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Youth, Generations, and Generational Research 青年、世代与世代研究
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad079
Molly W. Andolina
Kevin Munger’s Generation Gap: Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture is the latest addition in a growing collection of analyses that attempt to evaluate the impact of millennials and Generation Z on the body politic. Combining a review of cultural trends, election statistics, news consumption patterns, and unique survey data, Munger argues that baby boomer political dominance is perched to run headlong into younger, tech-savvy cohorts who have the potential—but not yet the power—to replace them. Munger calls attention to the ways in which the political system has favored boomer issues and concerns, highlighting how the ensuing public policies reward the older generation and undermine the collective economic fortune of today’s youth. This review discusses the history of generational research as well as recent work about today’s younger cohorts to provide context for understanding both the strengths and shortcomings of Generation Gap. The field is richer with Munger’s contribution, but many critical questions remain.
凯文·芒格(Kevin Munger)的《代沟:为什么婴儿潮一代仍然主宰着美国政治和文化》(Generation Gap:Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture)是越来越多的分析中的最新一篇,这些分析试图评估千禧一代和Z世代对政治体的影响。结合对文化趋势、选举统计数据、新闻消费模式和独特调查数据的审查,芒格认为,婴儿潮一代的政治主导地位注定会一头扎进更年轻、精通技术的群体,他们有潜力——但还没有权力——取代他们。芒格呼吁人们注意政治体系对婴儿潮一代问题和担忧的青睐,并强调随之而来的公共政策如何奖励老一辈,破坏当今年轻人的集体经济财富。这篇综述讨论了代沟研究的历史以及最近关于当今年轻群体的工作,为理解代沟的优势和劣势提供了背景。芒格的贡献使这一领域更加丰富,但仍存在许多关键问题。
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引用次数: 0
Coronavirus and Culture War: Blunders, Defiance, and Glimmers of Solidarity 冠状病毒与文化战争:错误、反抗和团结的微光
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad071
J. Morone
The health epidemic of 2020 set off a culture war and, like all national crises, revealed exactly who we Americans are. This essay examines Danielle Allen's Democracy in the Time of Coronavirus, a wise, humane, and indispensable guide for negotiating a health pandemic—if not this one, the inevitable next one. It reflects on her five-point guide to handling pandemics, comparing her ideals to the national experience. This essay places Allen's monograph in the context of the larger literature on the coronavirus in America. The essay traces how and why public health fell into the American culture wars, notes the brief glimmer of a genuine social welfare safety net that briefly emerged during the crisis, and summarizes the epidemic's dismal toll on American lives, suggesting why even much poorer nations did a better job of protecting their citizens.
2020年的健康流行病引发了一场文化战争,就像所有的国家危机一样,揭示了我们美国人的真实身份。这篇文章探讨了丹妮尔·艾伦的《冠状病毒时代的民主》,这本书是一本明智、人道、不可或缺的健康流行病谈判指南——如果不是这次,那就是不可避免的下一次。它反映了她处理流行病的五点指南,将她的理想与国家经验进行了比较。这篇文章将艾伦的专著放在美国关于冠状病毒的更大文献的背景下。这篇文章追溯了公共卫生是如何以及为什么陷入美国文化战争的,指出了在危机期间短暂出现的真正的社会福利安全网的短暂曙光,并总结了疫情对美国人生命造成的悲惨损失,表明了为什么即使是贫穷得多的国家也能更好地保护其公民。
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引用次数: 0
What Went Right? South African Democracy and the Study of Political Science 什么是对的?南非民主与政治学研究
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad072
Carolyn E. Holmes
South Africa has been an important case in both scholarship and the public eye for decades. The anti-apartheid struggle saw mass international participation, and there was significant international optimism about the South African transition to multiracial democracy in 1994. Yet in the years since the advent of the new democratic dispensation in South Africa, a kind of pessimism has set in about the prospects for the country and for its democracy. Into this conversation Evan Lieberman's book, Until We Have Won Our Liberty, inserts a new perspective, arguing that South African democracy has been remarkably successful. Relying on a largely descriptive analysis of progress in infrastructure, rights guarantees, and dignified development, Lieberman argues that democratic performance in the country, especially given the starting point for democracy, has exceeded reasonable expectations. Lieberman's focus on what has gone right in South African democracy bucks many disciplinary and scholarly norms but presents a compelling argument for introspection on the part of the field.
几十年来,南非一直是学术界和公众关注的重要案例。反种族隔离斗争得到了国际社会的广泛参与,国际社会对南非在1994年向多种族民主过渡抱有极大的乐观态度。然而,自南非出现新的民主体制以来的几年里,人们对该国及其民主的前景产生了一种悲观情绪。埃文·利伯曼(Evan Lieberman)的书《直到我们赢得自由》(Until We Have Wond Our Liberty)在这场对话中插入了一个新的视角,认为南非的民主非常成功。利伯曼对基础设施、权利保障和有尊严发展方面的进展进行了大量描述性分析,他认为,该国的民主表现,特别是考虑到民主的起点,已经超出了合理的预期。利伯曼对南非民主的关注违背了许多学科和学术规范,但为该领域的反思提供了一个令人信服的论据。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Pragmatism and Liberal Fantasy in the Era of Backlash Politics 反弹政治时代的自由实用主义与自由幻想
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad080
Michael Goodhart
Jack Snyder's book Human Rights for Pragmatists: Social Power in Modern Times is less a theory of human rights than a political sociology of liberal modernization. Focusing on that account, this article argues that the story of liberal modernization Snyder’s book presents is a distortional fable and, as such, undermines its own claims to pragmatism. This review further contends that this fable of liberal modernization creates a fantasy in which the solution to the problems of contemporary liberal states and the liberal international order is more liberalism. The review concludes by suggesting that any pragmatic account must at least take seriously the possibility that liberalism is part of the problem and, therefore, that it might not be the solution.
杰克·斯奈德的著作《实用主义者的人权:现代社会权力》与其说是一部人权理论,不如说是一部自由主义现代化的政治社会学。这篇文章聚焦于这一叙述,认为斯奈德的书所呈现的自由主义现代化的故事是一个扭曲的寓言,因此,破坏了它自己对实用主义的主张。本文进一步认为,这种自由主义现代化的寓言创造了一种幻想,即当代自由主义国家和自由主义国际秩序问题的解决方案是更加自由主义。这篇评论的结论是,任何务实的解释都必须至少认真考虑这样一种可能性,即自由主义是问题的一部分,因此它可能不是解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Deterrence Without Mutual Destruction 不相互毁灭的威慑
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-08-02 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad069
S. Issacharoff
With openness comes vulnerability. David Sloss's new work, Tyrants on Twitter, elevates the abuse of social media by autocrats to a new war front, reminiscent of the concerns for foreign penetration during the Cold War. His response to this new round of “information warfare” is the mobilization of a transnational alliance of the 40 or so leading democratic countries to register citizens for use of social media and filter out tyrants and their fronts, be they real people or bots. The book begins by chronicling the extent of democratic decline, a well-defended starting point. More complicated is the argument that the correlation between democratic decline and foreign interference establishes the causal role of the latter. Even more difficult is the conclusion that there is need for war-like footing to mobilize against foreign threats. The review ends with a note of caution on the costs associated with democratic societies closing up in the face of foreign challenge.
开放带来了脆弱。大卫·斯洛斯(David Sloss)的新作《Twitter上的暴君》(Tyrants on Twitter)将独裁者滥用社交媒体的问题提升到了一个新的战争前线,让人想起冷战期间对外国渗透的担忧。他对这新一轮“信息战”的回应是,动员大约40个主要民主国家组成一个跨国联盟,为公民注册使用社交媒体,过滤掉暴君和他们的幌子,无论是真人还是机器人。这本书首先记录了民主衰落的程度,这是一个有充分理由的起点。更为复杂的论点是,民主衰落与外国干涉之间的相关性确立了后者的因果作用。更困难的是得出这样的结论:需要一个类似战争的立足点来动员起来对抗外国威胁。报告最后对民主社会在面对外国挑战时闭关锁国的代价提出了警告。
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引用次数: 0
Export Controls and the Junction of Economics and National Security: A Review Article 出口管制与经济与国家安全的衔接:一篇综述
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-24 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad075
Paul R. Pillar
Mario Daniels and John Krige's Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America is a detailed history of the U.S. use of export controls and domestic debates over that use. Their account describes how issues of trade and commerce increasingly have been viewed in terms of security. Their history, which ends in 2020, does not directly address the current use of export controls and other measures to restrict the transfer of knowledge but is highly relevant to issues surrounding that use. Such controls represent a retreat from globalization and raise questions about their economic costs to the United States, their ultimate political impact on the targeted country, and their consequences for scientific inquiry.
马里奥·丹尼尔斯(Mario Daniels)和约翰·克里格(John Krige)的《战后美国的知识管制与国家安全》(Knowledge Regulation and National Security in the战后美国)详细介绍了美国使用出口管制的历史以及国内对这种使用的争论。他们的叙述描述了如何越来越多地从安全的角度看待贸易和商业问题。它们的历史将于2020年结束,并没有直接解决当前使用出口管制和其他措施来限制知识转移的问题,但与使用这些措施的问题高度相关。这样的管制代表了对全球化的退步,并引发了对其对美国的经济成本、对目标国家的最终政治影响以及对科学探究的后果的质疑。
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引用次数: 0
How Do Humans Create and Sustain Viable Communities? A Review Essay 人类如何创造和维持可行的社区?一篇综述文章
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad067
G. Marcus
In a very lucid account, Efrén Pérez and Margit Tavits’s Voicing Politics: How Language Shapes Public Opinion reports empirical studies demonstrating that language is an important foundation in nation-building. Their research makes excellent use the considerable percentage of Estonians who are proficient in Estonian and Russian, prominent languages spoken in Estonia; the two languages differ in how they characterize gender, how they characterize the future, and how they characterize ethnicity. Pérez and Tavits make use of experiments and survey modes of investigation. And across both modes and across many opinions, they find repeated, hence reliable, and modest “nudges” due to the language bilingual speakers are randomly assigned to use. I expand the focus to consider how language is but one of the important means by which the human species is able to generate very different social forms. Some societies—or better, polities—are more rigid, reliant on past practices to survive; some are more fluid and open to new possibilities. Each has proven vulnerable. I argue that the diversity of sociability enhances the likelihood of the survival of the species by having some better able to address the challenges of the moment—a better strategy than a fixed single solution.
Efrén Pérez和Margit Tavits的《Voicing Politics:How Language Shapes Public Opinion》报告的实证研究表明,语言是国家建设的重要基础。他们的研究很好地利用了相当大比例的爱沙尼亚人,他们精通爱沙尼亚语和俄语,这是爱沙尼亚的主要语言;这两种语言在如何描述性别、如何描述未来以及如何描述种族方面有所不同。Pérez和Tavits利用实验和调查模式进行调查。在这两种模式和许多观点中,他们发现,由于双语使用者被随机分配使用的语言,重复的、因此可靠的、适度的“轻推”。我将重点扩展到考虑语言是人类产生非常不同的社会形式的重要手段之一。一些社会——或者更好的是,政体——更加僵化,依赖过去的做法来生存;有些更具流动性,并对新的可能性持开放态度。事实证明,每一个都很脆弱。我认为,社交能力的多样性通过让一些人更好地应对当下的挑战来提高物种生存的可能性——这是一种比固定的单一解决方案更好的策略。
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引用次数: 0
“Laboratories against Democracy” and the Case against Federalism “反对民主的实验室”与反对联邦制
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad044
D. Hopkins
We are living through a renaissance in studies of politics and policymaking in the American states, and Jacob Grumbach’s pathbreaking book Laboratories against Democracy extends this remarkable streak. This important book tracks questions about nationalization, federalism, policymaking, and democracy across the traditional subfield boundaries of American politics. Indeed, the book’s attention to the role of political parties and federalist institutions in our nationalized politics provides a critical counterweight given prior research’s emphasis on political behavior. Grumbach’s book also expands the scope of outcomes under consideration, as it takes up the relationship between nationalization and democratic backsliding. While I voice some skepticism about the claim that federalism exacerbates contemporary threats to American democracy, this incisive book demands consideration, and is in many respects a model of synthetic scholarship.
我们正经历着美国各州政治和政策制定研究的复兴,雅各布·格鲁姆巴赫的开创性著作《反对民主的实验室》延续了这一非凡趋势。这本重要的书跨越了美国政治的传统子领域,追踪了有关国有化、联邦制、政策制定和民主的问题。事实上,鉴于先前的研究强调政治行为,这本书对政党和联邦机构在我们国有化政治中的作用的关注提供了一个关键的平衡。Grumbach的书还扩大了正在考虑的结果的范围,因为它探讨了国有化和民主倒退之间的关系。虽然我对联邦制加剧了当代对美国民主的威胁的说法表示怀疑,但这本精辟的书需要考虑,在许多方面是综合学术的典范。
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引用次数: 0
Statebuilding in the Periphery: Why States Colonize and Why They Stop 外围国家的国家建设:为什么国家会殖民,为什么会停止
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad073
David A. Lake
How do states secure and maintain political authority over territory? In Settling for Less: Why States Colonize and Why They Stop, Lachlan McNamee explores one common mechanism for building authority, namely settler colonialism, that should be of interest to scholars beyond those interested in colonialism per se. Building a novel theory, he explains when settler colonialism is employed by states and, importantly, why it typically becomes obsolete with economic development. Using new data, he surveys paired cases of Indonesian settlement in New Guinea and Australia's failed attempt in Papua New Guinea, as well as two periods of Chinese settlement in Xinjiang. One underdeveloped dimension of this otherwise outstanding book is the strategic choices of the indigenes. A second dimension is the alternatives to settler colonialism, including direct and indirect rule through indigenous proxies. While McNamee pushes the research frontier outwards, exerting and consolidating state authority over peripheries remain a challenge. To the extent settler colonialism “works,” that is, migrants from a majority group move into and dominate the periphery so as to attach the region more firmly to the national-state, the indigenous community is not only displaced and exploited in the moment but it is economically and politically undermined for the future. The indigenes are not credibly protected against future exploitation but, at the extreme, are eliminated in genocidal wars.
国家如何确保和维持对领土的政治权威?Lachlan McNamee在《为更少而定居:为什么国家殖民和为什么它们停止》一书中探讨了一种建立权威的共同机制,即定居者殖民主义,这应该引起那些对殖民主义本身感兴趣的学者之外的学者的兴趣,为什么它通常会随着经济发展而过时。利用新数据,他调查了印尼人在新几内亚定居和澳大利亚在巴布亚新几内亚的失败尝试,以及中国人在新疆定居的两个时期。这本杰出的书的一个不发达的方面是穷人的战略选择。第二个方面是定居者殖民主义的替代方案,包括通过土著代理人进行直接和间接统治。虽然麦克纳米将研究前沿向外推进,但对周边地区行使和巩固国家权威仍然是一个挑战。就定居者殖民主义“起作用”的程度而言,也就是说,来自多数群体的移民进入并统治周边地区,以便将该地区更牢固地与民族国家联系在一起,土著社区不仅在当下流离失所和受到剥削,而且在未来的经济和政治上也会受到破坏。穷人没有得到可靠的保护,不受未来剥削,但在极端情况下,他们在种族灭绝战争中被消灭。
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引用次数: 0
Classical Realism and the Rise of Sino-American Antagonism: A Review Essay 古典现实主义与中美对抗主义的兴起
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad078
Athanasios Platias, V. Trigkas
Has the United States been trying to contain China? If so, why now? Still, proponents of Chinese containment have been critical of the United States' continued fixation with Russia - a declining state - arguing that this diversion undermines a focused Chinacentric strategy. This is not the first time that U.S. strategic attention has been diverted from China. Back in 2001, U.S. Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, embarked on an ambitious endeavor to revise U.S. grand strategy and focus on China which was perceived as the sole state capable of becoming a peer rival to the United States. However, following the tragic events of 11 September 2001, the Bush administration redirected its focus away from great power antagonism with China towards the Global War on Terror. Could any political scientist, speculating upon the direction of American grand strategy in the summer of 2001, by any accounts have foreseen that the United States would waste significant strategic capital in pursuing terrorists in Afghanistan and promoting democracy in the Middle East over the next decade? Nowadays, could any political theorist in December 2021 have foreseen that the United States would drive Russia into the open arms of China and create Mackinder's Eurasian nightmare? Classical realism may have the best answers. Jonathan Kirshner's latest treatise explains why past is more than prologue and how classical realism is superior to other “realisms” in providing the most authoritative insights about the complex strategic behavior of states.
美国一直在试图遏制中国吗?如果是,为什么是现在?尽管如此,中国遏制的支持者一直对美国继续关注俄罗斯持批评态度,认为这种转移注意力的做法破坏了以中国为中心的战略。俄罗斯是一个衰落的国家。这不是美国第一次将战略注意力从中国转移。早在2001年,美国国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德就开始了一项雄心勃勃的努力,修改美国的大战略,将重点放在中国身上。中国被认为是唯一有能力成为美国同行竞争对手的国家。然而,在2001年9月11日的悲惨事件之后,布什政府将注意力从与中国的大国对抗转向了全球反恐战争。2001年夏天,任何一位政治学家在推测美国大战略的方向时,是否预见到美国将在未来十年浪费大量战略资本来追捕阿富汗的恐怖分子和促进中东的民主?如今,2021年12月的任何一位政治理论家都能预见到美国会把俄罗斯推向中国的怀抱,并制造麦金德的欧亚噩梦吗?古典现实主义可能是最好的答案。乔纳森·柯什纳的最新论文解释了为什么过去不仅仅是序幕,以及古典现实主义在提供关于国家复杂战略行为的最权威见解方面如何优于其他“现实主义”。
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引用次数: 0
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Political Science Quarterly
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