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Science-Fictional Expectations: Public Beliefs About AI and Change in the Moral Economy 科幻期望:公众对人工智能和道德经济变革的看法。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-10-02 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70034
Ken Cai Kowalski

Drawing on 78 interviews and 12 focus groups, this study shows that science-fiction shapes the US public's understandings about economic consequences from AI, informing widespread concerns that sentient machines might fully replace human workers. Though popular beliefs are frequently dismissed as unimportant or merely ignorant, I find that these “science-fictional expectations” about AI's potential to out-compete humans also enable creative departures from the prevailing moral economy of normative judgments about market fairness. By imagining the possibility of AI becoming a rival group-actor in the labor market, participants subverted deeply entrenched, neoliberal cultural associations between moral deservingness and economic performance in two ways. Respondents who anticipated “labor substitution” feared that AI's superior efficiency would render humanity worthless, thereby reinterpreting the moral legitimacy of economic productivity as an existential danger. Others refuted this threat by “enchanting” humanity with enigmatic capabilities said to be unattainable by machines and more valuable than productive capacity. Whereas prior work has focused on deliberate efforts by political actors to influence popular judgments about the economy, these findings show that the public itself can creatively contribute to change in the moral economy through its unexpected, wide-ranging, and even science-fictional interpretations of social conditions like AI automation.

通过78次访谈和12个焦点小组的研究,这项研究表明,科幻小说塑造了美国公众对人工智能经济后果的理解,让人们普遍担心有感知的机器可能会完全取代人类工人。尽管流行的信念经常被认为不重要或仅仅是无知,但我发现,这些关于人工智能有可能超越人类的“科幻预期”,也使得人们创造性地偏离了主流道德经济中关于市场公平的规范性判断。通过想象人工智能在劳动力市场中成为竞争对手的可能性,参与者以两种方式颠覆了道德应得和经济表现之间根深蒂固的新自由主义文化联系。预测“劳动力替代”的受访者担心,人工智能的卓越效率将使人类变得毫无价值,从而将经济生产力的道德合法性重新解释为一种存在的危险。另一些人则驳斥了这种威胁,他们用机器无法获得的神秘能力“迷惑”人类,这种能力比生产能力更有价值。尽管之前的研究主要集中在政治行为者有意影响公众对经济的判断,但这些发现表明,公众本身可以通过对人工智能自动化等社会状况的意想不到的、广泛的、甚至是科幻的解释,创造性地为道德经济的变化做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Student Socioeconomic Status and Teacher-Student Perceptual Discrepancies of School Effort and Enjoyment 学生社会经济地位与学习努力与享受的师生知觉差异。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70035
Valentina Perinetti Casoni, Katherin Barg

Congruence between teacher and student perceptions of student academic attitudes reflects positive teacher-student relationships and enables teachers to adjust to students' needs. This study investigates discrepancies between teacher and student perceptions of student's school enjoyment and effort, and whether these discrepancies are associated with student SES. It also tests one mechanism—student visibility—that may be driving the association with student SES. We draw on representative survey data on children at the end of primary school in England and Scotland and use a residual method to compute perceptual discrepancies. We find that teachers significantly rate the effort and enjoyment of low SES students more negatively and the same attitudes for high SES students more positively compared to what the students' own reports would suggest. The association between SES and teacher-student perceptual discrepancies remains significant even when SES-differences in student visibility, captured through student prior ability and behaviour, are considered.

师生对学生学术态度认知的一致性反映了积极的师生关系,并使教师能够适应学生的需求。本研究探讨教师与学生对学生在学校的享受和努力的认知差异,以及这些差异是否与学生的社会经济地位有关。它还测试了一种机制——学生的可见性——这可能推动了与学生SES的联系。我们利用英格兰和苏格兰小学毕业儿童的代表性调查数据,并使用残差法计算感知差异。我们发现,与学生自己的报告所显示的相比,教师对低经济地位学生的努力和享受的评价更为消极,而对高经济地位学生的同样态度则更为积极。即使考虑到通过学生先前的能力和行为捕捉到的学生可视性的SES差异,SES与师生感知差异之间的关联仍然显著。
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引用次数: 0
‘Stranger Views’: Researching Marginality and (Non)Belonging Among Migrants Experiencing Homelessness in the UK “陌生人的观点”:研究英国无家可归移民的边缘性和(非)归属感。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-28 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70033
Simon Stewart, Marianela Barrios Aquino

With reference to Simmel's work, this article puts forward the notion of ‘stranger views’, which are expressive on the one hand, of the experiences of those who occupy a marginal position in society characterised by experiences of belonging and non-belonging, and on the other, of our own position as researchers, probing spaces of non-belonging and hearing stories that are then rearticulated for an academic audience. In doing so, it provides a reflective dialog between the findings of a research project on migrant homelessness in the UK and the methodological framework brought by New Area Studies. The article deploys the life story research method and focuses on views of the UK from the perspective of migrants from former European colonies who have been in the UK for several years but whose immigration status and lack of economic capital renders them vulnerable to destitution and homelessness. The article offers unique insights into the co-existence of belonging and non-belonging and the dissonance between these feelings. In providing a dialog between accounts deriving from life story interviews with migrants experiencing homelessness and a self-critical reflection about the knowledge produced with such accounts, our article contributes to debates on the sociology of marginality with a three-tiered discussion of migration, homelessness and methodological frameworks, which are rarely considered together.

参考齐美尔的作品,本文提出了“陌生人观点”的概念,一方面表达了那些在社会中处于边缘地位的人的经历,这些经历以归属和非归属的经历为特征,另一方面,表达了我们作为研究人员的立场,探索非归属的空间,倾听故事,然后为学术观众重新阐述。在此过程中,它提供了一个关于英国移民无家可归的研究项目的结果与新区研究带来的方法框架之间的反思性对话。本文采用生活故事研究方法,从前欧洲殖民地移民的角度关注英国的观点,这些移民已经在英国生活了几年,但他们的移民身份和缺乏经济资本使他们容易陷入贫困和无家可归。这篇文章对归属感和非归属感的共存以及这些感觉之间的不和谐提供了独特的见解。通过对经历无家可归的移民的生活故事访谈,以及对这些账户所产生的知识的自我批判反思,我们的文章通过对移民、无家可归和方法框架的三层讨论,为边缘化社会学的辩论做出了贡献,而这三层讨论很少被放在一起考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Why Neoliberalism Doesn't Spell the Death of Society: Commonality, Regulation, and the Politics of Social Cohesion 为什么新自由主义并不意味着社会的死亡:共性、规则和社会凝聚力的政治。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-23 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70031
Jan Dobbernack

Perspectives on neoliberal political-economic practice often frame its dominance in terms of harms to ‘society’. Prominently, Wendy Brown (2019, 52) offers an account of the ‘neoliberal revolution’, claiming that, when ‘the social vanishes from our ideas, speech, and experience’, commonality disappears, democracy diminishes, and authoritarianism prevails. The paper considers this understanding to argue for the importance of political articulations of ‘society’, which reveal complexities that elude nostalgic accounts of how the social has been lost. Making this case, it works through real-world invocations of social commonality in the name of social cohesion. Social cohesion illustrates the multiplicity of objectives invoking ‘society’, ranging from the production of pro-social subjects to the pursuit of resilience against shifting scenarios of social collapse. On this basis the paper problematises perspectives that either treat the social as an artefact of administrative practice or that prioritize experiences of moral purpose and commonality. It argues that such positions risk mythologizing ‘society’ if they don't attend to the complex circumstances of its political articulation.

对新自由主义政治经济实践的看法,常常以其对“社会”的危害来框定其主导地位。突出的是,温迪·布朗(2019,52)提供了一种“新自由主义革命”的解释,声称当“社会从我们的思想、言论和经验中消失”时,共性就会消失,民主就会减弱,威权主义就会盛行。本文认为这种理解是为了论证“社会”的政治表达的重要性,它揭示了社会如何丢失的怀旧叙述的复杂性。在这种情况下,它以社会凝聚力的名义,通过现实世界对社会共性的召唤而起作用。社会凝聚力说明了调用“社会”的目标的多样性,从生产亲社会主体到追求抵御社会崩溃变化情景的弹性。在此基础上,本文对将社会视为行政实践的人工制品或优先考虑道德目的和共性经验的观点提出了质疑。它认为,如果这些立场不关注其政治表达的复杂环境,就有可能使“社会”神话化。
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引用次数: 0
Why Do High-Income Democrats Support Redistribution? The Roles of Partisanship, Racial Attitudes and Fiscal Populism 为什么高收入民主党人支持再分配?党派关系、种族态度和财政民粹主义的作用。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-23 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70032
Karyn Vilbig

Since the 1990s, high-income individuals have increasingly sorted into the Democratic Party as a result of their socially liberal views. There is evidence that over time high-income Democrats have also liberalized in their economic attitudes, but the motivations behind this purported support remain unclear. This study uses a forced-choice conjoint experiment with an oversample of high-income respondents and takes the novel approach of pairing the experiment with cognitive interviews in order to explore why high-income Democrats support redistributive policies. Results show that the redistributive preferences of high-income Democrats look very similar to those of other Democrats. They prefer policies proposed by their own party. They want policies that are racially “fair,” and sometimes define this to mean favoring Black recipients. Most of all, however, they are driven by a commitment to “fiscal populism,” the idea that (increased) government spending should be funded by the most elite members of society.

自20世纪90年代以来,高收入人群因其社会自由主义观点而越来越多地归入民主党。有证据表明,随着时间的推移,高收入的民主党人在经济态度上也自由化了,但这种所谓的支持背后的动机尚不清楚。本研究对高收入受访者进行了强制选择联合实验,并采用了将实验与认知访谈相结合的新颖方法,以探索高收入民主党人支持再分配政策的原因。结果显示,高收入民主党人的再分配偏好与其他民主党人非常相似。他们更喜欢本党提出的政策。他们希望政策在种族上“公平”,有时将其定义为偏袒黑人受助人。然而,最重要的是,它们是由对“财政民粹主义”的承诺所驱动的,这种观点认为(增加的)政府支出应该由社会中最精英的成员提供资金。
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引用次数: 0
Comparing Transgender Identities in the Census of Scotland and the Census of England and Wales 比较苏格兰人口普查与英格兰和威尔士人口普查中的跨性别身份。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-19 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70030
Michael Biggs

The most recent British census was the first to elicit transgender identity. The 2021 Census of England and Wales asked ‘Is the gender you identify with the same as your sex registered at birth?’. It is has been argued that this formulation confused a substantial number of respondents who erroneously answered in the negative. The 2022 Census of Scotland asked a clearer question, ‘Do you consider yourself to be trans, or have a trans history?’ Comparison between the results provides further evidence that the Census of England and Wales overestimated the transgender population, and also raises the possibility that it undercounted the non-binary component of this population.

最近的英国人口普查首次引出了跨性别身份。2021年英格兰和威尔士人口普查的问题是“你认同的性别与你出生时登记的性别相同吗?”有人认为,这种表述混淆了相当数量的受访者,他们错误地回答了否定。2022年苏格兰人口普查问了一个更明确的问题:“你认为自己是变性人吗?或者你有变性史吗?”结果之间的比较提供了进一步的证据,证明英格兰和威尔士人口普查高估了跨性别人口,也提出了低估该人口中非二元组成部分的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Does Education Legitimise Inequality? Comparative Analysis of Income Inequality, Education, and Meritocratic Beliefs 教育使不平等合法化了吗?收入不平等、教育和精英主义信仰的比较分析。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-13 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70029
Cheng Liu, Jingjing Wang

The paradox of inequality posits that individuals in high-inequality societies paradoxically exhibit stronger meritocratic beliefs, perceiving their societies as systems that reward individuals based on ability and effort rather than social background or connections. This study presents an explanation from the perspective of critical sociology of education, complementing prior research that offers community contextual and psychosocial insights. By analysing the ISSP 2019 dataset, which includes 29 countries or regions, we find that in countries or regions with high income inequality, education serves to legitimise inequality and diminishes individuals' awareness of the structural factors contributing to inequality. Conversely, in those with low inequality, while basic education also functions to legitimise inequality, advanced stages of education possess an enlightening character that enables individuals to be more aware of the structural factors that lead to inequality. Generally, by estimating the interactions between education and country-level income inequality, this study elucidates the factors contributing to the paradox of inequality and reconciles the persistent argument between legitimisation and enlightenment theories of education.

不平等悖论认为,高度不平等社会中的个人自相矛盾地表现出更强的精英主义信仰,认为他们的社会体系是基于能力和努力而不是社会背景或关系来奖励个人的。本研究从批判教育社会学的角度提出解释,补充了先前提供社区情境和社会心理洞见的研究。通过分析包括29个国家或地区的ISSP 2019数据集,我们发现,在收入不平等严重的国家或地区,教育使不平等合法化,并降低了个人对导致不平等的结构性因素的认识。相反,在那些不平等程度较低的国家,虽然基础教育也起到了使不平等合法化的作用,但教育的高级阶段具有启发性,使个人能够更加意识到导致不平等的结构性因素。总的来说,通过估算教育与国家层面收入不平等之间的相互作用,本研究阐明了导致不平等悖论的因素,并调和了教育合法化理论与启蒙理论之间的持久争论。
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引用次数: 0
Dependence and Precarity in the Gig Economy: A Longitudinal Analysis of Platform Work and Mental Distress 零工经济中的依赖性和不稳定性:平台工作和精神困扰的纵向分析。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-08 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70028
Ya Guo, Sizhan Cui, Zhuofei Lu, Senhu Wang

While there is a growing body of literature examining platform dependence and its implications for mental health, much of the research has focused on gig workers with small sample sizes. The lack of large-scale quantitative research, particularly using longitudinal representative data, limits a comprehensive understanding of the dynamic relationship between platform dependence and mental distress. This study uses nationally representative data from the UK and fixed effects models to explore the heterogeneity of gig work, specifically examining differences in mental distress between high-dependence workers (those solely engaged in gig work) and low-dependence workers (those also employed in other jobs). The findings reveal that high-dependence gig workers have greater mental distress compared to low-dependence and full-time workers, with their mental well-being similar to those with no paid work. Low-dependence gig workers have lower mental distress than those without paid work. Financial precarity and loneliness partly explain these differences, with the impact stronger for highly educated high-dependence workers and less educated low-dependence workers. These findings highlight the significance of recognizing the heterogeneity of gig work in addressing future well-being challenges in a post-pandemic economy, as well as broadening the scope of the latent deprivation model to encompass the unique dynamics of gig work.

虽然有越来越多的文献研究平台依赖及其对心理健康的影响,但大部分研究都集中在小样本的零工工人身上。缺乏大规模的定量研究,特别是使用纵向代表性数据,限制了对平台依赖与精神痛苦之间动态关系的全面理解。这项研究使用了来自英国的具有全国代表性的数据和固定效应模型来探索零工的异质性,特别是检查了高依赖工人(那些只从事零工工作的人)和低依赖工人(那些也从事其他工作的人)在精神痛苦方面的差异。研究结果显示,与低依赖和全职员工相比,高依赖的零工员工有更大的精神压力,他们的心理健康状况与没有有偿工作的人相似。低依赖的零工工人比那些没有报酬的人有更低的精神压力。经济不稳定和孤独在一定程度上解释了这些差异,对受过高等教育的高依赖性工人和受教育程度较低的低依赖性工人的影响更大。这些发现强调了认识到零工工作的异质性对于应对大流行后经济中未来福祉挑战的重要性,以及扩大潜在剥夺模型的范围以涵盖零工工作的独特动态。
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引用次数: 0
Ambivalent Agents: The Social Mobility Industry and Civil Society Under Neoliberalism in England 矛盾的代理人:英国新自由主义下的社会流动产业与公民社会。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-09-08 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70026
Anna Mountford-Zimdars, Louise Ashley, Eve Worth, Christopher James Playford

This article examines civil society organisations working to enhance social mobility in England, especially through higher education. Against the backdrop of neoliberal governance, we investigate whether these organisations operate as protective counter-movements resisting marketisation or as institutional mechanisms that stabilise the inequalities they aim to address. Drawing on Karl Polanyi's concept of the ‘double movement’ and Nancy Fraser's critique of marketised social protections, we map and analyse over 100 charities and non-profits established since 1992. We combined qualitative coding of organisational websites across nine Fraserian dimensions with Latent Profile Analysis to identify structural patterns within the field. Findings reveal that most organisations balance critical framings of inequality with funder-compatible, technocratic delivery models. We argue this structural ambivalence is a defining feature of civil society under neoliberalism and show how the social mobility industry operates to suggest symbolic reform without redistributive transformation. Our contribution is threefold: we provide the first systematic typology of the UK's social mobility sector, extend Polanyi and Fraser's theoretical frameworks into social mobility and education policy, and offer a methodological model combining qualitative and quantitative methods with AI-assisted research.

本文考察了致力于提高英国社会流动性的民间社会组织,特别是通过高等教育。在新自由主义治理的背景下,我们调查这些组织是作为抵制市场化的保护性反运动,还是作为稳定其旨在解决的不平等的制度机制。根据卡尔·波兰尼(Karl Polanyi)的“双重运动”概念和南希·弗雷泽(Nancy Fraser)对市场化社会保护的批评,我们绘制并分析了自1992年以来成立的100多个慈善机构和非营利组织。我们将组织网站的定性编码与潜在剖面分析结合起来,跨越九个弗雷泽维度,以识别领域内的结构模式。研究结果显示,大多数组织在关键的不平等框架与资金兼容的技术官僚交付模式之间取得了平衡。我们认为这种结构性矛盾心理是新自由主义下公民社会的一个决定性特征,并展示了社会流动性行业如何运作,以建议在没有再分配转型的情况下进行象征性改革。我们的贡献有三个方面:我们提供了英国社会流动部门的第一个系统类型,将波兰尼和弗雷泽的理论框架扩展到社会流动和教育政策中,并提供了一个将定性和定量方法与人工智能辅助研究相结合的方法论模型。
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引用次数: 0
From Dyadic Distance to Space in Family Networks: Reciprocity of Family Support in Switzerland 从家庭网络中的二元距离到空间:瑞士家庭支持的互惠性。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-08-18 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.70025
Gil Viry, Andreas Herz

Due to their geographical dispersion, many families face challenges in exchanging support over long distances. While family theories emphasise the importance of a systemic approach to family relationships, reciprocity—a core feature of these relationships—is still predominantly studied within specific dyads, such as the parent-child relationship, rather than within the broader family network and its spatial context. This study addresses this gap by examining whether family members reciprocally exchange material and emotional support, and how these exchanges relate to spatial characteristics at three levels: the individual (past migration, degree of urbanisation), the dyadic tie (physical distance between members) and the network (spatial dispersion). Using a national sample of 549 adults living in Switzerland, who named important family members and identified available support, we apply a multilevel network approach. Results show that only reciprocity in material support declines with residential distance when controlling for both in-person and remote contact. Moreover, reciprocity is more likely in large, tightly-knit families, and—specifically for emotional support—in spatially dispersed ones. This last finding suggests that reciprocating emotional support is a key mechanism through which families maintain long-distance relationships. Another takeaway is that cultivating mutually supportive ties must be understood not only through dyadic distance and contact between individual members, but in relation to the spatial and network context of the family as a whole.

由于地理位置分散,许多家庭在远距离交换支持方面面临挑战。虽然家庭理论强调对家庭关系采取系统方法的重要性,但互惠——这些关系的核心特征——仍然主要是在特定的父子关系中进行研究,比如亲子关系,而不是在更广泛的家庭网络及其空间背景中进行研究。本研究通过考察家庭成员是否相互交换物质和情感支持,以及这些交换如何与三个层面的空间特征相关来解决这一差距:个体(过去的迁移、城市化程度)、二元联系(成员之间的物理距离)和网络(空间分散)。使用549名居住在瑞士的成年人的全国样本,他们列出了重要的家庭成员并确定了可用的支持,我们采用多层次网络方法。结果表明,当控制面对面和远程接触时,只有物质支持的互惠性随居住距离而下降。此外,互惠更有可能出现在关系紧密的大家庭中,尤其是在空间分散的家庭中,互惠更有可能出现在情感支持方面。最后一项发现表明,相互的情感支持是家庭维持异地关系的关键机制。另一个收获是,培养相互支持的关系不仅必须通过个体成员之间的双向距离和联系来理解,而且必须与整个家庭的空间和网络背景有关。
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引用次数: 0
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