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Persuasion in the Age of Artificial Intelligence (AI): Theories and Complications of AI-Based Persuasion 人工智能时代的说服:基于人工智能的说服理论及其复杂性
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac006
Marco Dehnert, Paul A. Mongeau
Artificial intelligence (AI) has profound implications for both communication and persuasion. We consider how AI complicates and promotes rethinking of persuasion theory and research. We define AI-based persuasion as a symbolic process in which a communicative-AI entity generates, augments, or modifies a message—designed to convince people to shape, reinforce, or change their responses—that is transmitted to human receivers. We review theoretical perspectives useful for studying AI-based persuasion—the Computers Are Social Actors (CASA) paradigm, the Modality, Agency, Interactivity, and Navigability (MAIN) model, and the heuristic-systematic model of persuasion—to explicate how differences in AI complicate persuasion in two ways. First, thin AI exhibits few (if any) machinic (i.e., AI) cues, social cues might be available, and communication is limited and indirect. Second, thick AI exhibits ample machinic and social cues, AI presence is obvious, and communication is direct and interactive. We suggest avenues for future research in each case.
人工智能对沟通和说服都有着深远的影响。我们考虑人工智能如何使说服理论和研究复杂化并促进重新思考。我们将基于人工智能的说服定义为一个象征性的过程,在这个过程中,交流的人工智能实体生成、增强或修改一条信息,旨在说服人们塑造、强化或改变他们的反应,并将其传递给人类接受者。我们回顾了有助于研究基于人工智能的说服的理论视角——计算机是社会行动者(CASA)范式、模态、代理、互动和导航(MAIN)模型以及说服的启发式系统模型——以解释人工智能的差异如何从两个方面使说服复杂化。首先,瘦人工智能很少(如果有的话)表现出机械(即人工智能)线索,社交线索可能是可用的,交流是有限和间接的。其次,厚厚的人工智能显示出充足的机械和社会线索,人工智能的存在是明显的,交流是直接和互动的。我们对每种情况提出了未来研究的途径。
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引用次数: 12
Does Information about Bias Attenuate Selective Exposure? The Effects of Implicit Bias Feedback on the Selection of Outgroup-Rich News 关于偏倚的信息会减弱选择性暴露吗?内隐偏见反馈对富外群体新闻选择的影响
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-24 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac004
A. Kroon, T. G. van der Meer, T. Pronk
People’s news diets are shaped by a diverse set of selection biases that may be unconscious in nature. This study investigates whether providing individuals with information about such unconscious biases attenuates selective exposure. More specifically, in two selective-exposure experiments among Dutch ingroup members focusing on ethnic (N = 286) and religious (N = 277) minorities, we expose individuals to their unconscious prejudices as measured by the Implicit Association Test (IAT) before documenting their news-selection patterns. Findings indicate that the effectiveness of this awareness-inducing strategy depends upon existing levels of implicit and explicit prejudice and overly expressed acceptance of the IAT scores. This implies that raising awareness of implicit prejudice works as an effective strategy for fighting biased news selection for some, but may backfire for others, and should therefore only be implemented with caution and attention for explicit considerations.
人们的新闻偏好是由一系列不同的选择偏见塑造的,这些偏见本质上可能是无意识的。这项研究调查了向个体提供有关这种无意识偏见的信息是否会减弱选择性暴露。更具体地说,在两个选择性暴露实验中,在荷兰的内部群体成员中,我们关注种族(N = 286)和宗教(N = 277)少数民族,在记录他们的新闻选择模式之前,我们通过内隐联想测试(IAT)将他们的无意识偏见暴露给个体。研究结果表明,这种意识诱导策略的有效性取决于现有的内隐和外显偏见水平以及对IAT分数的过度接受。这意味着提高对隐性偏见的认识是对抗有偏见的新闻选择的有效策略,但对其他人来说可能适得其反,因此应该谨慎实施,并注意明确的考虑。
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引用次数: 3
Interpersonal Discussion and Political Knowledge: Unpacking the Black Box via a Combined Experimental and Content-Analytic Approach 人际讨论与政治知识:通过实验和内容分析相结合的方法打开黑匣子
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-12 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac002
Ryan C. Moore, Jason C. Coronel
Over 130 studies have examined the relationship between interpersonal political discussion and political knowledge, generally finding that discussion can increase people’s level of political knowledge (Amsalem & Nir, 2019). However, two important questions remain unanswered: (a) Do some types of political discussions facilitate greater levels of political knowledge than others? (b) Do people retain knowledge gained from political discussions? In this study (N = 96), we addressed these questions using a novel methodological approach that combines a lab experiment, in which we manipulated the occurrence of political discussion, with a systematic content analysis of participants’ discussions (N = 1,080 distinct instances of discussions). We found that discussions involving confirmatory feedback and cueing were associated with greater levels of political knowledge than other types of discussions. Furthermore, knowledge gains from discussion were not retained after a short delay. Our study lays the theoretical and methodological groundwork for future investigations into the “black box” of political discussion.
130多项研究考察了人际政治讨论与政治知识之间的关系,普遍发现讨论可以提高人们的政治知识水平(Amsalem&Nir,2019)。然而,有两个重要问题仍然没有得到解答:(a)某些类型的政治讨论是否比其他类型的讨论有助于提高政治知识水平?(b) 人们是否保留了从政治讨论中获得的知识?在这项研究中(N=96),我们使用一种新的方法论方法来解决这些问题,该方法结合了一项实验室实验,在该实验中,我们操纵了政治讨论的发生,并对参与者的讨论进行了系统的内容分析(N=1080个不同的讨论实例)。我们发现,与其他类型的讨论相比,涉及确认性反馈和提示的讨论与更高水平的政治知识有关。此外,经过短暂的拖延,从讨论中获得的知识没有得到保留。我们的研究为未来对政治讨论“黑匣子”的调查奠定了理论和方法基础。
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引用次数: 1
Better Ask Your Neighbor: Renegotiating Media Trust During the Russian–Ukrainian Conflict 更好地问你的邻居:在俄乌冲突期间重新谈判媒体信任
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-12 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac003
Olga Pasitselska
During violent conflict, the evaluation of information sources often presents a complex challenge. Social interactions play a critical role for mediating audiences’ trust as they negotiate contested information spreading across the media and social networks. This study uses focus groups and individual interviews, conducted in the propaganda-saturated environment of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict, to investigate how audiences develop and negotiate practices for assigning trust to the mediated and social sources. It identifies three verification practices, each based on a different notion of pragmatic trust: Reliance on ideologically close sources; skepticism toward individual sources while trusting media as institution; or institutional distrust and cynical disillusionment. Each practice is embedded in participants’ social environment, which both supplies information and helps negotiating appropriate verification practices. The article concludes by discussing implications for studies of media trust and socially shaped understanding of the media.
在暴力冲突期间,对信息来源的评估往往是一项复杂的挑战。社交互动在调解受众信任方面发挥着关键作用,因为他们在媒体和社交网络上传播有争议的信息。本研究使用焦点小组和个人访谈,在俄乌冲突的宣传饱和环境中进行,以调查受众如何发展和协商将信任分配给中介和社会来源的做法。它确定了三种核查做法,每种做法都基于不同的务实信任概念:依赖意识形态上的密切来源;对个人来源持怀疑态度,同时相信媒体是一种制度;或者制度上的不信任和愤世嫉俗的幻灭。每种做法都嵌入参与者的社会环境中,既提供信息,又有助于协商适当的核查做法。文章最后讨论了对媒体信任和社会对媒体理解研究的启示。
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引用次数: 6
“They Never Really Leave Us”: Transcendent Narratives About Loss Resonate With the Experience of Severe Grief “他们从未真正离开我们”:关于失去的超越叙事与严重悲伤的经历产生共鸣
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-02-11 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac001
E. Das, Judith Peters
Self-transcendent media experiences can instill a sense of connectedness, the sense of being part of a bigger whole. Proposing that this experience is relevant for people who have lost a loved one, the present research examined processing and effects of transcendent narratives of loss among the bereaved. Study 1 (N = 1,012) examined if personal experience with loss (grief severity, loss acceptance) increased mixed affect, transportation, identification, and appreciation of narratives of loss with, and without a reference to transcendence; Study 2 (N = 240) examined effects on elevation and connectedness. Findings showed that transcendent narratives of loss increased transportation, identification, and story appreciation especially for individuals with severe grief. Conversely, transcendent narratives of loss increased elevation, and connectedness especially for individuals with low grief. Findings suggest that transcendent narratives of loss resonate with severe personal grief. We found no evidence that a transcendent perspective on death reflects difficulty in accepting one’s personal loss.
自我超越的媒体体验可以灌输一种联系感,一种成为更大整体一部分的感觉。提出这种经历与失去亲人的人有关,目前的研究考察了失去亲人的人对失去的超验叙述的处理和影响。研究1 (N = 1,012)检验了个人的损失经历(悲伤严重程度、损失接受程度)是否会增加混合情感、转移、认同和对有或没有超越参照的损失叙述的欣赏;研究2 (N = 240)检验了抬高和连通性的影响。研究结果表明,对失去的超验叙述增加了移情、认同和对故事的欣赏,尤其是对严重悲伤的个体。相反,对失去的超越性叙述增加了提升感和连通性,尤其是对于悲伤程度较低的个体。研究结果表明,对失去的超越性叙述与严重的个人悲伤产生共鸣。我们没有发现任何证据表明,对死亡的超验观点反映了接受个人损失的困难。
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引用次数: 4
Resilience in Interracial–Interethnic Relationships in the United States: Assessing Relationship Maintenance and Communal Orientation as Protection Against Network Stigma 美国种族间-种族间关系的弹性:评估关系维持和社区取向对网络污名的保护作用
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-01-24 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqab023
C. Haughton, T. Afifi
Using the theory of resilience and relational load as a framework, this study examined whether a stress reduction or a stress-buffering model best explained risk and resilience in interracial–interethnic relationships in the United States when managing stigma from one’s social network. Eight hundred and sixteen Black and Latinx individuals in heterosexual relationships with a White, non-Latinx partner completed the survey. The stress reduction model was a better representation of individuals’ experiences in Latinx–White relationships and the stress-buffering model was a better representation of individuals’ experiences in Black–White relationships. For Latinx individuals, greater relationship maintenance received from one’s White partner and stronger levels of communal orientation were associated with reductions in stigma-related stress and conflict, which in turn, were associated with better relationship satisfaction and less relational load. For Black individuals, relationship maintenance and communal orientation moderated the associations between stress/conflict and the relational outcomes, but in unexpected ways.
本研究以弹性和关系负荷理论为框架,考察了减压或压力缓冲模型是否能最好地解释美国人在处理来自社会网络的耻辱时,不同种族间关系中的风险和弹性。816名黑人和拉丁裔异性恋者与非拉丁裔白人伴侣完成了这项调查。压力减轻模型能更好地反映个体在拉丁裔与白人关系中的体验,压力缓冲模型能更好地反映个体在黑人与白人关系中的体验。对于拉丁裔个体来说,从白人伴侣那里得到的更多的关系维护和更强的公共取向水平与与耻辱相关的压力和冲突的减少有关,这反过来又与更好的关系满意度和更少的关系负荷有关。对于黑人个体,关系维护和公共取向调节了压力/冲突与关系结果之间的关联,但以意想不到的方式。
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引用次数: 1
The Effects of Political Incivility on Political Trust and Political Participation: A Meta-Analysis of Experimental Research 政治煽动对政治信任和政治参与的影响——实验研究的元分析
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-12-11 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqab022
Jonathan Van ’t Riet, Aart van Stekelenburg
A great deal of experimental research has focused on how political incivility affects ordinary citizens. A common finding is that incivility reduces political trust. Effects on political participation have also been investigated, but seem less consistent across studies. The results of a systematic review and meta-analysis, including a total of 24 manuscripts containing 35 studies, revealed that the estimated effect of political incivility on political trust was significant, Hedges’ g = −0.19 [95% CI: −0.30, −0.09]. The effect was small, however, and some indication of publication bias was found. The effect was stronger when the incivility was communicated through video versus other media, and for studies conducted in the United States versus Europe. The estimated effect of political incivility on political participation was almost non-existent, g = −0.02 [−0.11, 0.08], although it was significantly stronger (more negative) for studies conducted in Europe rather than in the United States.
大量的实验研究集中在政治不文明如何影响普通公民上。一个常见的发现是,无礼行为会降低政治信任。对政治参与的影响也进行了调查,但各研究似乎不太一致。一项系统综述和荟萃分析的结果显示,估计政治不文明对政治信任的影响是显著的,Hedges的g=−0.19[95%CI:−0.30,−0.09]。然而,影响很小,并且发现了一些发表偏倚的迹象。与其他媒体相比,以及在美国与欧洲进行的研究相比,当通过视频传播不文明时,效果更强。据估计,政治不文明对政治参与的影响几乎不存在,g=−0.02[−0.11,0.08],尽管在欧洲而不是美国进行的研究中,这种影响明显更强(更负面)。
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引用次数: 14
Communication Interdependence and Cohabitation: The Role of Interpersonal Technologies in Satisfaction and Disillusionment among Couples in Transition 沟通相互依赖与同居:人际技术在转型期夫妻满意度和幻灭中的作用
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-11-30 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqab021
L. Sharabi, Elizabeth Dorrance-Hall
The transition to cohabitation is a major developmental milestone for romantic couples, yet it is linked to myriad negative outcomes. This study extends the communication interdependence perspective (CIP) to understand the role of technology use in relationship transitions (i.e., the transition to cohabitation). Couples (N = 258 individuals) completed an online survey before and after transitioning to cohabitation to test actor and partner effects of technology integration, segmentation, and difficulty transitioning on relationship satisfaction and ambivalence. Results showed that for actors, constructive integration had positive associations and destructive integration had negative associations with relational outcomes. Difficulty transitioning between channels of communication also had negative implications for relationships. Longitudinal results indicated that negative integration patterns could sometimes buffer against relationship disillusionment. Theoretical implications for the CIP and practical implications for couples are discussed.
向同居过渡是浪漫伴侣发展的一个重要里程碑,但它与无数负面结果有关。本研究扩展了通信相互依存视角(CIP),以理解技术使用在关系转变(即向同居的转变)中的作用。情侣(N = 258人)在过渡到同居前后完成了一项在线调查,以测试技术整合、分割和困难过渡对关系满意度和矛盾心理的演员和伴侣影响。研究结果表明,对于行动者来说,建设性整合与关系结果呈正相关,而破坏性整合则与关系结果负相关。沟通渠道之间的转换困难也对人际关系产生了负面影响。纵向结果表明,负整合模式有时可以缓冲关系的幻灭。讨论了CIP的理论意义和对夫妇的实际意义。
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引用次数: 2
Replication Note: What is Political Incivility? 复制注:什么是政治不文明?
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqab017
Robin Stryker, Bethany A. Conway, Shawn Bauldry, Vasundhara Kaul
Because political incivility is so consequential and those consequences depend on observers’ perceptions, we must know what Americans perceive as uncivil. Stryker, Conway, and Danielson (2016) conducted one of the first studies addressing this using confirmatory factor analysis on 23 types of potential incivility, but the authors used a local sample representing undergraduates at one southwestern university. Using 20 of their 23 measures and replicating their analyses on a national sample of more than 2000 respondents representing U.S. whites, Blacks, and Latinx, this study finds the same conceptual structure for perceived political incivility with very similar response patterns as Stryker et al. (2016). Perceived political incivility is an overarching construct with three analytically distinct, inter-correlated dimensions: insulting utterances, deception, and behaviors that tend to shut down ongoing and inclusive discussion.
因为政治上的不文明是如此重要,而这些后果取决于观察者的看法,我们必须知道美国人认为什么是不文明的。Stryker、Conway和Danielson(2016)对23种潜在的不文明行为进行了验证性因素分析,这是第一批解决这一问题的研究之一,但作者使用了代表西南一所大学本科生的当地样本。本研究使用了他们23项测量中的20项,并在代表美国白人、黑人和拉丁裔的2000多名受访者的全国样本中复制了他们的分析,发现了与Stryker等人相同的感知政治不文明的概念结构,其反应模式非常相似。(2016)。感知的政治不文明是一个总体结构,具有三个分析上不同、相互关联的维度:侮辱性言论、欺骗和倾向于关闭正在进行的包容性讨论的行为。
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引用次数: 6
How Do Individuals in a Radical Echo Chamber React to Opposing Views? Evidence from a Content Analysis of Stormfront 激进回音室中的个人如何应对对立的观点?来自风暴锋内容分析的证据
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqab020
Jonathan Bright, Nahema Marchal, B. Ganesh, S. Rudinac
Calls to “break up” radical echo chambers by injecting them with alternative viewpoints are common. Yet, thus far there is little evidence about the impact of such counter-messaging. To what extent and how do individuals who inhabit a radical echo chamber engage with messages that challenge their core beliefs? Drawing on data from the radical right forum Stormfront we address this question with a large-scale content and longitudinal analysis of users’ posting behavior, which analyses more than 35,000 English language contributions to the forum spanning 2011 through 2013. Our findings show that engaging with oppositional views is actually a core practice among Stromfront users which invites active participation and encourages engagement. Indeed, many “echoes” in the echo chamber we studied were not core beliefs being restated, but the sound of opposing viewpoints being undermined and marginalized. These findings underscore the limited potential for counter-messages to undermine radical echo chambers.
呼吁通过向激进的回音室注入不同的观点来“打破”这些回音室的呼声很普遍。然而,到目前为止,几乎没有证据表明这种反信息的影响。居住在激进回音室中的个人在多大程度上以及如何接受挑战其核心信仰的信息?根据激进右翼论坛Stormfront的数据,我们通过对用户发帖行为的大规模内容和纵向分析来解决这个问题,该分析分析了2011年至2013年间对该论坛的35000多篇英语贡献。我们的研究结果表明,参与反对意见实际上是Stromfront用户的核心实践,它邀请积极参与并鼓励参与。事实上,我们研究的回音室中的许多“回声”并不是被重申的核心信念,而是对立观点被破坏和边缘化的声音。这些发现强调了反信息破坏激进回音室的潜力有限。
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引用次数: 2
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Human Communication Research
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