British Journal of Sociology最新文献

This article critically employs the case of association football in England, from 1980 to 2023, as a social movement timescape, to examine the political consciousness and long-term mobilisations of a generation of football supporter activists, and their capacity to influence politics, and respond to new, emerging, critical junctures, through networks of trust and shared memories of historical events. This is of crucial importance to sociology because it reveals the tensions between what are considered legitimate and illegitimate social practices which characterise contemporary society's moral economy. Focusing on temporal contestations over regulation, policing, governance and cultural rituals, the article deconstructs the role of generations in social movements, and critically synthesises relational-temporal sociology and classic and contemporary work on the sociology of generations, to show how legacy operates as a multifaceted maturing concept of power and time. In English football's neoliberal timescape, the supporters' movement has reached a critical juncture; the future will require a new generation of activists, to negotiate, resist and contest the new hegemonic politics of social control and supporter engagement.

Does globalization increase polarization in attitudes toward international trade, immigration, and international organizations? Research from a variety of fields and disciplines assumes this relationship, but empirical studies are few. In this study, I examine whether globalization increases the attitudinal divide between education groups, with education being one of the main characteristics of social stratification distinguishing winners from losers of globalization. I use data from three waves of the National Identity Module of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) from 1995 to 2013 covering 29 countries (n = 79,101) to analyze between- and within-country interactions between the level of globalization and education in explaining attitudes toward globalization. The results show that while the attitudinal divide between educational groups is larger in countries with higher levels of globalization (between effect), polarization decreases as the level of globalization increases within countries (within effect), as persons with lower and medium levels of education become more positive toward globalization under increasing levels of globalization. The results are consistent across a wide range of robustness checks, including controlling for occupational class as a further distinction between winners and losers of globalization. The findings suggest that the expectations about a widening attitudinal divide between winners and losers of globalization should be treated with more caution.

This study focuses on the predictors of women academics' perceived research productivity during the pandemic in Türkiye, by taking the changes in paid and unpaid workload alongside the felt pressure concerning productivity into consideration. Predicting the odds to report an above the mean level of decrease in perceived research productivity, unlike expected, increased housework time and administrative workload presented no statistically significant effect. On the other hand, extended care responsibilities (including but not limited to childcare) and felt pressure concerning research performance during the pandemic strongly predicted a high level of reported decrease in research productivity. Findings highlight that institutional care support mechanisms should be among the primary concerns since the pandemic has made the already existing gender inequalities in academia more visible in terms of the challenges women face in balancing paid and unpaid work. In addition, as excess pressure felt by women academics regarding research performance is linked to a decline in reported productivity, creating a compassionate environment in academia not only in unprecedented circumstances but at all times needs to be priority.

How did the Norwich Union, a life and general insurance company, come to see itself as a ‘local developer with people always at the centre of our planning’? This article explores how a small number of insurance companies, capitalising on their long history of property investment, used their investment funds, or ‘life funds’, to transform the built environment of UK in the twentieth century. In the postwar period life funds were contracted by local governments to finance, plan and develop solutions to urban issues that paralleled those targeted by post-war welfare reforms. This involved companies in developing expertise, working practices, instruments and collaborative arrangements that are not adequately represented as financial investment. Ventures into development on this scale had also to be ventures in futures planning, calculated bets on how people would – and how they should – live, work and spend. These are enterprises that I characterise as ‘experimental practices of financial sociology’ as a provocation that acknowledges first, that non-sociologists sometimes devise huge sociological experiments and second, that the separation of economics from sociology, and of finance from society, is a disciplinary move that is far less strictly enacted outside the academy.

This short essay contends that sociology should devote attention to causal explanation in order to expose lies. It argues that lies about causes are common in society and social science is in a unique privileged position to offer social knowledge that can dispel such lies. Offering causal explanations is a vital task of this project.

This article argues that since the recovery of democracy in Chile in the early 1990s, the state has been reshaping the Indigenous socio-political landscape by adopting neoliberal multiculturalism as a governance model. By not posing significant challenges to the state's neoliberal political and economic priorities, Indigenous cultural activity has been carefully channelled to meet state expectations of what constitutes urban indigeneity. Drawing on the minority and multicultural studies literature and ongoing ethnographic fieldwork, this article analyses how Mapuche civil society navigates the complexities of two relational models of state/ethnic minority interaction: ethno-bureaucracy and strategic essentialism. Although Mapuche associations have tried to accommodate their interests within the limits of neoliberal multiculturalism, the article argues that this governance model has established incentives for inclusion and exclusion in the socio-political apparatus, resulting in a fragmentation of the Mapuche associative landscape in urban Chile.