Understanding the geography of discontent: perceptions of government’s biases against left-behind places","authors":"Lawrence McKay, Will Jennings, Gerry Stoker","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2277381","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2277381","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"113 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2023-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139260532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-11DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2276757
Leonard August Schuette
ABSTRACTInternational organisations (IOs) have never been more authoritative and potentially agential while simultaneously faced more intense threats to their continued existence. Amid these dialectic conditions, this article identifies a novel type of behaviour: IO Survival Politics. IO Survival Politics occurs when senior institutional actors perceive the organisation to face an existential threat and, in response, employ extraordinary strategies to ensure the organisation’s continued existence. Survival Politics thus differs both in degree and kind from the ways in which secretariats exercise influence during conditions of normal policymaking. Two case studies illustrate the concept: (1) the European Commission’s response to Brexit and (2) NATO’s response to President Trump’s withdrawal threats. Drawing on 87 interviews with senior officials, the article shows that IO Survival Politics occurs across a range of diverse IOs in face of diverse threats and can be a crucial factor in determining the fate of IOs in crisis. By conceptualising IO Survival Politics, the article intends to open new avenues for research and advance scholarly understanding of IOs and the crisis of multilateralism.KEYWORDS: International organisationscrisesagencyNATOEUmultilateralism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis article is part of a project that has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme [grant agreement No 802568].Notes on contributorsLeonard August SchuetteLeonard Schuette is a senior researcher at the Munich Security Conference. The bulk of the word for this article was done when he was a visiting researcher at the University of Oxford and PhD researcher at the University of Maastricht. The author is indebted to Hylke Dijkstra, Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, Christian Kreuder-Sonnen, Tim Heinkelmann-Wild, and the participants at the ECPR Conference in Innsbruck (2022) and DVPW workshop on international organisations in Bonn (2022) for their most helpful comments.
摘要国际组织从未像现在这样具有权威性和潜在的代理能力,但同时也面临着对其持续存在的强烈威胁。在这些辩证的条件下,本文确定了一种新的行为类型:IO生存政治。生存政治发生在高级机构参与者意识到组织面临生存威胁,并采取特殊策略以确保组织继续存在的时候。因此,生存政治在程度和种类上都不同于秘书处在正常决策条件下施加影响的方式。两个案例研究说明了这一概念:(1)欧盟委员会对英国退欧的反应;(2)北约对特朗普总统撤军威胁的反应。通过对87名高级官员的采访,本文表明,面对各种威胁,IO生存政治发生在各种不同的IOs中,这可能是决定危机中IOs命运的关键因素。通过概念化国际组织生存政治,本文旨在为研究开辟新的途径,并促进对国际组织和多边主义危机的学术理解。关键词:国际组织;危机;机构;;;;;本文是欧洲研究委员会(ERC)在欧盟地平线2020研究与创新计划(资助协议号802568)下资助的一个项目的一部分。作者简介:leonard Schuette是慕尼黑安全会议的高级研究员。这篇文章的大部分文字是他在牛津大学做访问研究员和马斯特里赫特大学做博士研究员时写的。作者感谢Hylke Dijkstra, Mette eilstrupp - sangiovanni, Christian Kreuder-Sonnen, Tim Heinkelmann-Wild以及因斯布鲁克ECPR会议(2022)和波恩国际组织DVPW研讨会(2022)的参与者提供的最有帮助的意见。
{"title":"IO survival politics: international organisations amid the crisis of multilateralism","authors":"Leonard August Schuette","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2276757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2276757","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTInternational organisations (IOs) have never been more authoritative and potentially agential while simultaneously faced more intense threats to their continued existence. Amid these dialectic conditions, this article identifies a novel type of behaviour: IO Survival Politics. IO Survival Politics occurs when senior institutional actors perceive the organisation to face an existential threat and, in response, employ extraordinary strategies to ensure the organisation’s continued existence. Survival Politics thus differs both in degree and kind from the ways in which secretariats exercise influence during conditions of normal policymaking. Two case studies illustrate the concept: (1) the European Commission’s response to Brexit and (2) NATO’s response to President Trump’s withdrawal threats. Drawing on 87 interviews with senior officials, the article shows that IO Survival Politics occurs across a range of diverse IOs in face of diverse threats and can be a crucial factor in determining the fate of IOs in crisis. By conceptualising IO Survival Politics, the article intends to open new avenues for research and advance scholarly understanding of IOs and the crisis of multilateralism.KEYWORDS: International organisationscrisesagencyNATOEUmultilateralism Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis article is part of a project that has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme [grant agreement No 802568].Notes on contributorsLeonard August SchuetteLeonard Schuette is a senior researcher at the Munich Security Conference. The bulk of the word for this article was done when he was a visiting researcher at the University of Oxford and PhD researcher at the University of Maastricht. The author is indebted to Hylke Dijkstra, Mette Eilstrup-Sangiovanni, Christian Kreuder-Sonnen, Tim Heinkelmann-Wild, and the participants at the ECPR Conference in Innsbruck (2022) and DVPW workshop on international organisations in Bonn (2022) for their most helpful comments.","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"35 27","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135042625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2278647
Dominik Schraff, Jonas Pontusson
ABSTRACTExisting studies suggest that right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) appeal to people in communities that have fallen behind in material terms. However, it remains open which benchmark communities apply as they become politically discontented. We argue that the structure of territorial inequalities influences the benchmarks used by people in regions falling behind. Panel data regressions using subnational election results in EU states from 1990 to 2018 reveal a sharp contrast between the economic geographies of right-wing populism in core and peripheral EU member states. We find a strong association between falling behind the richest region of the country and RWPP support within core EU countries, while in peripheral EU states falling behind the EU core is associated with regional support for RWPPs. This suggests that RWPP voters in peripheral countries cue on how they are faring relative to the EU core, while RWPP supporters in core countries cue on how they are faring relative to dynamic regions of their own country. Our analysis also shows that increased manufacturing employment reinforces the effect of falling behind the richest region in core EU member states, while we find no strong evidence that regional economic stagnation is important to the electoral performance of RWPPs.KEYWORDS: Europegeographyinequalityright-wing populism AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of the paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (Montreal) in September 2022 and at a workshop at Copenhagen Business School in October 2022. We thank the participants in both events for constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While SD’s national vote share increased by 2.5 points, its Stockholm vote share increased by less than one percentage point. Statistics Sweden, https://www.scb.se/en/finding-statistics/statistics-by-subject-area/democracy/general-elections/general-elections-results/.2 Dropping the three smallest member states (Luxembourg, Cyprus and Malta) and losing some additional observations for lack of data on independent variables, our analysis is restricted to 1,053 regional units in 25 countries. Regional units are NUTS 3 regions for 19 countries and NUTS 2 regions for 6 countries (Belgium, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Slovenia and the UK). Countries that have joined the EU since 1990 enter the dataset the year they obtained the status of an ‘accession country.’ The EU-NED dataset and codebook are available at: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/file.xhtml?fileId=6157990&version=1.13 We consider ‘right-wing’ to be interchangeable with ‘far Right’ and ‘radical Right.’ While many recent studies posit common determinants of left-wing and right-wing populism, Gonthier (Citation2023) as well as Burgoon et al. (Citation2019) emphasise differences in the motivations of individuals who support left-wing and right-wing populist parties.4 It goes without say
{"title":"Falling behind whom? Economic geographies of right-wing populism in Europe","authors":"Dominik Schraff, Jonas Pontusson","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2278647","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2278647","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTExisting studies suggest that right-wing populist parties (RWPPs) appeal to people in communities that have fallen behind in material terms. However, it remains open which benchmark communities apply as they become politically discontented. We argue that the structure of territorial inequalities influences the benchmarks used by people in regions falling behind. Panel data regressions using subnational election results in EU states from 1990 to 2018 reveal a sharp contrast between the economic geographies of right-wing populism in core and peripheral EU member states. We find a strong association between falling behind the richest region of the country and RWPP support within core EU countries, while in peripheral EU states falling behind the EU core is associated with regional support for RWPPs. This suggests that RWPP voters in peripheral countries cue on how they are faring relative to the EU core, while RWPP supporters in core countries cue on how they are faring relative to dynamic regions of their own country. Our analysis also shows that increased manufacturing employment reinforces the effect of falling behind the richest region in core EU member states, while we find no strong evidence that regional economic stagnation is important to the electoral performance of RWPPs.KEYWORDS: Europegeographyinequalityright-wing populism AcknowledgementsAn earlier version of the paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (Montreal) in September 2022 and at a workshop at Copenhagen Business School in October 2022. We thank the participants in both events for constructive feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 While SD’s national vote share increased by 2.5 points, its Stockholm vote share increased by less than one percentage point. Statistics Sweden, https://www.scb.se/en/finding-statistics/statistics-by-subject-area/democracy/general-elections/general-elections-results/.2 Dropping the three smallest member states (Luxembourg, Cyprus and Malta) and losing some additional observations for lack of data on independent variables, our analysis is restricted to 1,053 regional units in 25 countries. Regional units are NUTS 3 regions for 19 countries and NUTS 2 regions for 6 countries (Belgium, Ireland, Netherlands, Poland, Slovenia and the UK). Countries that have joined the EU since 1990 enter the dataset the year they obtained the status of an ‘accession country.’ The EU-NED dataset and codebook are available at: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/file.xhtml?fileId=6157990&version=1.13 We consider ‘right-wing’ to be interchangeable with ‘far Right’ and ‘radical Right.’ While many recent studies posit common determinants of left-wing and right-wing populism, Gonthier (Citation2023) as well as Burgoon et al. (Citation2019) emphasise differences in the motivations of individuals who support left-wing and right-wing populist parties.4 It goes without say","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":" 8","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135241969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-07DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2269972
Philip Rathgeb, Jonathan Hopkin
The rise of populist parties is a defining feature of political change in the advanced capitalist countries. Whereas a large body of research explores populist parties in domestic politics, we know little about how populist parties of right and left have responded to the transformation of the transnational Eurozone regime. In this paper, we show how the diverse exposure to the costs and benefits of EMU can explain their EU-level economic policy positions and thereby create opportunities for populist alliances across the left-right divide. In the debtor countries of Southern Europe, populist parties of both right and left have resisted demands for neoliberal reform during the Euro crisis while supporting fiscal risk-sharing arrangements during the COVID-19 pandemic, making populist left-right coalitions possible. In the creditor countries of Northern Europe, by contrast, populist right and left parties have been fundamentally divided throughout. Based on case study analyses of Germany and Italy, the most prominent creditor and debtor countries, our findings suggest that populist parties may only find common ground when ‘Brussels’ interferes in domestic policy-making autonomy by imposing neoliberal reform.
{"title":"How the Eurozone shapes populism: a comparative political economy approach","authors":"Philip Rathgeb, Jonathan Hopkin","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2269972","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2269972","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of populist parties is a defining feature of political change in the advanced capitalist countries. Whereas a large body of research explores populist parties in domestic politics, we know little about how populist parties of right and left have responded to the transformation of the transnational Eurozone regime. In this paper, we show how the diverse exposure to the costs and benefits of EMU can explain their EU-level economic policy positions and thereby create opportunities for populist alliances across the left-right divide. In the debtor countries of Southern Europe, populist parties of both right and left have resisted demands for neoliberal reform during the Euro crisis while supporting fiscal risk-sharing arrangements during the COVID-19 pandemic, making populist left-right coalitions possible. In the creditor countries of Northern Europe, by contrast, populist right and left parties have been fundamentally divided throughout. Based on case study analyses of Germany and Italy, the most prominent creditor and debtor countries, our findings suggest that populist parties may only find common ground when ‘Brussels’ interferes in domestic policy-making autonomy by imposing neoliberal reform.","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"349 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135475550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we examine how and why the European Commission's ideas on fiscal policy have changed over the course of the European Semester. Empirically, we rely on a semi-supervised scaling approach to identify economic ideas as they appear in Semester documents from the aftermath of the financial crisis onwards (2011-2022). Our findings demonstrate a gradual shift in ideas from an ordoliberal to a Keynesian direction, especially during the overlapping Von der Leyen and Covid-19 crisis years. We identify substantial country-specific differences throughout 2011–2022, with some countries receiving exclusively Keynesian recommendations, and others distinctively ordoliberal ones. These patterns can be explained in part by economic conditions in those member states but not by the public's trust in the EU. These results underscore the reactive nature of the Commission's economic ideology; crises, as well as member states’ economic conditions, shape the direction of its fiscal policy recommendations.
{"title":"Unpacking the European Commission's fiscal policy response to crisis: mapping and explaining economic ideas in the European Semester 2011–2022","authors":"Rachel Graham, Martijn Schoonvelde, Marij Swinkels","doi":"10.1080/13501763.2023.2274347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2023.2274347","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we examine how and why the European Commission's ideas on fiscal policy have changed over the course of the European Semester. Empirically, we rely on a semi-supervised scaling approach to identify economic ideas as they appear in Semester documents from the aftermath of the financial crisis onwards (2011-2022). Our findings demonstrate a gradual shift in ideas from an ordoliberal to a Keynesian direction, especially during the overlapping Von der Leyen and Covid-19 crisis years. We identify substantial country-specific differences throughout 2011–2022, with some countries receiving exclusively Keynesian recommendations, and others distinctively ordoliberal ones. These patterns can be explained in part by economic conditions in those member states but not by the public's trust in the EU. These results underscore the reactive nature of the Commission's economic ideology; crises, as well as member states’ economic conditions, shape the direction of its fiscal policy recommendations.","PeriodicalId":51362,"journal":{"name":"Journal of European Public Policy","volume":"1 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135934648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}