British Journal of Sociology最新文献

In this article we consider the theoretical and methodological implications of Deleuzian fabulation for research on recovery from drugs and alcohol as an alternative way of making and doing methods in sociology. The article draws on data produced as part of an ongoing interdisciplinary research collaboration, begun in 2019, with the visual artist and filmmaker Melanie Manchot, social scientists Nicole Vitellone and Lena Theodoropoulou, and people in recovery from drugs and alcohol engaged in the production of Manchot's first feature film STEPHEN. This project attends to the methodological practice of filmmaking as a way of thinking with and alongside colleagues from divergent disciplines about the role of methods, concepts and practices for confronting and resisting processes of stigmatisation. Investigating the research participants' engagement with Manchot's filmmaking practices in STEPHEN as a way to tell stories otherwise, our goal is to engage the social life of creative methods and in doing so, propose an alternative narrative of recovery. In this investigation, we use the term fabulation as developed by Deleuze. In Cinema II, Deleuze makes a distinction between the cinema of reality, where storytelling derives from the camera's objective gaze and a given character's subjective actions, and cinema verité where the boundaries between fiction and reality are blurred. In cinema verité, the camera is not an objective observer but an active producer that keeps reminding the viewer that the on-screen characters are neither fully real, nor fictional. Attending to Deleuze's description of fabulation as it emerges through this process of challenging the existence of 'real' identities in cinema, and beyond, we investigate the use of cinematic devices and fabulative processes of filmmaking in the production of STEPHEN. In doing so, the article develops a methodological account of the activity of fabulation as a material and embodied practice that resists processes of stigmatisation. Through this interdisciplinary project, we propose a new arts-based research agenda which points to the ways in which fabulation as a minor mode of recovery concerns an engagement with the creation of a people to come.

Scholars have suggested that the heightened focus on diversity in Western cultural fields may drive forms of racial commodification, impacting cultural representations of 'race'. However, few studies apply Bourdieu's theory of cultural production to understand how racial commodification may also disrupt field dynamics. This article aims to explore how racialised minority cultural producers in Norway experience the intensified focus on diversity within the cultural field. Drawing on Bourdieu's theory of cultural production, critical diversity studies and the cultural industries approach, I analyse fieldwork and interviews with 41 Norwegian cultural producers. This analysis reveals three key diversity-related changes participants experienced: (1) a transformation of racial identities into commodities, (2) a shift towards racial self-commodification, and (3) a change in the value of 'diverse stories'. The findings suggest that the increased focus on diversity encourages a form of racial commodification, with a dual impact on racialised minorities' artistic freedom. While it restricts their potential for aesthetic recognition, it also creates a platform to redefine what counts as legitimate culture. This offers insights into an under-researched aspect of diversity efforts and racial commodification, revealing how this commodification can instigate change within the cultural field.

This paper seeks to enhance memory studies' conceptual toolkit by reconsidering established perspectives on "memory politics." The paper theorizes various modes of temporal connectivity cultivated through politicized references to a shared past. Our empirical case is focused on a collection of roughly 5.000 recent articles about the war in Ukraine from major Russian state-aligned news outlets. We analyze and typologize the narrative and rhetorical gestures by which these articles make the Soviet "Great Patriotic War" and the post-Soviet "special military operation" speak to one another, both prior to and following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The analysis demonstrates that even in contemporary Russia's tightly controlled, propagandistic mass media ecology, politicized uses of memory foster diverse temporal structures within the propaganda narratives. We present a typology of these relations, mapping the distinct modes and intensities of connections between past and present. At one end of the spectrum, we identify a mode of temporal organization that presents past events and figures as fully detached from the present, available solely for historiographic reflection. At the other end, we find narratives that entirely collapse historical distance, addressing contemporary audiences as participants in a timeless war drama, with stakes that transcend any specific historical period. We propose that the presented typology may be applicable beyond our specific case. As a tool for analyzing the hitherto understudied organization of time in politicized articulations of memory, it could be employed in various cultural and political contexts. Furthermore, our approach can serve as a foundation for future research into the actual persuasive and affective impact that specific temporal modalities may have on their target audiences.

Treasuring the legacy of Ida B Wells-Barnett as a Black feminist is a vital liberatory commitment, as previous scholarship has commendably demonstrated. Equally important, however, is the need to present Wells-Barnett as an anticolonial theorist whose scholarly texts-Southern Horrors, A Red Record, and Crusade for Justice-should be incorporated into social theory curricula. This article examines Wells-Barnett's acute apprehension of the foundational structures of the US empire-state in her scholarly writings on lynching. As she analysed, the white mob violence epitomised the co-re-formation of race and gender, rule of difference, and subversion of offender-judge relationship. The agency of non-state actors (e.g., lynch mobs) and government agents (e.g., judge and politicians) co-constituted the reformation-not total transformation-of these foundational structures. Lynching, therefore, was the lynchpin of the US empire-state in the post-Reconstruction period: it sustained the white supremacist order by imposing a mass death penalty on Black people, while simultaneously serving as a disgrace to US civilization. To conclude, we highlight how Wells-Barnett's theory offers broader relevance to anticolonial/postcolonial sociology, particularly through her subaltern standpoint, attention to the role of non-state actors, and her commitment to intersectional analysis.

In this paper, I examine how the King of Sweden, Carl XVI Gustaf, systematically consecrates the nation's business and corporate elites who have come to dominate Swedish society during the last decades concomitant with a fundamental transformation from traditional social-democracy to neoliberalism, that is, a society characterized by the logic of corporations and markets. By promoting the business and corporate elites, the King contributes to strengthening their status and legitimacy in relation to other groups, while at the same time he reproduces his own elite status and image as a "corporate king." In order to examine this dual elite legitimation, I have studied three major official duties in the King's official role as Sweden's head of state: (a) the awarding of the most prestigious royal medals to corporate leaders; (b) the invitation of these elites to official royal dinners; and (c) state visits, whereby the corporate elites are given a peculiar status in relation to other elite groups. Based on this unique data on the activities of a living monarch, I refute the common assumption among sociologists today that royals, and particularly monarchs, are powerless figures and therefore irrelevant as study objects. By consecrating business and its leaders, monarchs contribute to legitimizing neoliberalism, thus strengthening its hegemony, as well as their own standing. Hence, they are not only symbolic figures, but exercise real power as well.

Environmental and social policy measures can both complement and contradict each other. Recent environmental sociology literature suggests that this dual relationship can give rise to eco-social divides in European societies, as some people either endorse or reject both types of measures, while some support one set of policies but not the other. In the current paper, we use data from the British Social Attitudes survey to investigate eco-social divides in Great Britain. The results confirm the presence of four sizeable attitudinal groups with distinct combinations of welfare and environmental preferences. The sizes of the groups have nevertheless changed considerably over time, with people who are simultaneously in favour of welfare and environmental measures becoming more numerous, and the opponents of both measures becoming fewer. Cultural conservatism/progressiveness, age and political party allegiance are key predictors of eco-social attitudinal group membership.

The conventional understanding of resilience often portrays it as a positive outcome emerging from adverse situations. This perspective frequently shapes interventions aimed at bolstering resilience among individuals considered to be in need. Drawing upon data from a European study, this paper contends that young people's apparent 'latent rejection' of favourable opportunities, or their deliberate choice to remain in precarious situations despite having some agency, should be recontextualised as unconventional but valid expressions of resilience. Instead of framing resilience solely as an aspirational concept, we propose a reframing that emphasises its role in coping with and surviving challenging circumstances. Furthermore, we advocate for the adoption of Mason's 'safe-uncertainty' model to foster a more practical form of resilience. This approach towards a more sustainable resilience could be valuable in other fields dealing with those populations labelled as 'vulnerable', 'problematic' or 'disadvantaged', and it can, we argue, enhance decision-making skills, and promote the development of robust support networks.

This study uncovers Taiwanese dual-earner couples' monetary practices and explores how the marriage institution is conceived of in the context of East Asian familism and the sweeping trend of individualism. Ample cross-national research has investigated household finances and money management among couples over time, yielding mostly Western-oriented insights. It is nevertheless matched with little evidence from East Asian societies that share similar trends of individualization. Drawing from interviews with 22 couples and 3 married individuals (N = 47) in Taiwan, who are at least university-educated, middle-class, and on average in their mid-30s, this paper analyzes couples' monetary practices from a relationship constellation perspective that factors in resources from intergenerational transfer, as well as individual spouses' interpretation of their practices. Individualized management was found to be exceedingly prevalent among Taiwanese couples, unlike couples elsewhere that predominantly adopt pooling. Institutionalized individualization, on the one hand, posed higher hurdles for joint management and pooling. On the other, most interviewees showed an individualistic orientation in their practices, which can be seen as a strategy to anticipate and manage risks-marriage dissolution among others-in a highly uncertain world. Embedding monetary practices in the 'individualization without individualism' debate, this study unveils how the traditional marriage institution is implicitly challenged by not only increasing institutionalized individualization but also an ideational shift towards individualism, often assumed to not have taken root in East Asia. The empirical evidence from Taiwan sheds new light on both resource management in marriage and on how intimate relationships are constrained by institutional and socio-cultural contexts.

This article examines the erosion of political legitimacy in ex-mining towns in England. Political sociologists and political scientists have long taken an interest in the politics of coalmining areas, which were characterised by high strike rates and militant left values. More recently, the question of legitimacy in these areas has resurfaced, as now-deindustrialised pit towns register unusually high levels of political discontent and disengagement compared to areas with similar economic and demographic profiles. In interviews and group discussions with 93 residents of the former mining town of Mansfield, England, I find that many express ideas that profoundly challenge the system of representative democracy in its current form, with almost one in three participants understanding politics primarily through the frame of corruption. Drawing on an emergent literature which casts corruption talk as a moralised discourse of political in/exclusion, I argue that the corruption frame is best understood as the inversion of a now-defunct symbolic economy. As workers in pit towns no longer received the same tokens of care from their representatives, reflecting their reduced power, many came to understand the political system as corrupt and illegitimate.

How do sellers on online marketplaces determine agreeable prices? This question is a theoretical concern for sociologists but a professional one for secondhand clothing resellers. Thousands of resellers across the United States purchase items from physical secondhand clothing sources and then resell them for a profit on sites such as Depop, Etsy, and Poshmark. They confront two pricing challenges: secondhand clothing items are aesthetic items of non-standard, uncertain quality, and online marketplaces offer limited explicit institutional support to back pricing claims. I analyze interviews and fieldwork to theorize how resellers price items for sale on online marketplaces. Resellers gain knowledge of secondhand community values and online marketplace technologies via immersion into offline (local reselling networks and secondhand sources) and online spaces (social media and the marketplaces themselves). Resellers selectively draw on these sources of pricing knowledge to deploy similar but varied pricing practices. These situated valuation practices reveal how resellers rely on reselling community structures and reflexively invoke pricing displays on marketplace interfaces to price secondhand clothing. These practices increase confidence in exchange as resellers can suitably justify the prices of material goods to online marketplace participants with varying levels of knowledge and experience.