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Prestige Fetishism in the Academy: Comte's Mirror, the Magic Mirror or an Illusion of Reality? 学院的威望拜物教:伯爵的镜子、魔镜还是现实的幻觉?
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13224
Jian Wu
<p>The call for commentary frames <i>Scholarship as Struggle: Stories of Censorship, Marketisation, and Resistance</i> as ‘the ongoing managerial and ideological attacks on higher education’ (BJS (British Journal of Sociology) <span>2024</span>). This assertion is undoubtedly accurate whether viewed through the lens of the rise of neoliberalism since the 1980s with its accompanying discourses of new public management or the rule of the market (Olssen and Peters <span>2005</span>) or of the more recent right-wing populist assault against ‘“liberal elites” [from higher education] in the name of tradition or nation’ (Dillabough <span>2022</span>, 183). However, this framing is also problematic as it depicts academics as passive victims—erasing their role in participating in, reinforcing, or benefiting from the system, disregarding the internal academic power structures that shape higher education (HE), and externalising resistance as a task that should be directed towards the system rather than serving as a reflection on their professional practice. Take the example of audit culture and the rise of ‘impact’, which, in the UK, is often attributed to the Research Excellence Framework 2014 (Pearce and Evans <span>2018</span>). According to Apple (<span>2005</span>), these phenomena are not ‘totally reducible to the needs of neo-liberals and neo-conservatives’ (20), and he encourages a more nuanced understanding of class relations and class projects to fully grasp them. However, his class analysis remains confined to the friction between the academic and new managerial classes, overlooking the academic community as a site of class struggle among academics themselves.</p><p>Bourdieu (<span>2004</span>, 4) uses the ‘mirror effect’ metaphor to illustrate how reflexivity involves not mere self-awareness but a critical recognition of how one's position within a social hierarchy influences perceptions, behaviours, and academic or professional engagement. Thus, Bourdieu's ‘mirror’ encourages us to closely examine our academic identity and reflect on our own practices. In this spirit, I maintain that, despite the straitjacket of external factors like marketisation imposed on the academy, academics must still scrutinise the extent to which they have—consciously and unconsciously—contributed to the maintenance of ‘the rhythm of the [capitalist] iron system’ (Horkheimer and Adorno <span>1997</span>, 120).</p><p>Based primarily on my experiences, observations, and reflections as a PhD student and later as an academic in the UK, I argue that although grouping people into a set of hierarchical social categories may be inevitable in any organisation, social relations between universities and society at large and among academics appear increasingly defined by the sheer properties and purported values of prestige indicators in the forms of perceived quality, status, and reputation - often measured through rankings, evaluations, and bibliometric indicators (Musselin <spa
对评论的呼吁将学术定义为“斗争:审查,市场化和抵抗的故事”,作为“对高等教育的持续管理和意识形态攻击”(BJS(英国社会学杂志)2024)。无论从20世纪80年代以来新自由主义的兴起及其伴随的新公共管理或市场规则的话语来看(Olssen和Peters 2005),还是从最近右翼民粹主义者以传统或国家的名义对“高等教育中的自由精英”的攻击来看(Dillabough 2022, 183),这一断言无疑是准确的。然而,这种框架也是有问题的,因为它把学者描绘成被动的受害者——抹掉了他们在参与、加强或从系统中受益方面的角色,忽视了塑造高等教育(HE)的内部学术权力结构,并将抵抗外部化为一项应该直接针对系统的任务,而不是作为对他们专业实践的反思。以审计文化和“影响力”的兴起为例,在英国,这通常归因于2014年的卓越研究框架(Pearce and Evans 2018)。根据Apple(2005)的观点,这些现象并不是“完全可以归结为新自由主义者和新保守主义者的需要”(20),他鼓励对阶级关系和阶级项目进行更细致的理解,以充分掌握它们。然而,他的阶级分析仍然局限于学术界和新管理阶层之间的摩擦,而忽视了学术界作为学术界内部阶级斗争的场所。布迪厄(2004,4)使用“镜像效应”的比喻来说明反身性不仅涉及自我意识,还涉及对一个人在社会等级中的地位如何影响感知、行为和学术或专业参与的批判性认识。因此,布迪厄的“镜子”鼓励我们仔细审视我们的学术身份,反思我们自己的实践。本着这种精神,我坚持认为,尽管外部因素如市场化强加给学术界的束缚,学术界仍然必须仔细审查他们有意识和无意识地为维护“[资本主义]铁体系的节奏”做出了多大贡献(霍克海默和阿多诺1997,120)。主要基于我作为博士研究生的经历、观察和反思,以及后来在英国作为一名学者的经历,我认为,尽管在任何组织中,将人们划分为一组等级森严的社会类别可能是不可避免的,但大学与整个社会之间以及学术界之间的社会关系似乎越来越多地由纯粹的属性和声望指标的所谓价值所定义,这些指标以感知质量、地位、以及声誉——通常通过排名、评估和文献计量指标来衡量(Musselin 2018)。这种对声望的拜物教不仅导致了对高等教育及其内在价值的现实幻觉,而且导致了阶级分层,破坏了学院内部的团结。在接下来的几页中,我将从定义威望拜物教开始,并描述其腐蚀性的普遍性。然后,我将解释它如何在教育和研究方面产生对现实的错误看法。最后,我将详细阐述它如何导致阶级分层和分裂学院内部的团结,阻碍统一的阶级变革意识的形成。马克思将商品拜物教定义为“事物之间关系的幻觉形式”(马克思1976,165),描述了商品的内在价值如何被完全归因于商品本身,模糊(因此,诋毁)生产它们的社会关系和劳动。法兰克福学派的理论家用物化的概念将商品拜物教扩展到商品生产之外,认为资本主义将这种“物化”扩展到生活的各个方面,包括政治、法律、教育,甚至意识(Rose 2024)。他们认为,尽管马克思主义理论预测了危机,但资本主义在面对革命变化时仍然具有弹性,因为物化将社会关系转化为事物之间的关系,通过隐藏资本主义的结构性矛盾(如资本家和无产阶级之间阶级利益的不可通约性)使制度合法化。换句话说,“从商品拜物教中产生的幻觉……(对于资本主义制度的运作)是必要的和真实的,但无论如何,它们都是幻觉”(Rose 2024, 17)。在这篇评论中,威望拜物教指的是声望的物化或物化,它原本是一种社会建构,是关系的和依赖于环境的,变成了一种静态和抽象的概念,缺乏教育、社会和智力背景和考虑。 换句话说,这种事物化影响了高等教育的各个方面,包括学术劳动、学术阶级意识以及学院与更广泛社会之间的关系,因为学院声望的概念逐渐脱离了高等教育的社会价值和运作形式,以智力参与和寻求真理的活动为代表,充满了特质和主观性,难以衡量,也无法排名。相反,学者们认为他们的同事不是知识的共同生产者,而是通过他们的引用数量来衡量他们的声望。例如,学术界普遍存在的“卓越”修辞刺激了与合作努力相对立的超级竞争(Moore et al. 2017)。同样,学生们越来越多地围绕与排名相关的就业能力和声誉因素来选择大学,而不是学术或公民使命,因为他们承担了高等教育消费者的角色(Gupta et al. 2025)。在这种声望拜物教的时代精神中,教育失去了它的社会维度,变成了一种“东西”,被诸如奖项、荣誉、排名或专业成员隶属关系等声望指标所粗略地捕获。当这些指标剔除了智力贡献等内在价值,脱离了使其成为可能的社会关系背景时,它们只是成为表现性和地位驱动的战利品指标,不一定反映真正的质量或价值。我将用三个例子来说明这一观点:大学排名、英国的移民政策和学术劳动力。《泰晤士报高等教育世界大学排名》(Times Rankings)在庆祝牛津大学排名的新闻标题和导语中使用了“最好”和“最长”这两个最高级词,以及“世界第一”和“连续第九年创记录”等无与伦比的品质,这是一种对威望的拜物教(图1),旨在突出牛津大学作为一所学术机构的“卓越”品质。我们可以很容易地将这种傲慢归因于市场“看不见的手”,将排名的流行概念化为一种模仿仪式,大学别无选择,只能参与其中。然而,它提出了一个问题,即所谓的“世界第一”大学对排名的不考虑,对他们来说,最高排名-尽管它们可能毫无意义-比更深思熟虑的问题更重要,比如大学排名的可能性有多大。对于不那么精英的大学来说,存在着一个独立的、低层次的声望生态系统,无论是“学生投票选出的最佳大学”、“雇主的选择”,还是“教学质量卓越”。如果这些头衔不适合他们,其他类别,如“可持续发展”、“年轻大学”或“地区大学”也可供争夺。各种各样的威望被剥夺了它的复杂性和关系维度,而是为了自身的利益而追求。并不是只有大学才崇拜声望。英国的高潜力个人签证计划旨在吸引来自全球顶尖大学的应届毕业生。它允许受助人在英国停留最多2年(博士3年),在没有担保的情况下寻找工作或创业。名列前茅意味着同时在《泰晤士报》排名、Quacquarelli Symonds世界大学排名和世界大学学术排名的任意两个排名系统中名列前50名。2022年,中国上海市推出了类似的人才计划,包括来自美国新闻排名的大学。个人的价值不是因为他们的内在能力、潜力或丰富的经验,而是因为与品牌价值的联系而被选中。这种扭曲的计划不仅疏远了其他“高潜力”候选人,更重要的是,它诋毁了人类的社会价值和尊严。此外,这些计划表明,移民制度等国家政策与全球高等教育的声望经济密切相关。学术劳动越来越具体化为尊重指标,如研究资助机构的声誉、期刊的影响因子、引用次数,甚至是主题演讲的邀请。在某种程度上,我们都成为Pardo-Guerra(2022)所说的“量化学者”,逐渐脱离智力贡献,重新依赖度量指标。从本质上讲,“自尊”使威望听起来不那么自命不凡,同时又不会产生太多的本体论差异。学者的智力贡献被转化为外在的价值指标,最终被简化为威望,这是拜物教的一种症状。当然,并非所有指标都不好,但当它们的意义仅仅依赖于对声望等级的感知时,它们就会变得危险。 最近一项关于健康和医学研究人员发表偏好的研究表明,期刊的影响因子对这些研究人员的行为有主要影响:他们最喜欢的是影响因子最高的,其次是影
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引用次数: 0
Army Deserters in Exile 流亡中的逃兵。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13222
Godfrey Maringira

Desertion from the military does not turn soldiers into civilians. In this paper, I analyse military identity and embodied practices of soldiers who deserted from the Zimbabwe National Army and were exiled in South Africa. Soldiering is understood as an essence part of who they are, as men who risked their lives and invested in a career, which they later deserted. These soldiers had a particular sense of a military past which functioned at the discursive level: even though they blamed the military for making them leave the barracks, they thought of themselves as soldiers in a context of exile. The men whose narratives are presented in this paper joined the army in post-independence Zimbabwe, and they did not participate in the country's liberation war against the British. These men have a different understanding of themselves as soldiers to those who fought in the liberation war. Their sense of themselves, and others in and outside the military is fundamentally drawn from a professional army. As is often noted, the military is greedy in terms of its demands on its members, and consequently it embeds within military personnel lasting practices, ways of being and a sense of a military identity, all of which can be resistant to change, yet simultaneously resilient, even in a context of exile. I therefore suggest that the experience of civilian life alone does little to erode the practices and mind frames of the military ingrained into army deserters even outside the army. This seems to be the case in a number of African societies where military desertion is prevalent, especially in authoritarian regimes.

脱离军队不会把士兵变成平民。在本文中,我分析了从津巴布韦国民军逃离并流亡到南非的士兵的军事身份和具体做法。当兵被理解为他们本质的一部分,作为男人,他们冒着生命危险,为事业投资,后来却放弃了。这些士兵对军队的过去有一种特殊的感觉,这种感觉在话语层面上起作用:尽管他们指责军队让他们离开军营,但他们认为自己是流亡背景下的士兵。本文中讲述的这些人是在津巴布韦独立后参军的,他们没有参加津巴布韦反对英国的解放战争。这些人对自己作为士兵的理解与解放战争中的士兵不同。他们对自己以及军队内外其他人的感觉基本上来自于一支职业军队。正如人们经常指出的那样,军队对其成员的要求是贪婪的,因此它在军事人员中植入了持久的做法、存在方式和军人身份感,所有这些都可以抵抗变化,但同时又具有弹性,即使在流亡的背景下也是如此。因此,我认为,平民生活的经验本身并不能削弱甚至在军队之外的军队逃兵根深蒂固的军事行为和思想框架。这似乎是一些非洲社会的情况,在这些社会中,军事逃兵很普遍,特别是在专制政权中。
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引用次数: 0
Karl Popper Versus Karl Mannheim on Sociology and Democratic Governance 卡尔·波普尔与卡尔·曼海姆论社会学与民主治理。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13221
Martyn Hammersley

There is a variety of conceptions of the public role that sociology ought to play. Perhaps the most common one presents it as serving a critical or oppositional function, not least in relation to governments and their policies. Yet this has by no means always been the dominant conception of sociology's role. In his well-known typology, Michael Burawoy recognised ‘professional’ and ‘policy’ versions of the discipline, alongside ‘critical’ and ‘public’ ones. However, even this does not capture the full range of variation in view about sociology's public role. There can be divergencies within each of Burawoy's categories. And it is worth taking account of these in order to gain a clear sense of all the possibilities. In this spirit, what is offered here is an examination of contrasting approaches that would fall under Burawoy's heading of policy sociology. These come from two key figures who had considerable influence on twentieth-century social and political thought—Karl Mannheim and Karl Popper. While they both believed that the function of social science is to serve government policymaking, and both were committed to democracy, they took very different views about sociology's relationship to governance. Indeed, Popper sharply criticised Mannheim's position, condemning it as totalitarian. The issues these authors addressed remain of considerable significance today, and this paper explores what can be learnt from their differences in perspective, as well as from what they shared.

关于社会学应该扮演的公共角色,有各种各样的概念。也许最常见的一种说法是,它发挥着批判或反对的作用,尤其是在与政府及其政策有关的方面。然而,这绝不是社会学角色的主导概念。在他著名的类型学中,Michael Burawoy认可了该学科的“专业”和“政策”版本,以及“批判”和“公共”版本。然而,即使这样,也没有捕捉到关于社会学公共角色观点的全部变化。在burawey的每一个分类中都可能存在分歧。为了对所有的可能性有一个清晰的认识,这些都是值得考虑的。本着这种精神,本文提供的是一种对比方法的检验,这些方法属于布拉威的政策社会学的范畴。这些观点来自于对20世纪社会和政治思想有重大影响的两位关键人物——曼海姆和波普尔。虽然他们都认为社会科学的功能是为政府决策服务,而且都致力于民主,但他们对社会学与治理的关系有着截然不同的看法。事实上,波普尔尖锐地批评了曼海姆的立场,谴责它是极权主义。这些作者所讨论的问题在今天仍然具有相当大的意义,本文探讨了从他们的观点差异中可以学到什么,以及从他们的共同点中可以学到什么。
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引用次数: 0
Equally Bad, Unevenly Distributed: Gender and the ‘Black Box’ of Student Employment 同样糟糕,分布不均:性别与学生就业的“黑箱”。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-05-04 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13210
Mia Ruijie Zhong, Rachel Lara Cohen, Kim Allen, Kirsty Finn, Kate Hardy, Cassie Kill

Students comprise approximately four per cent of the UK labour force and as much as 20% in some occupations and jobs. Yet students' work is typically seen as marginal, secondary both to their current learning and future working biographies. Public and media attention on ‘earning while learning’ (EwL) tends to focus on the negative impacts of paid work on education. Meanwhile students' actual working conditions, occupations and employment experiences have received limited attention and constitute something of a ‘black box’. We open that box by examining the paid work undertaken by full-time students. Through analysis of a national data set, we examine patterns with respect to employment rates, pay, hours, and occupations, as well as how these are gendered. We find a small ‘studentness’ penalty—lower pay for students than non-student workers of the same age. We also find small increases in the proportion currently engaged in paid work. Gender is identified as a key variable in shaping student employment rates, with women considerably more likely than men to work while studying. We find no evidence of a gender pay gap in EwL, but this is largely because most student workers are concentrated in two ‘integrated’ occupations, which we designate as ‘equally bad’ - poorly paid but gender equitable. Older students are more likely to work in gender-segregated occupations, with some indications of male and female gender pay advantages for gender-dominant employment, suggesting a possible early incentive for occupational gender segregation. Given the gender disparity in student work, a core finding is that women disproportionately undertake this poor-quality work. We argue that to address the under-theorisation of EwL, student employment—including its gendering—requires greater attention and should be integrated into conceptualisations of a ‘working-life-course’.

学生约占英国劳动力的4%,在某些职业和工作中占20%。然而,学生的作业通常被认为是边缘的,次于他们目前的学习和未来的工作经历。公众和媒体对“边学边赚”的关注往往集中在有偿工作对教育的负面影响上。与此同时,学生的实际工作条件、职业和就业经历受到的关注有限,构成了某种“黑箱”。我们通过研究全日制学生从事的有偿工作来打开这个盒子。通过对国家数据集的分析,我们研究了就业率、工资、工作时间和职业的模式,以及这些模式是如何被性别区分的。我们发现了一个小的“学生”惩罚——学生的工资低于同年龄的非学生工人。我们还发现,目前从事有偿工作的比例有小幅上升。性别被认为是影响学生就业率的一个关键变量,女性在学习期间工作的可能性大大高于男性。我们没有发现在EwL中存在性别收入差距的证据,但这在很大程度上是因为大多数学生工人集中在两个“综合”职业,我们称之为“同样糟糕”——收入低但性别平等。年龄较大的学生更有可能在性别隔离的职业中工作,一些迹象表明,在性别占主导地位的职业中,男性和女性的薪酬优势,表明可能存在职业性别隔离的早期动机。考虑到学生作业中的性别差异,一个核心发现是,女性承担这种低质量作业的比例过高。我们认为,为了解决教育工作理论化不足的问题,学生就业——包括其性别——需要更多的关注,并应纳入“工作-生活过程”的概念化。
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引用次数: 0
Artificial Intelligence as a Strategy in the British Economic Field 人工智能作为英国经济领域的战略。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-29 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13218
Will Atkinson

Drawing on the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, this paper conceives the adoption and development of artificial intelligence by businesses as a strategy within the economic field. Using a survey of over 2000 businesses in the UK and tools of geometric data analysis, I construct a model of the British economic field and project into it indicators of past, present and intended AI adoption. This provides a sense of the correspondences between the structure of the field, the temporal order of strategies, and perceptions of the possible and necessary among its agents. Dominant players within the field have clearly led and will lead the AI ‘revolution’, rendering AI a tool for perpetuating intra-field domination and reproduction, but others below them seem set to pursue emulation strategies to keep up. These conservation strategies may also contain, however, an internal difference between innovation and dependence corresponding with the new and the old within the field.

本文借鉴皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)的社会学理论,认为企业采用和发展人工智能是经济领域内的一种战略。通过对英国2000多家企业的调查和几何数据分析工具,我构建了一个英国经济领域的模型,并将过去、现在和未来采用人工智能的指标纳入其中。这提供了一种对应性的感觉,即领域的结构、策略的时间顺序以及其代理人对可能和必要的感知之间的对应关系。该领域的主要参与者已经并将引领人工智能“革命”,使人工智能成为延续领域内统治和繁殖的工具,但低于他们的其他参与者似乎开始采取模仿策略来跟上。然而,这些保护策略也可能包含创新和依赖之间的内在差异,与领域内的新旧相对应。
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引用次数: 0
Ukrainian Refugees and Welfare Deservingness: A Comparative Study of UK Government Discussions Around the 2022 Ukraine Conflict and 2015 Migrant Crisis 乌克兰难民与福利应得性:2022年乌克兰冲突与2015年移民危机前后英国政府讨论的比较研究
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-27 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13219
Joshua Garland, Juhyun Lee

Recent years witnessed mass migration towards Europe, from Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the 2015 Migrant Crisis linked to war in Syria. This article explores UK government discussion around these two significant crises, focussing on the challenges they present and the portrayal of refugees. It asks how far ministers' language differentiated between Ukrainians and Syrians regarding welfare deservingness. Thematically analysing over 100 official speeches, statements and press releases, the extent of racialisation and welfare chauvinism in ministers' discourse on refugees is revealed. Clear racialisation was found between the two refugee groups, but welfare chauvinism persisted for Ukrainians despite more favourable language, reflecting continued conditionality within UK government discussions of migration phenomena that may hold long-term implications for Ukrainian refugees in the UK.

近年来,从俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰到2015年与叙利亚战争有关的移民危机,大量移民涌入欧洲。本文探讨了英国政府围绕这两个重大危机的讨论,重点关注他们所面临的挑战和难民的写照。它询问部长们在福利待遇问题上,乌克兰人和叙利亚人的语言有多大区别。从主题上分析了100多篇官方演讲、声明和新闻稿,揭示了部长们在难民问题上的言论中种族化和福利沙文主义的程度。在两个难民群体之间发现了明显的种族化,但尽管语言更有利,但福利沙文主义仍然存在于乌克兰人身上,这反映了英国政府在讨论移民现象时持续的条件限制,这可能对在英国的乌克兰难民产生长期影响。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing the Global: Contested Cosmopolitanisms in Global Queer Activism 非殖民化全球:全球酷儿行动中有争议的世界主义。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-15 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13217
Minwoo Jung

In the last decade, the “decolonial turn” has gained prominence across academic disciplines, challenging inherent Eurocentric knowledge paradigms. Extending these conversations, this paper critically investigates the notion of “the global” from a decolonial perspective. Decolonial scholars criticize the mainstream conceptualization of cosmopolitanism for its Eurocentrism and advocate for alternative forms of cosmopolitanism. This paper builds on this decolonial scholarship and examines how various local actors make sense of and give meaning to the contested category of “the global” in understanding, articulating, and addressing their visions for social change. Drawing from ethnographic research on queer activism in South Korea, it identifies the coexistence and contestation between two forms of cosmopolitanism—metrocentric and provincial—and suggests that we understand non-Western activists as producers of anticolonial thought from below. By doing so, this paper contributes to critical scholarship on globalization, cosmopolitanism, and decolonial thought.

在过去的十年中,“非殖民化转向”在各个学科中都得到了突出的表现,挑战了固有的以欧洲为中心的知识范式。延伸这些对话,本文从非殖民化的角度批判性地研究了“全球”的概念。非殖民化学者批评世界主义的主流概念是欧洲中心主义,并提倡世界主义的替代形式。本文以这种非殖民化的学术研究为基础,研究了不同的地方行动者如何在理解、表达和解决他们对社会变革的愿景时,对“全球”这一有争议的类别进行理解和赋予意义。从韩国酷儿行动主义的人种学研究中,它确定了两种形式的世界主义——都市中心主义和地方主义——的共存和竞争,并建议我们将非西方活动家理解为自下而上的反殖民思想的生产者。通过这样做,本文有助于全球化,世界主义和非殖民化思想的批判性学术研究。
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引用次数: 0
Review of “Work Pray Code: When Work Becomes Religion in Silicon Valley”. By Carolyn Chen, Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2022. 272 pp. $18.95/£15.99 《工作祈祷代码:当工作成为硅谷的宗教》卡罗琳·陈,美国新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022年。272页,18.95美元/ 15.99英镑
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-13 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13216
Rebecca C. Franklin
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引用次数: 0
Review of the Book The Chile Project. By Sebastián Edwards, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2023. 376 pp. $32.00/£28.00. ISBN: 9780691208626 《智利计划》一书书评。作者:Sebastián爱德华兹,普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023年。376页,32.00美元/ 28.00英镑。ISBN: 9780691208626
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-12 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13215
Dana Brablec
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引用次数: 0
Commercial Surrogacy Is not a Secret Handshake: It Is a High-Five: Gay Fathers in China’s Changing Landscape 商业代孕不是秘密握手,而是击掌:中国变化中的同性恋父亲。
IF 3.3 2区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2025-04-12 DOI: 10.1111/1468-4446.13214
Eileen Y. H. Tsang

In 2023, China introduced regulatory amendments to birth certificates and the hukou (household registration) system, aiming to boost birth rates and offset an aging population. However, the implications of these changes on marriage and family support amidst population policy shifts remain underexplored. One particular area is how commercial surrogacy (CS) impacts gay communities where couples seek surrogate children to maintain intergenerational bonding and bridging within their familial and kinship networks. This article employs Bourdieu's field theory, characterized by class-based capital and habitus, to examine how upper-class gay individuals navigate this changing field in the three municipal cities of Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 35 upper-class gay fathers and 21 gays' parents, their agency and changes in pursuing parenthood through transnational and underground CS in China are illustrated. This article posits that the formation of the family is inherently tied to the class-based cultural capital and habitus of the gay individuals. The reproductive decision-making process within the gay community reflect strategies to form families are imbued with class-based capital and habitus.

2023年,中国对出生证明和户口制度进行了监管修订,旨在提高出生率,抵消人口老龄化。然而,在人口政策转变的背景下,这些变化对婚姻和家庭支持的影响仍未得到充分探讨。一个特别的领域是商业代孕(CS)如何影响同性恋社区,在那里,夫妇们寻求代孕孩子来维持代际联系,并在他们的家庭和亲属网络中架起桥梁。本文运用布迪厄的场域理论,以阶级资本和习惯为特征,考察北上津三个城市的上层同性恋个体是如何驾驭这一变化的场域的。本文通过对35位上层社会同性恋父亲和21位同性恋父母的深度访谈,阐述了他们通过跨国和地下同性恋追求父母身份的中介和变化。这篇文章认为,家庭的形成与基于阶级的文化资本和同性恋个体的习惯有着内在的联系。同性恋群体内的生育决策过程反映了建立家庭的策略充满了基于阶级的资本和习惯。
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British Journal of Sociology
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