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“They didn’t really have key experiences that they thought they could bring to the table”: Perceptions of white racial absolution during cross-racial intergroup dialogues “他们并没有真正的关键经验,他们认为他们可以带到谈判桌上”:跨种族间对话中对白人种族赦免的看法
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad008
Chaddrick D. James-Gallaway, Marigold M. Hudock, Corbin Franklin
This article analyzes how White racial absolution, a form of White resistance to interrogating White racial identity through discourse, impedes cross-racial intergroup dialogs (IGDs) and impacts the IGD experience of Students of Color (SOC). Eleven undergraduate IGD students and six undergraduate IGD facilitators participated, and critical race discourse analysis (CRDA) was used for analysis. Findings showed that White students engaged in White racial absolution by avoiding White racial sharing (WRS), or side-stepping conversations regarding their Whiteness. The three themes around WRS included (a) Whiteness as a justification to not contribute to the IGD, (b) offering surface-level commentary regarding Whiteness, and (c) leaning on other social-identity-based marginalities or summoning the racial experiences of People of Color. Implications from this study illustrate that White racial absolution within cross-racial IGD alienates SOC, which stifles the overarching goal of resolving gaps between people of diverse social identity backgrounds.
本文分析了白人种族赦免是一种白人通过话语抵制对白人种族身份的质疑的形式,它如何阻碍跨种族群体间对话(IGDs)并影响有色人种学生(SOC)的IGD体验。11名本科IGD学生和6名本科IGD辅导员参与,使用批判性种族话语分析(CRDA)进行分析。研究结果表明,白人学生通过避免白人种族分享(WRS)或回避关于他们的白人身份的对话来参与白人种族赦免。围绕WRS的三个主题包括:(a)白人作为不参与IGD的理由,(b)提供关于白人的表面评论,以及(c)依赖其他基于社会身份的边缘或召唤有色人种的种族经验。本研究表明,跨种族IGD中的白人种族赦免疏远了SOC,从而扼杀了解决不同社会身份背景人群之间差距的总体目标。
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引用次数: 1
Audience–campaign planner interaction in social media communication campaigns: how it influences intended campaign responses in the observing audience 社交媒体传播活动中的受众-活动策划人互动:它如何影响观察受众的预期活动反应
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad003
Jingyuan Shi, Y. Dai
We proposed a dual typology of audiences for social media communication campaigns: the participating audience, who interacts with campaign planners, and the observing audience, who observes those interactions. Situated in a context of promoting seeking counseling for depression, our online experiment (N = 570) demonstrated that the similarity of the observing and participating audiences (high vs. low), the message features of campaign planners’ replies (high person-centeredness vs. low person-centeredness vs. no reply), and the observing audience’s predispositions (with vs. without depressive symptoms) jointly affected the observing audience’s attitude toward seeking counseling. For observers with depressive symptoms, seeing a campaigner addressing a negative comment that reflects a similar concern of their own mitigated the adverse impact of the comment on the observers’ attitude. Our findings introduce a theoretical lens for understanding a communication process unique to campaigns on social media and offer insights into how the process shapes campaigns’ intended responses.
我们提出了社交媒体传播活动受众的双重类型:参与受众,与活动策划人互动,观察受众,观察这些互动。我们的在线实验(N = 570)表明,观察和参与受众的相似性(高与低)、活动策划人回复的信息特征(高以人为本与低以人为本与无回复)以及观察受众的倾向(有与无抑郁症状)共同影响了观察受众寻求咨询的态度。对于有抑郁症状的观察者来说,看到一位活动人士发表反映他们自己类似担忧的负面评论,可以减轻评论对观察者态度的不利影响。我们的研究结果引入了一个理论视角,用于理解社交媒体上活动特有的沟通过程,并深入了解该过程如何塑造活动的预期反应。
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引用次数: 0
Effects of pro-white identity cues in American political candidate communication 亲白人身份线索在美国政治候选人沟通中的作用
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad002
D. Lane, Afsoon Hansia, M. Saleem
American politicians have always harnessed the group nature of politics to build political power. Yet it is unclear whether explicit appeals to dominant group identities (e.g., white identity) can help political leaders win support from dominant group members (e.g., white Americans). Four experimental studies (N = 2,279; two pre-registered) used the identity ownership perspective (Kreiss et al., 2020) to examine how a fictional candidates’ support or opposition toward renting city space to dominant group members (e.g., white Music Association) affected white Americans’ evaluations of that candidate. Support for white groups was perceived as prototypical of Republicans, but expressing such support decreased candidates’ favorability. However, findings suggested: (a) decreases were smaller for white Republican (vs. Democrat) participants (Study 2) and (b) candidates faced similar negative evaluations if they communicated opposition to policies favoring white people (Studies 3–4). Results offered some support for candidate prototypicality as a mechanism for these effects.
美国政客总是利用政治的群体性来建立政治权力。然而,目前尚不清楚对主导群体身份(如白人身份)的明确呼吁是否能帮助政治领导人赢得主导群体成员(如美国白人)的支持。四项实验研究(N = 2279;两个预先注册的)使用身份所有权视角(Kreiss et al.,2020)来研究虚构候选人对将城市空间出租给占主导地位的群体成员(如白人音乐协会)的支持或反对如何影响美国白人对该候选人的评价。对白人群体的支持被认为是共和党人的典型,但表达这种支持会降低候选人的好感度。然而,研究结果表明:(a)白人共和党(与民主党)参与者的下降幅度较小(研究2);(b)如果候选人表达了对有利于白人的政策的反对意见,他们将面临类似的负面评价(研究3-4)。结果为候选的原型性作为这些效应的机制提供了一些支持。
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引用次数: 0
Pornography and religiosity: prediction and process 色情与宗教:预测与过程
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-02-06 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad005
P. Wright, R. Tokunaga, Samuel L. Perry, Stephen A. Rains
Sexual behavior and religious practice are fundamental social dynamics of longstanding interest to communication scholars. Drawing insights from the Reinforcing Spirals Model (RSM) and Sexual Script Acquisition, Activation, Application Model (3AM), this study examined whether (a) religiosity operated primarily as a predictor of later pornography consumption, which in turn predicted heightened sexual permissiveness, or (b) earlier pornography consumption predicted lower religiosity, which in turn predicted increased sexual permissiveness. Analyses of four subsamples from nationally representative three-wave panel data yielded some evidence for both pathways, but support for the latter pathway was more robust. These findings underscore the potential influence of media on attitudes through changes in ostensibly more stable characteristics such as religiosity, in addition to the direct attitudinal effects typically theorized in communication research. They also suggest several areas where the explanatory and predictive power of the RSM and/or 3AM might be enhanced through increased clarity, nuance, and scope.
性行为和宗教实践是传播学学者长期关注的基本社会动态。借鉴强化螺旋模型(RSM)和性脚本获取、激活、应用模型(3AM)的见解,本研究考察了(a)宗教信仰是否主要作为后来的色情消费的预测因素,这反过来预测了更高的性宽容,或者(b)早期色情消费预测了更低的宗教信仰,这反过来又预测了更高的性宽容。对来自全国代表性三波面板数据的四个子样本的分析为两种途径提供了一些证据,但对后一种途径的支持更为有力。这些发现强调了媒体通过改变表面上更稳定的特征(如宗教信仰)对态度的潜在影响,以及传播研究中通常理论化的直接态度影响。他们还提出了几个领域,其中RSM和/或3AM的解释和预测能力可以通过增加清晰度、细微差别和范围来增强。
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引用次数: 2
Why do individuals create posts on organizations’ social media pages? Identifications, functions, and audiences beyond the organizational boundary for social change 为什么个人会在组织的社交媒体页面上发布帖子?社会变革的组织边界之外的身份、功能和受众
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-31 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac034
Jennifer Ihm
Previous research has centered on nonprofit organizations’ (NPOs’) roles in developing relationships with the public and leading collective action. However, individuals may also create posts on NPOs’ social media pages to generate relationships with audiences other than the organization, and to self-mobilize connective action to reach their own goals. Based on content analysis of 576 actual posts and survey responses about them, this study suggests that posters with high organizational identification respond to the focal organizations, while those with high issue identification use the organizational context for their own purposes, disseminating information related to the focal issue to the general population or promoting the issue to their personal networks. This study extends discussions of ramifications of multiple identifications in the social media environment and captures the transformed relationships between organizations and individuals who create posts on NPOs’ social media pages and their new roles in connective action.
以前的研究主要集中在非营利组织(NPOs)在发展与公众的关系和领导集体行动中的作用。然而,个人也可能在非营利组织的社交媒体页面上发帖,与组织以外的受众建立关系,并自我动员联系行动,以实现自己的目标。通过对576篇实际帖子的内容分析和对帖子的调查反馈,本研究表明,组织认同度高的发帖者对焦点组织做出回应,而问题认同度高的发帖者利用组织背景为自己的目的,向一般人群传播与焦点问题相关的信息,或将问题推广到他们的个人网络。本研究扩展了对社交媒体环境中多重身份的影响的讨论,并捕捉到了在非营利组织的社交媒体页面上创建帖子的组织和个人之间的关系转变,以及他们在关联行动中的新角色。
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引用次数: 0
Do you love your phone more than your child? The consequences of norms and guilt around maternal smartphone use 你爱你的手机胜过爱你的孩子吗?母亲使用智能手机的规范和内疚感的后果
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-30 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad001
Lara N. Wolfers, Ruth Wendt, D. Becker, S. Utz
Previous research mainly linked smartphone use while parenting to adverse consequences. However, smartphones also offer helpful resources for parents, especially in stressful situations. We suggested that negative norms against maternal smartphone use and associated feelings of guilt may inhibit effective smartphone use for coping with stress. In a 1-week experience sampling study with mothers of young children (N = 158), we found that more negative injunctive but not more negative descriptive norms around maternal smartphone use were related to increased situational guilt around smartphone use while parenting. Increased situational guilt was, in turn, associated with decreased perceived coping efficacy but not with less stress decrease. Situational guilt—aggregated on the individual level—related to reduced satisfaction with the mother role. Our results show that positive and negative smartphone use effects are intertwined and that feelings around media use can impact media effects.
先前的研究主要将养育子女时使用智能手机与不良后果联系起来。然而,智能手机也为父母提供了有用的资源,尤其是在压力大的情况下。我们认为,对母亲使用智能手机的负面规范和相关的内疚感可能会抑制有效使用智能手机来应对压力。在一项为期一周的幼儿母亲经验抽样研究中(N = 158),我们发现,关于母亲使用智能手机的更负面的禁令而不是更负面的描述性规范与父母在使用智能手机时的情境内疚感增加有关。情境负罪感的增加反过来与感知应对效能的降低有关,但与压力的减少无关。情境内疚——在个人层面上聚合——与对母亲角色的满意度降低有关。我们的研究结果表明,智能手机使用的积极和消极影响是交织在一起的,围绕媒体使用的感受会影响媒体效果。
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引用次数: 1
Stress, relational turbulence, and communal coping during the COVID-19 pandemic 新冠肺炎大流行期间的压力、关系动荡和共同应对
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2023-01-17 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac033
Hannah E. Jones, Jennifer A. Theiss, Deborah B. Yoon
This study examined how increased stress during the COVID-19 pandemic contributed to relational turbulence and undermined dyadic coping. Using longitudinal data, this study also explored how enacting communal coping mitigates stress and conditions of relational turbulence over time. A sample of 151 U.S. dyads (302 individuals) completed online surveys about their relationship once per week for four weeks during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Data were analyzed using multilevel modeling. Consistent with hypotheses, stress was positively associated with the relationship conditions that give rise to relational turbulence and heightened relational turbulence was negatively associated with communal coping. Longitudinal analyses revealed that communal coping enacted in one week was associated with decreased stress and improved relationship quality in subsequent weeks. The findings are discussed in terms of their practical implications and contributions to theory.
这项研究考察了新冠肺炎大流行期间压力的增加如何导致关系动荡和破坏二元应对。利用纵向数据,本研究还探讨了制定共同应对措施如何随着时间的推移缓解压力和关系动荡的情况。在新冠肺炎大流行的早期阶段,151名美国二人组(302人)每周完成一次关于他们关系的在线调查,为期四周。使用多层次建模对数据进行分析。与假设一致,压力与导致关系动荡的关系条件呈正相关,而关系动荡加剧与共同应对负相关。纵向分析显示,一周内实施的集体应对与随后几周的压力减轻和关系质量改善有关。讨论了这些发现的实际意义和对理论的贡献。
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引用次数: 3
The expression effects of uncivil disagreement: the mechanisms of cognitive dissonance and self-perception 不文明分歧的表达效应:认知失调与自我感知的机制
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac032
Hai Liang, Yee Man Margaret Ng
Political incivility is pervasive and still on the rise. Although empirical studies have examined the effects of exposure to political incivility in different contexts, few have attempted to investigate the expression effects of incivility on its senders. This study proposes two mechanisms—cognitive dissonance and self-perception—to explain the expression effects of political incivility on anger, perceptions of incivility, and political participation. The study conducts a population-based online survey experiment (N = 413) in Hong Kong. Participants were either forced to express uncivil or civil disagreements or did so voluntarily. The results suggest that expressing uncivil disagreement increases anger and perceptions of incivility. However, no difference is found between the forced and self-selection conditions, indicating that self-perception is more applicable than cognitive dissonance. In addition, the study finds that expressing uncivil disagreement influences political participation via both anger and perceptions of incivility, though the effects run in opposite directions.
政治不文明现象普遍存在,而且仍在上升。尽管实证研究考察了在不同背景下暴露于政治不文明的影响,但很少有人试图调查不文明对其发送者的表达影响。本研究提出了两种机制——认知失调和自我感知——来解释政治不文明对愤怒、不文明感知和政治参与的表达效果。该研究进行了一项基于人群的在线调查实验(N = 413)在香港。参与者要么被迫表达不文明或文明的分歧,要么自愿表达。研究结果表明,表达不文明的分歧会增加愤怒和对不文明的看法。然而,强迫条件和自我选择条件之间没有差异,这表明自我感知比认知失调更适用。此外,研究发现,表达不文明的分歧会通过愤怒和对不文明的看法来影响政治参与,尽管影响方向相反。
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引用次数: 0
Fact-checking as a deterrent? A conceptual replication of the influence of fact-checking on the sharing of misinformation by political elites 事实核查是一种威慑?事实核查对政治精英分享错误信息的影响的概念复制
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac031
Siyuan Ma, D. Bergan, Suhwoo Ahn, Dustin Carnahan, Nate Gimby, Johnny McGraw, Isabel Virtue
In a field experiment conducted during the 2012 general elections in the U.S., Nyhan and Reifler found that the threat of fact-checking deterred state legislators from making false or misleading statements. The current study presents a conceptual replication and extension of this influential study by utilizing a similar treatment that leverages a recent partnership between local media outlets and fact-checking organizations, assessing the effects of the treatment on the accuracy of legislators’ statements on Twitter around the first impeachment trial of Donald Trump. Results provide limited evidence of the effects of our treatment on the accuracy of legislators’ posts, even among legislators within media markets directly affected by this partnership. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical and practical relevance of these results and avenues for future research.
在2012年美国大选期间进行的一项实地实验中,Nyhan和Reifler发现,事实核查的威胁阻止了州议员做出虚假或误导性陈述。目前的研究在概念上复制和扩展了这项有影响力的研究,利用了当地媒体和事实核查组织之间最近的合作关系,评估了这种处理方式对唐纳德·特朗普首次弹劾审判期间立法者在推特上声明准确性的影响。研究结果提供了有限的证据,表明我们的处理方式对立法者帖子的准确性产生了影响,甚至在直接受这种合作关系影响的媒体市场中的立法者中也是如此。最后,我们讨论了这些结果的理论和实践相关性以及未来研究的途径。
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引用次数: 2
Revisiting the effects of an inoculation treatment on psychological reactance: a conceptual replication and extension with self-report and psychophysiological measures 重新审视接种治疗对心理抗拒的影响:自我报告和心理生理测量的概念复制和扩展
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqac026
Russell B. Clayton, J. Compton, Tobias Reynolds-Tylus, Dominik Neumann, Junho Park
Research published by Richards and Banas and Richards et al. demonstrated that an inoculation treatment given to participants prior to their exposure to a series of freedom-threatening persuasive health messages mitigates audiences’ freedom-threat perceptions, state psychological reactance, and behavioral intentions. We sought to conceptually replicate the studies by Richards and Banas and Richards et al. with a sample of ever-vapers who were either assigned to an inoculation condition or control condition and then exposed to a series of dogmatic anti-vaping messages while psychophysiological responses were recorded. In doing so, we also sought to replicate the pattern of results observed by Clayton et al. and Clayton who used the same stimuli, methods, and measures. The results from our study provided a successful conceptual replication of each of these studies, with a few exceptions that are discussed. This study provides greater confidence in recent psychological reactance findings and the efficacy of an inoculation treatment for circumventing psychological reactance.
Richards、Banas和Richards等人发表的研究表明,在参与者暴露于一系列威胁自由的有说服力的健康信息之前,对他们进行接种治疗可以减轻观众对自由威胁的感知、状态心理反应和行为意图。我们试图在概念上复制Richards和Banas以及Richards等人的研究。用一个曾经吸食过电子烟的人的样本,他们被分配到接种条件或对照条件下,然后暴露在一系列教条主义的反电子烟信息中,同时记录心理生理反应。在这样做的过程中,我们还试图复制Clayton等人和Clayton使用相同刺激、方法和措施观察到的结果模式。我们的研究结果为每一项研究提供了一个成功的概念复制,除了讨论的几个例外。这项研究为最近的心理反应发现和接种治疗规避心理反应的疗效提供了更大的信心。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Human Communication Research
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