British Journal of Sociology最新文献

Conceptualising precarity has come to rest on the multi-dimensional and differentiated insecurities of job and worker, this however belies the relationship between structure and experience where precarity originates. To bridge that relationship, I employ the landscape concept to position workers relative to the structural contingency of precarious work. To study this landscape, I conducted an ethnography involving job searching, working, and interviewing workers. While certainly insecure, these jobs displayed parallel characteristics of streamlined hiring and short-notice starts which workers took advantage of. I explore three ideal-typical ‘jobs’—the first, only, and best job—to examine how vulnerability is balanced with contingency to produce precarity. This analysis and the landscape approach locate the political-economic transformation of work in the context of workers' lives and their labour market position. Taking precarious work is an act of balancing one's vulnerabilities in a way that constructs and thus naturalises precarity. Overall, the article contributes an image of an economy where workers have to be opportunistic in a continual struggle for work while stratified by their personal circumstances and position in this labour market.

Sociohistorical research suggests that religious discourses and practices have been powerful in producing disciplined lines of conduct. Typically, however, this work has only considered the long-term consequences of discursive shifts or the one-sided outcomes of disciplinary practices. In contrast, this paper shows how the creative appropriation of disciplinary devices can instigate their transfiguration into additional disciplinary tools. By examining manuals for confession published in Counter-Reformation Italy, I identify three tactics via which believers allegedly approached Sacramental Penance as an impression management tool. The authors of these cultural objects detected the diffusion of these tactics and circulated their depictions to alert confessors and stigmatize believers who enacted them. These findings suggest that the theorizing of disciplining processes has to consider how the tactical appropriation of disciplinary practices can trigger processes of refraction via which their negative representations are reified and circulated as further disciplinary tools.

What are the historical conditions under which a sociologically informed understanding of health inequality can emerge in the public sphere? We seek to address this question through the lens of a strategically chosen historical puzzle—the stubborn persistence of and salient variation in high infant mortality rates across British industrial towns at the dawn of the previous century—as analysed by Arthur Newsholme, the Medical Officer of the Local Government Board. In doing so, we retrace the historical processes through which the evolving public health movement gradually helped crystallise a scientific understanding of the social causes of excess mortality. We map the dominant ideology of the public sphere at the time, chart the shifting roles of the state, and retrace the historical origins and emergence of ‘public health’ as a distinctive category of state policy and public discourse. We situate the public health movement in this historical configuration and identify the cracks in the existing ideological and administrative edifice through which this movement was able to articulate a novel approach to population health—one that spotlights the political economy of social inequality. We relate this historical sequence to the rise of industrial capitalism, the social fractures that it spawned, and the organised counter-movements that it necessitated.

In this article we analyse the constructed ‘free speech crisis’ associated with higher education (HE) in the United Kingdom (UK). We examine the media discourses from 2012 to 2022 which led to the establishment of a sense of crisis around speech in universities and, ultimately, to the Freedom of Speech Act in May 2023. We undertake a critical discourse analysis focused on the constructions of universities and university students in two major right-wing broadsheet newspapers, The Times and The Telegraph, and in the right-wing magazine The Spectator. We conceptualise the ‘free speech crisis’ as a discursive formation which is part of broader political efforts of conservative elites to maintain hegemony in Britain. Drawing on populism theory and race critical analyses, we argue that the ‘free speech crisis’ is an expression of racial liberalism and a placeholder for a deeper white anxiety over the social reproduction of elites in university spaces, and thus over (cultural) hegemony in the public sphere. We understand the desire to regulate ‘free’ speech in HE as an effort to prevent the emergence of an elite and (counter)hegemony different to the status quo. We make contributions to two emergent and interrelating bodies of literature: firstly, the study of populism in (post)Brexit Britain, and secondly, the study of culture wars, including iterations of the ‘free speech crisis’ and ‘the war on woke’.

It is well evidenced that South Africa is characterised by extreme socioeconomic inequality, which is strongly racialised. We offer an original sociological perspective, which departs from established perspectives considering the dynamics of vulnerability and poverty to focus on the structuring of classed and racialised privilege. We map how stocks of economic, cultural, and social capital intersect to generate systematic and structural inequalities in the country and consider how far these are associated with fundamental racial divides. To achieve this, we utilise rich, nationally representative data from the National Income Dynamics Study and employ Multiple Correspondence Analysis to construct a model of South African ‘social space’. Our findings underscore how entrenched racial divisions remain within South Africa, with White people being overwhelmingly located in the most privileged positions. However, our cluster analysis also indicates that forms of middle-class privilege percolate beyond a core of the 8% of the population that is white. We emphasise how age divisions are associated with social capital accumulation. Our cluster analysis reveals that trust levels increase with economic and cultural capital levels within younger age groups and could therefore come to intensify social and racial divisions.

No abstract is available for this article.

In Bangladesh, the world's largest refugee settlement currently shelters approximately one million Rohingya refugees who fled Myanmar to escape military persecution. Educating a significant number of young Rohingya, roughly half of whom are female, presents a significant challenge. Despite the presence of learning centres (LCs) across refugee camps, Rohingya girls may encounter specific barriers to accessing education due to exposure to various risks, such as violence, child marriage, and trauma stemming from past military oppression. This paper investigates the association between these risk factors and Rohingya girls' likelihood of attending LCs, and how this association may vary across refugee camps. Using survey data and employing three-level multilevel logistic regression models, I find that girls are less likely to attend LCs if they are at risk of encountering sexual abuse, child marriage, and psychological distress or trauma. These factors explain considerable variation in girls' LC attendance between camps and between households. In addition to providing more schooling opportunities to Rohingya children, prioritising girls' safety, protecting them from forced and child marriage, and supporting their psychological well-being require increased policy attention.

Guanxi research would benefit from an empirical description of holistic guanxi network structures and consideration of sociologically meaningful antecedents such as one's cultural value endorsement. This study, inspired by the relational sociology and drawing on the reported trustworthiness of a rich array of referees in one's guanxi network collected from the Traditional Culture and Cognitive Pattern Survey, identifies two types of guanxi network structures in contemporary China: one is featured by the binary distinction between family and non-family referees, and the other displays a fourfold classification scheme, respectively concerning parents, nuclear family members (children and spouse), other relatives and close friends, and acquaintances. Furthermore, traditional culture endorsement is positively correlated with the likelihood of being subject to the binary classification scheme, while some counter social forces, such as the establishment of quasi-kinship relationships, encourage one to lean toward the more fine-grained fourfold guanxi network partitioning.