{"title":"Regulating Risk: How Private Information Shapes Global Safety Standards by Rebecca L. Perlman","authors":"Jeffry Frieden","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae065","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141830753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy by Stephen F. Knott","authors":"Ignacio M García","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae064","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141641670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Becoming International by Jens Bartelson","authors":"A. McKeil","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae075","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141657962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aggressive rhetoric was part and parcel of the rising Tea Party and the related anti-Obama conspiracy theories. The argument here is that Donald J. Trump, as the leading public promoter of Birther rumors, first-time presidential candidate, and U.S. president, played a starring role in bringing hate speech, violent threats, and political violence into the political mainstream. As a result, political violence increased significantly and several violent far-right extremist groups, domestic terrorist entities, were newly founded after Trump announced his presidential campaign in mid-2015. As ex-president and once again presidential candidate, Trump glorified the criminally convicted participants in the violent breach of the U.S. Capitol on 6 January 2021 and honored violent far-right fringe groups that were active in the late 20th century while threatening revenge against his political enemies. To assess, whether Trump, as 47th U.S. president, would be able to have his political foes investigated and jailed upon his return to the highest office, we looked for answers in the Heritage Foundation's “Project 2025,” the most detailed blueprint for the dismantling of the “deep state” and the best-laid plan for a takeover by Trump and vetted conservative “Make America Great Again” loyalists in January 2025.1 Although the sole focus here is on the rhetoric of far-right extremism and violence in the past 15 years, there were no similarly extreme far-left hate speech patterns and violent extremism related to the Democratic Party during the same time.
{"title":"How Far-Right Extremism Changed American Body Politic","authors":"B. Nacos, Yaeli Bloch-Elkon","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae059","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Aggressive rhetoric was part and parcel of the rising Tea Party and the related anti-Obama conspiracy theories. The argument here is that Donald J. Trump, as the leading public promoter of Birther rumors, first-time presidential candidate, and U.S. president, played a starring role in bringing hate speech, violent threats, and political violence into the political mainstream. As a result, political violence increased significantly and several violent far-right extremist groups, domestic terrorist entities, were newly founded after Trump announced his presidential campaign in mid-2015. As ex-president and once again presidential candidate, Trump glorified the criminally convicted participants in the violent breach of the U.S. Capitol on 6 January 2021 and honored violent far-right fringe groups that were active in the late 20th century while threatening revenge against his political enemies. To assess, whether Trump, as 47th U.S. president, would be able to have his political foes investigated and jailed upon his return to the highest office, we looked for answers in the Heritage Foundation's “Project 2025,” the most detailed blueprint for the dismantling of the “deep state” and the best-laid plan for a takeover by Trump and vetted conservative “Make America Great Again” loyalists in January 2025.1 Although the sole focus here is on the rhetoric of far-right extremism and violence in the past 15 years, there were no similarly extreme far-left hate speech patterns and violent extremism related to the Democratic Party during the same time.","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141661323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prosecutors, Voters, and the Criminalization of Corruption in Latin America: The Case of Lava Jato by Ezequiel A Gonzalez-Ocantos, Paula Munoz Chirinos, Nara Pavao and Viviana Baraybar Hidalgo","authors":"Fabio de Sa e Silva","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae073","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141675809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Given the global reach of the COVID-19 pandemic, external factors play a critical role in containing its spread and prompt questions about how such threats affect a country's response. Taiwan has received recognition for its effective management of the early stages of the pandemic, but faced significant international obstruction, especially from China. This study examines the relationship between Taiwanese citizens' trust in China and their satisfaction with the government’s COVID-19 policies by analyzing data from six rounds of the Taiwan Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) conducted between 2020 and 2022. This research reveals that public opinion about China can significantly influence people’s satisfaction with domestic policies, particularly during crises like pandemics. Thus, factors beyond national borders can influence public satisfaction with public health policies. The findings contribute to existing literature on shaping public opinion under external threats and have broader implications for China's impact on Taiwan’s domestic politics.
{"title":"Containing the COVID-19 Pandemic Under an External Threat: A Case Study of Taiwan","authors":"Chia-hung Tsai, Shane Hsuan-yu Lin","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae054","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Given the global reach of the COVID-19 pandemic, external factors play a critical role in containing its spread and prompt questions about how such threats affect a country's response. Taiwan has received recognition for its effective management of the early stages of the pandemic, but faced significant international obstruction, especially from China. This study examines the relationship between Taiwanese citizens' trust in China and their satisfaction with the government’s COVID-19 policies by analyzing data from six rounds of the Taiwan Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) conducted between 2020 and 2022. This research reveals that public opinion about China can significantly influence people’s satisfaction with domestic policies, particularly during crises like pandemics. Thus, factors beyond national borders can influence public satisfaction with public health policies. The findings contribute to existing literature on shaping public opinion under external threats and have broader implications for China's impact on Taiwan’s domestic politics.","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141338181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lobbying in the United States is protected by the First Amendment's petitioning clause, so the profession cannot be suppressed, merely regulated. Since efforts to enact new regulations on the lobbying profession have largely stalled, there is a growing interest in having lobbyists regulate themselves with a canon of ethics provided by their professional associations. Many professions self-regulate, and many articulate obligations to serve the public interest. But what would it mean for lobbyists to serve the public interest? What could their ethical public service obligation be? In this article, I argue that because lobbying is protected by the Constitution, lobbyists have a reciprocal duty to serve the public interest. This creates a duality in how they view their job, as an advocate and as a guide. Following the ideas of Cassinelli, which are based on those of Rousseau, I argue that lobbyists can serve the public by engaging the people they represent, their interest group members or corporate clients, in deliberations that help them articulate their own interests and help them understand and appreciate the concerns and fears of other interests against whom they are competing to shape policy. While always vigorously lobbying for their members or clients, lobbyists also strengthen democracy and thus serve the public interest by helping those they represent empathize with others and perhaps find some common ground.
{"title":"Lobbyists and Their Obligation to the Public Interest","authors":"T. Holyoke","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae049","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Lobbying in the United States is protected by the First Amendment's petitioning clause, so the profession cannot be suppressed, merely regulated. Since efforts to enact new regulations on the lobbying profession have largely stalled, there is a growing interest in having lobbyists regulate themselves with a canon of ethics provided by their professional associations. Many professions self-regulate, and many articulate obligations to serve the public interest. But what would it mean for lobbyists to serve the public interest? What could their ethical public service obligation be? In this article, I argue that because lobbying is protected by the Constitution, lobbyists have a reciprocal duty to serve the public interest. This creates a duality in how they view their job, as an advocate and as a guide. Following the ideas of Cassinelli, which are based on those of Rousseau, I argue that lobbyists can serve the public by engaging the people they represent, their interest group members or corporate clients, in deliberations that help them articulate their own interests and help them understand and appreciate the concerns and fears of other interests against whom they are competing to shape policy. While always vigorously lobbying for their members or clients, lobbyists also strengthen democracy and thus serve the public interest by helping those they represent empathize with others and perhaps find some common ground.","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141350022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholarly attention has shifted from a focus on white evangelicals and the Christian Right to the more pressing threat of white Christian nationalism. In The Everyday Crusade: Christian Nationalism in American Politics, Eric L. McDaniel, Irfan Nooruddin, and Allyson F. Shortle explore the antecedent ideology of American religious exceptionalism. They report that many elements of this ideology are present across the political spectrum, but the strongest believers are distinctive in many ways. American religious exceptionalism can be a basis for a variety of political mobilizations, but it has most recently been used primarily in an effort to deliver Christian nationalist votes to Republican candidates, including Donald Trump.
学者们的关注点已经从白人福音派和基督教右翼转向了更为紧迫的白人基督教民族主义的威胁。在《日常十字军东征》（The Everyday Crusade：一书中，埃里克-麦克丹尼尔（Eric L. McDaniel）、伊尔凡-努鲁丁（Irfan Nooruddin）和阿利森-肖特尔（Allyson F. Shortle）探讨了美国宗教例外论的先行意识形态。他们在报告中指出，这种意识形态的许多要素存在于各个政治派别，但最坚定的信仰者在许多方面都与众不同。美国宗教例外论可以成为各种政治动员的基础，但最近它主要被用来为包括唐纳德-特朗普在内的共和党候选人提供基督教民族主义选票。
{"title":"Cities on a Hill: American Religious Exceptionalism and White Christian Nationalism","authors":"Clyde Wilcox","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae053","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Scholarly attention has shifted from a focus on white evangelicals and the Christian Right to the more pressing threat of white Christian nationalism. In The Everyday Crusade: Christian Nationalism in American Politics, Eric L. McDaniel, Irfan Nooruddin, and Allyson F. Shortle explore the antecedent ideology of American religious exceptionalism. They report that many elements of this ideology are present across the political spectrum, but the strongest believers are distinctive in many ways. American religious exceptionalism can be a basis for a variety of political mobilizations, but it has most recently been used primarily in an effort to deliver Christian nationalist votes to Republican candidates, including Donald Trump.","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141352890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Justice by Means of Democracy, author Danielle Allen argues that justice in the fullest sense requires a robust set of democratic institutions and practices. Focused on the United States, the author challenges the idea that justice can be achieved by first maximizing economic output and then redistributing funds and benefits to enhance the welfare of poor and less-well-off people. In the book, Allen suggests a wide range of policy proposals and institutional reforms intended to lead toward participatory constitutional democracy; social practices that enable people to make connections across divides of race, class, and the like; a more inclusive approach to immigration and integration of immigrants into American society; and an economy that empowers ordinary people and strengthens democracy. However, the author's arguments for these proposals suffer from lack of intellectual clarity about principles, institutions, and democratic practices. The argument is also weakened by its avoidance of the hard issues that arise when scholars and others turn from lofty principles to attempts to implement them. Consequently, the book falls far short of achieving its bold ambitions.
{"title":"Danielle Allen's Design for Democracy: A Review Essay","authors":"David Johnston","doi":"10.1093/psquar/qqae050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/psquar/qqae050","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Justice by Means of Democracy, author Danielle Allen argues that justice in the fullest sense requires a robust set of democratic institutions and practices. Focused on the United States, the author challenges the idea that justice can be achieved by first maximizing economic output and then redistributing funds and benefits to enhance the welfare of poor and less-well-off people. In the book, Allen suggests a wide range of policy proposals and institutional reforms intended to lead toward participatory constitutional democracy; social practices that enable people to make connections across divides of race, class, and the like; a more inclusive approach to immigration and integration of immigrants into American society; and an economy that empowers ordinary people and strengthens democracy. However, the author's arguments for these proposals suffer from lack of intellectual clarity about principles, institutions, and democratic practices. The argument is also weakened by its avoidance of the hard issues that arise when scholars and others turn from lofty principles to attempts to implement them. Consequently, the book falls far short of achieving its bold ambitions.","PeriodicalId":51491,"journal":{"name":"Political Science Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141358856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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