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The Paradox of Information Control Under Authoritarianism: Explaining Trust in Competing Messages in China 威权主义下的信息控制悖论:对中国竞争信息信任的解释
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231191399
Chengli Wang, Jiangnan Zhu, Dong Zhang
To steer public opinion, autocracies prioritize state media reports of political news while marginalizing commercial and foreign media. Can this dominance guarantee people’s trust in state media news? We contend that rumors, circulated via informal channels and resistant to state information control, present a formidable challenge to public trust in state media news. Our two survey experiments in China pitted news of varying information quality (e.g. informative/detailed reports vs cursory mentions of events) from state media sources against rumors, showing that state media news can retain high levels of trustworthiness only if its information quality is high; however, low-quality state media news resulting from information control diminishes its trustworthiness and prompts people to believe rumors. Low-quality rumors have more negative effects than high-quality rumors on news trustworthiness and citizens’ satisfaction with government policies. Thus, information control can paradoxically erode trust in state media, which often represent the government in autocracies.
为了引导公众舆论,专制国家优先考虑国家媒体对政治新闻的报道,同时将商业和外国媒体边缘化。这种主导地位能保证人们对国家媒体新闻的信任吗?我们认为,谣言通过非正式渠道传播,不受国家信息控制,对公众对国家媒体新闻的信任构成了巨大挑战。我们在中国的两个调查实验将来自国家媒体来源的不同信息质量的新闻(例如,翔实/详细的报道vs粗略提及事件)与谣言进行了比较,表明只有在信息质量高的情况下,国家媒体新闻才能保持高水平的可信度;然而,由于信息控制导致的国有媒体新闻质量低下,降低了其可信度,促使人们相信谣言。低质量谣言对新闻可信度和公民对政府政策满意度的负面影响大于高质量谣言。因此,信息控制会矛盾地削弱人们对国家媒体的信任,而在专制国家,国家媒体往往代表政府。
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引用次数: 1
Intergenerational Exploitation 代际剥削
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1177/00323217211040210
Nicola Mulkeen
Earlier generations can jeopardise the opportunities, resources and well-being of their successors. Indeed, there is a growing unease with earlier generations leaving large-scale public debts to be paid by younger generations, and many worry that our policies and institutions are being shaped to advantage the interests of older generations at the expense of the young. While much theoretical (and empirical) literature now exists on the many ways in which earlier generations can unjustly jeopardise the well-being of their successors, very little has appeared on how the former’s decisions can generate specifically exploitative relationships. This is all the more surprising, in light of the fact that very large theoretical literatures exist on both intergenerational justice and exploitation. The aim of the article is to bring these two literatures into long overdue contact with one another and analyse an under-researched and yet fundamental problem – intergenerational exploitation. The article answers two questions. (1) What exactly is intergenerational exploitation? (2) What makes this type of exploitation wrong?
前几代人可能会危及其继任者的机会、资源和福祉。事实上,人们越来越不安的是,前几代人将大规模公共债务留给年轻一代来偿还,许多人担心我们的政策和制度正在以牺牲年轻人为代价,为老一代的利益服务。虽然现在有很多关于前几代人可能不公正地危害其继任者福祉的理论(和实证)文献,但很少有关于前一代人的决定如何产生特定剥削关系的文献。鉴于存在大量关于代际正义和剥削的理论文献,这更令人惊讶。本文的目的是让这两篇文献相互接触,并分析一个研究不足但又很根本的问题——代际剥削。这篇文章回答了两个问题。(1) 代际剥削究竟是什么?(2) 是什么让这种剥削是错误的?
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引用次数: 0
Education and Voter Response to Principled Trade-Offs in Muslim Democracies 穆斯林民主国家的教育和选民对原则权衡的反应
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231187212
N. G. Sumaktoyo, M. Kilavuz
We contribute to the policy trade-offs literature by focusing on a principled trade-off that juxtaposes a widely desired objective with a moral belief and by examining how education conditions voters’ responses to this trade-off. Through survey experiments in Indonesia and Tunisia, we examine how voters respond to a liberal initiative to relax alcohol restrictions to raise revenue for social security and a conservative initiative to tighten alcohol restrictions even if it decreases social security revenue. We find that voters opposed the liberal initiative and that more educated voters supported the conservative initiative more than their less educated counterparts. These findings highlight the powerful constraints of moral beliefs even in the context of a trade-off with a common good and support the socialization perspective of education that portrays education as an institution that socializes individuals in the society’s dominant values—whether liberal or conservative—as opposed to simply a force for liberalization.
我们通过关注原则性的权衡,将广泛期望的目标与道德信仰并置,并研究教育如何影响选民对这种权衡的反应,从而为政策权衡文献做出贡献。通过在印度尼西亚和突尼斯的调查实验,我们研究了选民如何回应自由派放宽酒精限制以增加社会保障收入的倡议,以及保守派收紧酒精限制的倡议,即使这会减少社会保障收入。我们发现选民反对自由主义倡议,而受教育程度较高的选民比受教育程度较低的选民更支持保守主义倡议。这些发现强调了道德信仰的强大约束,即使是在与共同利益权衡的背景下,也支持了教育的社会化观点,即把教育描绘成一种使社会主导价值观中的个人社会化的机构——无论是自由的还是保守的——而不仅仅是一种自由化的力量。
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引用次数: 0
The Justice Argument Against Catholic Integralism 反对天主教整合论的正义论证
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1177/00323217221130169
Kevin Vallier
Catholic integralism claims that governments must secure the earthly and heavenly common good. God authorizes two powers to do so. The state governs in matters temporal, the Catholic Church in matters spiritual. Since the church has the nobler end of salvation, it may direct the state to help enforce church law. The integralist adopts two seemingly conflicting norms of justice: (a) coercion into the faith is always unjust, but (b) coercion to keep the faith is just. But if religious coercion is wrong at the start of the Christian life, why is it permitted after that? The integralist answer is baptism. Baptism serves as a normative transformer: it transforms religious coercion from unjust to just. My thesis is that baptism fails as a normative transformer. I critique Thomas Aquinas’ approach to this question and then adapt gratitude, associative, and natural duty theories of political obligation to repair his argument. These strategies fail.
天主教的一体化主张政府必须确保世俗和天堂的共同利益。上帝授权两种权力来做到这一点。国家在时间上管理事务,天主教会在精神上管理事务。由于教会有更崇高的救赎目的,它可能会指示国家帮助执行教会法律。整合主义者采用了两种看似冲突的正义规范:(a)对信仰的胁迫总是不公正的,但(b)保持信仰的胁迫是公正的。但是,如果宗教胁迫在基督徒生活开始时是错误的,为什么在那之后才被允许呢?综合答案是洗礼。洗礼是一个规范的转换器:它将宗教胁迫从不公正转变为公正。我的论点是,洗礼作为一个规范的转换器是失败的。我批评了托马斯·阿奎那处理这个问题的方法,然后运用感恩、联想和政治义务的自然责任理论来修复他的论点。这些策略失败了。
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberal Populism: The Case of Pim Fortuyn 新自由主义民粹主义:皮姆·福图恩的案例
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-14 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231185211
M. Oudenampsen
After Trump and Brexit, a dominant narrative emerged that portrayed the rise of right-wing populism as a backlash to neoliberalism. While it is true that right-wing populism emerged during the heydays of neoliberal globalization in the 1980s and 1990s, the relationship between the two is more complex than often assumed. In a series of countries, right-wing populism emerged with, rather than against neoliberalism. The particular combination of “neoliberal populism,” however, is still underexplored. Studying this political discourse can help us understand the role of neoliberal ideology in the rise of right-wing populism. As a contribution to this end, this article offers an in-depth analysis of the ideological evolution of the Dutch neoliberal populist Pim Fortuyn (1948–2002). It places the development of his ideas against the backdrop of the Dutch neoliberal turn and shows how his populist establishment critique emerged out of a neoliberal critique of the Dutch corporatist welfare state.
在特朗普和英国脱欧之后,出现了一种主流叙事,将右翼民粹主义的兴起描述为对新自由主义的反弹。虽然右翼民粹主义确实是在20世纪80年代和90年代新自由主义全球化的鼎盛时期出现的,但两者之间的关系比通常想象的更为复杂。在一系列国家中,右翼民粹主义与新自由主义一起出现,而不是反对新自由主义。然而,“新自由主义民粹主义”的特殊组合仍然没有得到充分的探索。研究这种政治话语可以帮助我们理解新自由主义意识形态在右翼民粹主义兴起中的作用。为此,本文对荷兰新自由主义民粹主义者皮姆·福图因(1948–2002)的思想演变进行了深入分析。它将他的思想发展置于荷兰新自由主义转向的背景下,并展示了他的民粹主义建制派批判是如何从对荷兰社团主义福利国家的新自由主义批判中产生的。
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引用次数: 0
Building Trust in Political Office: Testing the Efficacy of Political Contact and Authentic Communication 建立政治办公室信任:检验政治接触与真实沟通的效能
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231185706
James Weinberg
While a large literature interrogates the causes and consequences of declining political trust in democracies, considerably less work has considered the everyday leadership strategies that might arrest this trend. I tackle this gap as I ask: what can politicians do to build trust? Going beyond the performance perspective current in political science, I suggest that all politicians can build trust by (1) increasing occasions for political contact and (2) utilising authentic political communication. These arguments are developed out of interviews with national politicians in five democracies (N = 51) and tested empirically with observational and experimental survey data gathered from a longitudinal sample of the UK public (N = 705). Attesting to academic work on the contact hypothesis and ‘authentic trust’, as well as the testimony of politicians themselves, these analyses suggest that both strategies carry appraisive potential. These findings contribute conceptually and practically to our understanding of both trust and leadership in politics.
虽然大量文献对民主国家政治信任下降的原因和后果进行了探讨,但考虑到可能遏制这一趋势的日常领导策略的工作却少得多。为了解决这个问题,我问:政客们能做些什么来建立信任?超越当前政治科学的绩效视角,我建议所有政治家都可以通过(1)增加政治接触的机会和(2)利用真实的政治沟通来建立信任。这些论点是在对五个民主国家的政治家(N = 51)的采访中发展起来的,并通过从英国公众(N = 705)的纵向样本中收集的观察性和实验性调查数据进行了实证检验。这些分析证明了接触假说和“真实信任”的学术研究,以及政治家自己的证词,表明这两种策略都具有评价潜力。这些发现在概念上和实践上都有助于我们理解政治中的信任和领导力。
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引用次数: 0
The Online Battlefield: How Conflict Frames in Political Advertisements Affect Political Participation in a Multiparty Context 在线战场:政治广告中的冲突框架如何影响多方背景下的政治参与
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-24 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231178105
Emma van der Goot, S. Kruikemeier, R. Vliegenthart, J. de Ridder
This article examines how politicians’ conflict framing strategies in online campaign advertisements affect citizens’ political participation in a multi-party context. We rely on a unique combination of innovative research methods to do so, including a four-wave panel survey, a content analysis of Facebook browser-tracking data and a mobile experience sampling survey with data donations. All data were collected during the 2021 Dutch general elections. We find that conflict framing can discourage citizens from engaging in low-effort forms of political participation, such as discussing politics, signing a petition and visiting political websites. The results show that conflict frames can demobilize citizens because they lower enthusiasm and are perceived as less informative. Our study provides insights into the potential unintended consequences of using conflict framing as a campaign strategy in a multi-party setting.
本文探讨了在多党制背景下,政治家在网络竞选广告中的冲突框架策略如何影响公民的政治参与。我们依靠创新研究方法的独特组合来做到这一点,包括四波面板调查,Facebook浏览器跟踪数据的内容分析以及数据捐赠的移动体验抽样调查。所有数据均在2021年荷兰大选期间收集。我们发现,冲突框架会阻碍公民参与低努力的政治参与形式,如讨论政治、签署请愿书和访问政治网站。结果表明,冲突框架可以使公民复员,因为它们降低了积极性,并被认为提供的信息较少。我们的研究为在多方环境下使用冲突框架作为竞选策略的潜在意想不到的后果提供了见解。
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引用次数: 0
Structural Change Through ‘Collective Action as Democratic Practice’: Linking Grassroots Democracy With Social Justice 通过“集体行动作为民主实践”实现结构变革:将基层民主与社会正义联系起来
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231182024
Chikako Endo
Iris Marion Young argued that tackling structural injustices that arise from complex interactions requires collective, political action. Nevertheless, it remains unclear what kind of collective action leads to social justice and how. This article aims to fill this gap by developing the idea of ‘collective action as democratic practice’ that emphasises crafting democratic institutions from the bottom-up to re-orient structural processes in ways that resist oppression and domination. This departs from Young’s own account of collective action as engaging in communicative action to pressure powerful agents. It also departs from previous attempts to conceptualise structural change through the cumulative, rather than collective, actions of individuals changing their behaviours independently of one another. I argue that my approach is a more promising way to theorise collective action from a structural perspective. This approach has wider implications for understanding the outward-looking political potential of self-organised projects by citizens.
Iris Marion Young认为,解决复杂互动产生的结构性不公正需要集体政治行动。然而,目前尚不清楚什么样的集体行动能够实现社会正义以及如何实现。本文旨在通过发展“集体行动即民主实践”的理念来填补这一空白,该理念强调自下而上地制定民主制度,以抵制压迫和统治的方式重新定位结构进程。这偏离了杨自己对集体行动的描述,即参与沟通行动来向强大的代理人施压。它也偏离了以前通过个人的累积而非集体行动来概念化结构变化的尝试,这些行动相互独立地改变了他们的行为。我认为,我的方法是从结构角度对集体行动进行理论化的一种更有前景的方法。这种方法对理解公民自行组织项目的外向政治潜力具有更广泛的意义。
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引用次数: 0
Why Parties Gain Votes When the Public Perceives Them Shifting to the Right 当公众认为政党转向右翼时,为什么政党会获得选票
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231178979
James Adams, L. Bernardi, L. Ezrow, Zeynep Somer-Topcu
We combine two dominant approaches to studying how issues influence elections: one that emphasizes parties’ issue positions, and the other parties’ issue ownership. Research from the latter approach shows that voters ascribe greater economic competence to right-wing parties. Based on this finding, we argue that parties enhance their economic issue ownership when voters perceive them shifting to the right. In the following step, we show that perceived rightward shifts of parties also lead to subsequent increases in electoral support. We analyze economic ownership survey data and election outcomes in 15 democracies over the period 1986–2015 that supports the expectations that parties’ perceived rightward shifts result in increases in economic ownership and subsequent vote shares. We also show that the right-shift vote gains are strongest during recessions when voters prioritize parties’ economic competence.
我们结合了两种主要的方法来研究问题如何影响选举:一种强调政党的问题立场,另一种强调其他政党的问题所有权。后一种方法的研究表明,选民认为右翼政党的经济能力更强。基于这一发现,我们认为,当选民意识到政党向右转移时,政党会增强他们对经济问题的所有权。在接下来的步骤中,我们表明,感知到的政党右倾也会导致随后的选举支持增加。我们分析了1986年至2015年期间15个民主国家的经济所有权调查数据和选举结果,支持政党感知到的右倾导致经济所有权和随后的投票份额增加的预期。我们还表明,在经济衰退期间,当选民优先考虑政党的经济能力时,右倾的选票收益是最大的。
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引用次数: 0
Campaigning or Not in the 2016 Referendum? UK Environmental Non-Governmental Organisations and European Union Membership 是否参加2016年全民投票?英国环境非政府组织和欧盟成员国
IF 3.1 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/00323217231178997
Nathalie Berny, Viviane Gravey
Environmental non-governmental organisations stood out during the 2016 European Union referendum campaign. Despite clear reputational and regulatory risks, they participated in this fraught political debate in sharp contrast to other civil society sectors. This challenges common assumptions that material concerns, and ultimately survival, prevail in campaigning choices. We argue that campaigning choices reflect commitments to values that underpin these organisations’ raison d’être. Drawing on a pragmatist view of organisations, we analyse how external (media, regulatory) and internal (competence, governance processes) pressures shaped the campaigning choices of nine UK environmental organisations. We find that most environmental non-governmental organisations chose to engage, some even officially registering for Remain. Those active at the European Union level were most likely to engage – but also most open to criticism. Overall, environmental non-governmental organisations struggled to adapt their usual expertise-based, elite-focused campaigning style to the referendum which raises questions for civil society’s ability to speak for Europe, and contribute to controversial democratic debates, beyond the United Kingdom.
环保非政府组织在2016年欧盟公投运动中脱颖而出。尽管存在明显的声誉和监管风险,但他们参与了这场令人担忧的政治辩论,与其他民间社会部门形成了鲜明对比。这挑战了人们的普遍假设,即物质问题以及最终的生存问题在竞选选择中占主导地位。我们认为,竞选活动的选择反映了对价值观的承诺,这些价值观是这些组织存在的理由。根据对组织的实用主义观点,我们分析了外部(媒体、监管)和内部(能力、治理流程)压力如何影响九个英国环境组织的竞选选择。我们发现,大多数环保非政府组织都选择了参与,有些甚至正式注册留欧。那些活跃在欧盟层面的人最有可能参与,但也最容易受到批评。总的来说,环保非政府组织很难将其通常以专业知识为基础、以精英为中心的竞选风格适应公投,这对民间社会为欧洲发声的能力提出了质疑,并为英国以外有争议的民主辩论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
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Political Studies
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