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Intergenerational Mobility in a Mid-Atlantic Economy: Canada, 1871–1901 大西洋中部经济中的代际流动:加拿大,1871-1901
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000353
Luiza Antonie, Kris Inwood, Chris Minns, Fraser Summerfield

This article uses new linked full-count census data for Canada to document intergenerational occupational mobility from 1871 to 1901. We find significant differences among Canadian regions and language groups, with linguistic minorities experiencing notably lower rates of intergenerational mobility. International comparisons place Canada midway between other economies in the Americas and the most mobile European societies. Decompositions of overall mobility show that the Canadian experience shared the New World feature of high mobility from manual occupations, but also the Old World feature of greater persistence in white-collar jobs.

这篇文章使用了加拿大新的全统计人口普查数据来记录1871年到1901年的代际职业流动。我们发现加拿大地区和语言群体之间存在显著差异,语言少数群体的代际流动性明显较低。在国际比较中,加拿大处于美洲其他经济体和最具流动性的欧洲社会之间。整体流动性的分解表明,加拿大的经验既具有新世界的特点,即体力劳动的流动性高,也具有旧世界的特点,即白领工作的持久性更强。
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引用次数: 1
Demographic Shocks and Women’s Labor Market Participation: Evidence from the 1918 Influenza Pandemic in India 人口冲击和妇女劳动力市场参与:来自1918年印度流感大流行的证据
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000304
James Fenske, Bishnupriya Gupta, Song Yuan

How did the 1918 influenza pandemic affect female labor force participation in India over the short run and the medium run? We use an event-study approach at the district level and four waves of decadal census data in order to answer this question. We find that districts most adversely affected by influenza mortality saw a temporary increase in female labor force participation in 1921, an increase that was concentrated in the service sector. We find suggestive evidence that distress labor supply by widows and rising wages help account for this result.

1918年流感大流行在短期和中期对印度女性劳动力参与率有何影响?为了回答这个问题,我们使用了地区层面的事件研究方法和四波十年一次的人口普查数据。我们发现,在受流感死亡率影响最严重的地区,1921年女性劳动力参与率出现了暂时上升,这种上升集中在服务部门。我们发现有启发性的证据表明,寡妇的痛苦劳动力供应和工资上涨有助于解释这一结果。
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引用次数: 13
Taming the Global Financial Cycle: Central Banks as Shock Absorbers in the First Era of Globalization 驯服全球金融周期:中央银行作为第一个全球化时代的减震器
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000274
Guillaume Bazot, Eric Monnet, Matthias Morys

The Classical Gold Standard period, with high capital mobility and fixed-exchange rates, is usually seen as the extreme case of international constraints on monetary policy. Contrary to this view, we show how central bank balance sheets offset the effects of international shocks on domestic interest rates. In contrast, in the United States, a gold standard country without a central bank, the reaction of money market rates was two to four times stronger than that of interest rates in countries with a central bank. Our study is based on the monthly balance sheets of all central banks in the world (i.e., 21) from 1891–1913.

古典金本位时期,资本流动性高,汇率固定,通常被视为国际货币政策约束的极端情况。与这一观点相反,我们展示了央行资产负债表如何抵消国际冲击对国内利率的影响。相比之下,在美国,一个没有中央银行的金本位国家,货币市场利率的反应比有中央银行的国家的利率反应强两到四倍。我们的研究基于1891-1913年世界上所有中央银行(即21家)的月度资产负债表。
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引用次数: 5
Can Stimulating Demand Drive Costs Down? World War II as a Natural Experiment 刺激需求能降低成本吗?作为自然实验的第二次世界大战
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-07-11 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000249
François Lafond, Diana Greenwald, J. Doyne Farmer

U.S. military production during World War II increased at an impressive rate and led to large declines in unit costs. However, the literature has focused on elucidating detailed mechanisms behind this relationship, using small datasets on specific products. Here we take a step back and, looking at an unprecedently large collection of data, we show that both exogenous technological progress and endogenous effects from increasing production experience were important, in roughly similar proportions. The demand for military products was largely exogenous, and the correlation between production, cumulative production, and time was weak, limiting issues of reverse causality and multicollinearity.

第二次世界大战期间,美国的军事生产以惊人的速度增长,导致单位成本大幅下降。然而,文献集中于阐明这种关系背后的详细机制,使用特定产品的小数据集。在这里,我们退后一步,看看前所未有的大量数据,我们表明外生技术进步和生产经验增加的内生效应都很重要,比例大致相似。军用产品的需求很大程度上是外生的,生产、累积生产和时间之间的相关性很弱,限制了反向因果关系和多重共线性的问题。
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引用次数: 3
Connecting the Scientific and Industrial Revolutions: The Role of Practical Mathematics 连接科学革命和工业革命:实用数学的作用
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-07-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000250
Morgan Kelly, Cormac Ó Gráda

Disputes over whether the Scientific Revolution contributed to the Industrial Revolution begin with the common assumption that natural philosophers and artisans formed distinct groups. In reality, these groups merged together through a diverse group of applied mathematics teachers, textbook writers, and instrument makers catering to a market ranging from navigators and surveyors to bookkeepers. Besides its direct economic contribution in diffusing useful numerical skills, this “practical mathematics” facilitated later industrialization in two ways. First, a large supply of instrument and watch makers provided Britain with a pool of versatile, mechanically skilled labor to build the increasingly complicated machinery of the late eighteenth century. Second, the less well-known but equally revolutionary innovations in machine tools—which, contrary to the Habbakuk thesis, occurred largely in Britain during the 1820s and 1830s to mass-produce interchangeable parts for iron textile machinery—drew on a technology of exact measurement developed for navigational and astronomical instruments.

关于科学革命是否促进了工业革命的争论始于一个普遍的假设,即自然哲学家和工匠组成了不同的群体。在现实中,这些团体通过应用数学教师、教科书编写者和仪器制造商的多样化群体融合在一起,以迎合从航海家、测量员到簿记员的市场。除了在传播有用的数字技能方面的直接经济贡献外,这种“实用数学”在两个方面促进了后来的工业化。首先,大量的仪器和手表制造商为英国提供了一大批多才多艺的、熟练的机械工人,以制造18世纪后期日益复杂的机械。其次,机械工具方面不太知名但同样具有革命性的创新——与哈巴库克的论点相反,这些创新主要发生在19世纪20年代和30年代的英国,用于大规模生产铁纺织机械的可互换部件——借鉴了航海和天文仪器的精确测量技术。
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引用次数: 16
The Borchardt Hypothesis: A Cliometric Reassessment of Germany’s Debt and Crisis during 1930–1932 博查特假设:1930-1932年间德国债务与危机的计量学再评估
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-07-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000262
Tai-kuang Ho, Ya-chi Lin, Kuo-chun Yeh

This research examines whether an alternative exchange rate policy could have mitigated Germany’s recession from April 1930 to May 1932, when Heinrich Brüning was Reichskanzler of the Weimar Republic. Using an open-economy dynamic model as our analytical framework, we examine the arguments against adopting the devaluation policy. Our counterfactual analysis suggests that a widely held belief—that floating the Reichsmark would have led to high inflation—is unwarranted. Despite Germany’s high foreign debt, floating the Reichsmark would have led to less of a decline in both real GDP and employment for the country during the Great Depression.

本研究考察了另一种汇率政策是否可以缓解1930年4月至1932年5月期间德国的经济衰退,当时海因里希•布尔宁(Heinrich bricskanzler)是魏玛共和国(Weimar Republic)的总督。使用开放经济动态模型作为我们的分析框架,我们考察了反对采取贬值政策的论点。我们的反事实分析表明,人们普遍认为浮动德国马克会导致高通胀的观点是没有根据的。尽管德国的外债很高,但在大萧条时期,让德国马克浮动将会减少德国实际GDP和就业的下降。
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引用次数: 1
Why Join the Fed? 为什么要加入美联储?
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000237
Charles W. Calomiris, Matthew Jaremski

We study the decisions of state-chartered banks to join the Fed in its first decade. Ours is the first study to combine state regulatory environment characteristics and individual bank characteristics to explain Fed membership choice. Regulatory environments that reduced the benefit of discount window access or increased the regulatory cost of joining the Fed led to fewer banks joining. Individual bank characteristics that affected the magnitude of benefits from accessing the discount window (either passing on liquidity risk reduction to respondents or reducing the member bank’s own seasonal liquidity risk) were even more important in determining which banks joined.

I believe that, through the Federal Reserve Banks, … the better shall we be equipped to cope with the problems ahead of us, of helping ourselves and of helping the world; I believe it to be the duty of every bank in the country to contribute its share in equipping our nation for this task; … I firmly believe that the future will belong to those banks—national or state—that are members of the Federal Reserve System.

—Paul Warburg, Speech at the New York State Bankers’ Association Convention, 9 June 1916

我们研究了州特许银行在美联储成立后的第一个十年加入美联储的决定。我们的研究首次将国家监管环境特征和单个银行特征结合起来解释美联储成员选择。监管环境降低了贴现窗口准入的好处,或增加了加入美联储的监管成本,导致加入美联储的银行减少。在决定哪些银行加入贴现窗口时,影响贴现窗口收益大小的个别银行特征(要么将流动性风险降低传递给受访者,要么降低成员银行自己的季节性流动性风险)甚至更为重要。我相信,通过联邦储备银行,我们就能更好地应对我们面前的问题,帮助我们自己,也帮助世界;我认为,我们国家的每家银行都有责任为完成这一任务贡献自己的一份力量;我坚定地相信,未来将属于那些属于联邦储备系统成员的银行——无论是全国性的还是州级的。——保罗·沃伯格,1916年6月9日在纽约州银行家协会大会上的演讲
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引用次数: 0
“Mechanization Takes Command?”: Powered Machinery and Production Times in Late Nineteenth-Century American Manufacturing “机械化主导?”:十九世纪晚期美国制造业的动力机械与生产时代
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000146
Jeremy Atack, Robert A. Margo, Paul W. Rhode

During the nineteenth century, U.S. manufacturers shifted away from the “hand labor” mode of production, characteristic of artisan shops, to “machine labor,” which was increasingly concentrated in steam-powered factories. This transition fundamentally changed production tasks, jobs, and job requirements. This paper uses digitized data on these two production modes from an 1899 U.S. Commissioner of Labor report to estimate the frequency and impact of the use of inanimate power on production operation times. About half of production operations were mechanized; the use of inanimate power raised productivity, accounting for about one-quarter to one-third of the overall productivity advantage of machine labor. However, additional factors, such as the increased division of labor and adoption of high-volume production, also played quantitatively important roles in raising productivity in machine production versus by hand.

在19世纪,美国制造商从手工作坊的“手工劳动”生产模式转向“机器劳动”,这种生产模式越来越多地集中在蒸汽动力工厂。这种转变从根本上改变了生产任务、工作和工作要求。本文使用1899年美国劳工专员报告中关于这两种生产模式的数字化数据来估计使用无生命动力对生产操作时间的频率和影响。大约一半的生产作业是机械化的;无生命动力的使用提高了生产率,约占机器劳动总体生产率优势的四分之一到三分之一。然而,其他因素,如劳动分工的增加和大批量生产的采用,在提高机器生产与手工生产的生产率方面也发挥了数量上的重要作用。
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引用次数: 4
An Alternative Institutional Approach to Rules, Organizations, and Development 规则、组织和发展的另一种制度方法
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000122
John Joseph Wallis

In the middle of the nineteenth century, a handful of societies began creating and enforcing impersonal rules, rules that treat everyone the same, on a broad scale. The existing institutional literatures, while appreciating the importance of impersonal rules for the rule of law, have not understood how they contribute to economic and political development through rules that are enforced but not followed: default rules. The conceptual importance of impersonal default rules is drawn out and then applied to better understand both economic and political development in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

19世纪中叶,少数社会开始在大范围内制定和实施非个人规则,这些规则对每个人都一视同仁。现有的制度文献虽然认识到客观规则对法治的重要性,但没有理解它们如何通过强制执行但不遵守的规则(默认规则)促进经济和政治发展。非个人默认规则的概念重要性被提出,然后应用于更好地理解19世纪末和20世纪初的经济和政治发展。
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引用次数: 1
Financial Developments in London in the Seventeenth Century: The Financial Revolution Revisited 17世纪伦敦的金融发展:重新审视金融革命
IF 2.1 1区 历史学 Q2 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-04-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0022050722000134
Nathan Sussman

A novel series of interest rates paid by the Corporation of London shows that interest rates in London declined by 350 basis points during the seventeenth century. The decline followed a similar pattern in Europe. Records from the Corporation’s archive provide evidence for financial development: an increase in the number and volume of debt instruments, an increase in the number of lenders, and the development of a secondary market. Econometric analysis establishes that increasing the debt instruments’ liquidity contributed to the convergence of interest rates between London and Amsterdam.

伦敦公司支付的一系列新利率显示,伦敦的利率在17世纪下降了350个基点。欧洲也出现了类似的下降趋势。公司档案中的记录为金融发展提供了证据:债务工具的数量和数量增加,贷方数量增加,二级市场的发展。计量经济学分析表明,增加债务工具的流动性有助于伦敦和阿姆斯特丹之间的利率趋同。
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Journal of Economic History
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