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The Political Economy of Entitlement 权利的政治经济学
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099328
David A. Super
Debates over "entitlements" have lacked conceptual clarity because the term has at least six analytically distinct meanings. The psychological "entitlements" that many attack are distinct from the legalistic "entitlements" that others champion. Most importantly, however, entitlements are economic concepts. A benefit provided to all claimants meeting stated eligibility requirements can be termed a "responsive entitlement', its antithesis is a program that arbitrarily caps participation. Similarly, a program whose benefits are defined by the amount required to accomplish some specific purpose is a 'functional entitlement"; it may be juxtaposed with one providing only an arbitrary sum. The market through which public sentiments and claimants' needs govern the generosity of benefits and the number of recipients served can be described in terms offamiliar supply and demand functions. Responsive entitlements allow that market to clear. Artificially capping participation, by contrast, creates the same inefficiencies economists decry in pricecontrolled markets. Benefits lacking functional entitlements also may distort private markets. Moreover, entitlements are crucial to maintaining political transparency. Without them, programs' scope, benefits, and eligibility requirements must be described in arbitrary terms few voters can comprehend. Voters tend to assume programs are entitlements, overestimating the support available to those programs' target populations. Confusion among types of entitlements, and the complexity inherent in nonentitlements, further impedes meaningful debate. Recognizing this, some liberals have sought to avoid debate about costs by creating nonentitlements that they can slowly expand. Conversely, some opponents of means-tested programs have shifted from attacking programs' funding to dismantling responsive and functional entitlements.
关于“权利”的争论缺乏概念上的明确性,因为该术语至少有六种分析上截然不同的含义。许多人攻击的心理上的“权利”与其他人拥护的法律上的“权利”截然不同。然而,最重要的是,权利是经济概念。向符合规定资格要求的所有索赔人提供的福利可以被称为“响应性权利”,它的对立面是任意限制参与的计划。同样,一个项目的福利是由完成某些特定目的所需的金额来定义的,这是一个“功能性权利”;它可以与只提供任意和的一个并置。通过公众情绪和索赔人的需求来控制福利的慷慨程度和接受服务的人数的市场可以用熟悉的供求函数来描述。响应性权利使市场得以清理。相比之下,人为限制参与,会造成经济学家在价格控制市场中谴责的同样的低效率。缺乏功能性权利的福利也可能扭曲私人市场。此外,权利对于保持政治透明度至关重要。没有他们,项目的范围、利益和资格要求就必须用很少有选民能理解的任意术语来描述。选民们倾向于认为这些项目是应得的,高估了这些项目的目标人群所能获得的支持。各种权利之间的混淆,以及非权利所固有的复杂性,进一步阻碍了有意义的辩论。认识到这一点后,一些自由主义者试图通过创造可以慢慢扩大的非权利来避免关于成本的辩论。相反,一些经济状况调查项目的反对者已经从攻击项目的资金转移到废除响应性和功能性的权利。
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引用次数: 10
Corporate Criminal Liability: Patchwork Verdicts and the Problem of Locating a Guilty Agent 公司刑事责任:拼凑的判决与确定犯罪代理人的问题
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099301
Stacey Neumann Vu
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引用次数: 4
The Capital Punishment Exception: A Case for Constitutionalizing the Substantive Criminal Law 死刑例外:实体刑法的宪法化案例
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099300
Daniel Suleiman
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引用次数: 1
Intellectual Property and Constitutional Norms 知识产权与宪法规范
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.453261
Thomas B. Nachbar
The paper examines a question of general interpretive significance about the relationship between enumerated powers within the particular context of intellectual property. Specifically, the paper asks whether Congress can avoid the restrictions on its intellectual property power (such as the "limited times" requirement or the prohibition against protecting facts and consequently electronic databases) by resorting instead to other Article I powers, most notably the Commerce Clause. It is my position that the Intellectual Property Clause stands as no barrier to legislation passed pursuant to another Section 8 power. Because of the nature of a government of enumerated powers, it is impossible as a matter of text or structure to determine whether limits on one Article I power apply to the others. A review of precedent confronting overlapping Section 8 powers in other contexts leads one to a more nuanced approach: to identify the values underlying the different Section 8 restrictions and whether they are worthy of general application - whether they represent constitutional norms. What follows is an attempt to identify such a norm in the Intellectual Property Clause, as reflected by the First Amendment, present in Supreme Court precedent, or demonstrated by the history surrounding the Intellectual Property Clause's inclusion in the Constitution. Once one closely examines the history of intellectual property and American trade regulation, it becomes clear that no such generally applicable norm is at work in the limits on Congress's intellectual property power. The economics of trade regulation, demonstrate that, far from unique, the intellectual property power is economically indistinguishable from other forms of trade regulation - any benefit conferred by means of an exclusive right could be conferred in some other way, such as through taxation or industry regulation. Furthermore, finding such a limit would require a rejection of our modern understanding of the commerce power and would turn the concept of enumerated powers on its head. In the end, "exclusive rights" are merely another form of regulation that Congress may, and frequently does, use to confer economic rents on favored special interests. The Constitution, it will come as no surprise, offers very little protection against rent-seeking.
本文探讨了在知识产权的特定背景下,列举的权力之间的关系具有一般解释意义的问题。具体而言,本文询问国会是否可以通过诉诸其他第一条权力,尤其是商业条款,来避免对其知识产权权力的限制(例如“有限时间”要求或禁止保护事实和电子数据库)。我的立场是,知识产权条款不会阻碍根据第8条的另一项权力通过的立法。由于列举权力政府的性质,就文本或结构而言,不可能确定对第一条中的一项权力的限制是否适用于其他权力。回顾在其他情况下与第8条权力重叠的先例,可以得出一种更微妙的方法:确定第8条不同限制的价值,以及它们是否值得普遍适用——它们是否代表宪法规范。接下来,我们将尝试在《第一修正案》中、在最高法院的判例中、或在围绕《知识产权条款》被纳入《宪法》的历史中,识别出这样一种规范。一旦仔细研究知识产权和美国贸易监管的历史,就会发现,在限制国会知识产权权力的过程中,并没有这种普遍适用的规范在起作用。贸易监管的经济学表明,知识产权权力远非独一无二,在经济上与其他形式的贸易监管没有区别——通过专有权授予的任何利益都可以通过其他方式授予,例如通过税收或行业监管。此外,找到这样一个限制将要求拒绝我们对商业权力的现代理解,并将彻底改变列举权力的概念。最终,“专有权”仅仅是国会可能(而且经常)用来向受青睐的特殊利益集团授予经济租金的另一种形式的监管。毫无疑问,宪法对寻租行为提供的保护很少。
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引用次数: 3
Trademark Dilution on the Constitutional Edge 宪法边缘上的商标稀释
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099351
B. Jacobs
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引用次数: 8
Ruth Bader Ginsburg's Jurisprudence of Opportunity and Equality 鲁斯·巴德·金斯伯格的《机会与平等的法理学》
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099346
D. J. Merritt, D. Lieberman
Two timeless women embody the ideals of our nation. In New York Harbor, the Statue of Liberty proclaims: "Give me your tired, your poor, / Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free ... ."1 In Washington, D.C., the statue Contemplation of Justice sits solemnly before the main entrance to the Supreme Court of the United States.2 Above her head, on the building's architrave, appear the words "Equal Justice Under Law." These two promises, of opportunity and equality, have marked our nation's vision since its founding. The pledge of "equal justice under law" is a profound one, positing a judicial system free of corruption and favoritism as well as one that disdains distinctions of class and caste. The true achievement of our country has been not merely the original expression of this idea, but our willingness to expand our commitment, gradually, to include propertyless white men, former male slaves, other men of color, women of all races, people with disabilities, gay and lesbian citizens, and others within the circle originally reserved for the propertied white men who founded our nation. We began with a transcendent principle, but we have also had the humility to recognize our failings and to revise our behavior to draw closer to our ideal.
两位永恒的女性代表了我们国家的理想。在纽约港,自由女神像宣称:“把你们疲惫、贫穷、蜷缩在一起渴望自由呼吸的群众给我... .”1在华盛顿特区,正义沉思雕像庄严地矗立在美国最高法院的正门前。2在她的头顶上,在建筑物的门框上,写着“法律之下的平等正义”。机会和平等这两个承诺,自建国以来就标志着我们国家的愿景。“法律之下人人平等”的承诺意义深远,它提出了一个没有腐败和偏袒的司法体系,以及一个蔑视阶级和种姓差别的司法体系。我们国家的真正成就不仅在于最初表达了这一理念,而且在于我们愿意逐步扩大我们的承诺,将无产者白人、前男奴隶、其他有色人种、所有种族的妇女、残疾人、同性恋公民,以及最初为建立我们国家的有产白人保留的圈子里的其他人纳入其中。我们从一个卓越的原则开始,但我们也谦卑地认识到我们的失败,并修正我们的行为,以接近我们的理想。
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引用次数: 3
Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Professor of Law 露丝·巴德·金斯伯格,法学教授
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099343
H. Kay
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引用次数: 4
Properties of Marriage 婚姻的性质
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099349
Hanoch Dagan, Carolyn J. Frantz
This paper articulates and examines one ideal for the institution of marriage - marriage as an egalitarian liberal community. Under this vision, the communal values of marriage, where spouses share with each other without reference to individual desert, are combined with a concern for non-subordination and a protection of individual autonomy, notably free exit. We argue that, contrary to the common assumption that these goals are incompatible, they can be accommodated to a remarkable degree. We then trace the implications for this vision of marriage for marital property law. We use it to defend the equal division rule of existing marital assets, as well as a broad scope for marital property, including notably both the spouses' increased (and decreased) earning capacity during the pendency of their marriage. We also discuss alimony, endorsing generally the current practice of rehabilitative alimony, and property governance, arguing for community property rules for spouses during marriage.
本文阐明并考察了婚姻制度的一个理想——婚姻是一个平等主义的自由共同体。在这一设想下,婚姻的共同价值,即配偶彼此分享而不提及个人的责任,与对不服从的关注和对个人自主权的保护,特别是自由退出,结合在一起。我们认为,与这些目标互不相容的普遍假设相反,它们可以在很大程度上得到适应。然后,我们追溯这一婚姻愿景对夫妻财产法的影响。我们用它来捍卫现有婚姻财产的平等分割规则,以及婚姻财产的广泛范围,特别是包括配偶双方在婚姻未决期间增加(或减少)的收入能力。我们还讨论了赡养费,普遍赞同目前的康复赡养费做法,以及财产治理,主张夫妻在婚姻期间的共同财产规则。
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引用次数: 33
THE REVIVAL OF FORWARD-LOOKING AFFIRMATIVE ACTION 前瞻性平权行动的复兴
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099348
Kenneth L. Karst
The Supreme Court's decision in Grutter v. Bollinger,1 upholding race-conscious affirmative action in admissions to the University of Michigan Law School, is widely seen as a landmark decision for its reaffirmation ofJustice Lewis Powell's position in the Bakke case2 a quarter century ago. The Powell opinion had justified the consideration of race as one factor in a public university's admissions process designed to produce diversity in its student body for educational purposes.3 In Grutter, the Court spelled out in some detail the potential educational advantages of student diversity, including the preparation of graduates for a society and a work force that are growing more and more diverse. The opinion thus provides a grounding in social science for the advantages Justice Powell had asserted on the basis of less evidence.
最高法院在格鲁特诉博林格案(Grutter v. Bollinger)中做出的裁决,在密歇根大学法学院(University of Michigan Law School)的录取中支持种族歧视的平权法案,被广泛视为一个里程碑式的决定,因为它重申了25年前刘易斯·鲍威尔大法官(Lewis Powell)在巴克案中的立场。鲍威尔的意见证明,公立大学在招生过程中考虑种族因素是合理的,目的是为了教育目的而使学生群体多样化在格鲁特案中,最高法院详细阐述了学生多样性在教育方面的潜在优势,包括为毕业生为日益多样化的社会和劳动力做好准备。因此,该意见为鲍威尔大法官在较少证据的基础上断言的优势提供了社会科学基础。
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引用次数: 8
Tomorrow's Massiah: Towards a "Prosecution Specific" Understanding of the Sixth Amendment Right to Counsel 明天的Massiah:对第六修正案律师权利的“特定起诉”理解
IF 2.9 2区 社会学 Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.2307/4099350
Michael J Howe
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Columbia Law Review
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