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Judging Inequality: State Supreme Courts and the Inequality Crisis by James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson 《判断不平等:州最高法院和不平等危机》,作者:詹姆斯·l·吉布森和迈克尔·j·纳尔逊
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-28 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad063
R. Howard
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引用次数: 0
Narratives of Civic Duty: How National Stories Shape Democracy in Asia by Aram Hur 《公民义务的叙述:民族故事如何塑造亚洲民主》
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad045
Hannes B Mosler
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引用次数: 0
Rage and Carnage in the Name of God: Religious Violence in Nigeria by Abiodun Alao 上帝之名下的愤怒与狂欢:尼日利亚的宗教暴力
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad040
Mohammed Bashir Salau
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引用次数: 0
Pawned States: State Building in the Era of International Finance by Didac Queralt 《典当的国家:国际金融时代的国家建设》,作者:Didac Queralt
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad061
Marvin Suesse
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引用次数: 0
Great Power Competition and the Path to Democracy: The Case of Georgia, 1991–2020 by Zarina Burkadze 大国竞争与民主之路:1991年至2020年格鲁吉亚案例
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad041
Lincoln A. Mitchell
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引用次数: 0
Quest for Democracy: Liberalism in the Modern Arab World by Line Khatib 寻求民主:现代阿拉伯世界的自由主义
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad042
Heba F. El-Shazli
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引用次数: 0
Activist Origins of Political Ambition: Opposition Candidacy in Africa’s Electoral Authoritarian Regimes by Keith Weghorst 政治野心的激进主义起源:Keith Weghorst的《非洲选举独裁政权中的反对派竞选》
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-18 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad046
R. McLellan
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引用次数: 2
The State of Resistance: Politics, Culture, and Identity in Modern Iran by Assal Rad 阿萨尔·拉德的《反抗状态:现代伊朗的政治、文化和身份认同》
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad053
Menahem Merhavy
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Backsliding: Comparative Reflections on the American Experience 民主倒退:对美国经验的比较思考
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad036
Omar G Encarnación
Democratic backsliding, or the debilitation of democracy by those elected to protect it, looms large in the current debate about the global crisis of democracy, including Sara Wallace Goodman's Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat. In keeping with the prevailing view of backsliding as a political phenomenon rooted in extreme partisanship and polarization, Goodman is concerned with strengthening the citizenry's commitment to democratic norms and practices—in other words, boosting democratic citizenship. Placing the roots of backsliding in the political system itself, this essay argues for pushing the debate about backsliding beyond citizen solutions and toward institutional remedies, especially accountability against those who harm democracy and modernizing the democratic infrastructure.
在当前关于全球民主危机的辩论中,包括萨拉·华莱士·古德曼(Sara Wallace Goodman)的《困难时期的公民身份:普通人如何应对民主威胁》(Citizenship in Hard Times:How Normal People Respond to Democratic Threat),民主党的倒退,或那些被选为保护民主的人对民主的削弱,显得尤为突出。古德曼将倒退视为一种植根于极端党派和两极分化的政治现象,他关注的是加强公民对民主规范和实践的承诺,换句话说,就是提高民主公民身份。本文将倒退的根源放在政治制度本身,主张将关于倒退的辩论超越公民解决方案,转向制度补救,特别是对那些损害民主和民主基础设施现代化的人的问责。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Political Polarization 重新思考政治两极分化
IF 0.8 4区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1093/psquar/qqad038
Andreas Schedler
The comparative study of political polarization has been central to current debates on the global crisis of democracy. It has been built on uncertain conceptual foundations, though. Established uses of the concept lack a distinctive semantic core as multiple meanings compete against each other. On the basis of a broad reading of the comparative literature, I seek to circumscribe the use and reconstruct the core of political polarization as an instance of extraordinary democratic conflict. In a first step, I delineate the basic parameters of debate by distinguishing between cluster-analytic and conflict-analytic approaches and by specifying the generic type of political conflict that characterizes the polarization of democratic polities. In a second step, I argue for political intolerance as the defining trait of both ideological and social polarization. In a final step, I introduce a third, democratic dimension into the debate: the breakdown of basic democratic trust that leads actors to view their adversaries as “enemies of democracy.” Such perceptions spell the end of democratic consolidation. When played among “democratic enemies,” democracy stops being “the only game in town.”
政治两极分化的比较研究一直是当前全球民主危机辩论的核心。然而,它建立在不确定的概念基础上。这个概念的现有用法缺乏一个独特的语义核心,因为多个含义相互竞争。在广泛阅读比较文学的基础上,我试图界定政治两极分化的用途,并将其作为非同寻常的民主冲突的一个实例来重构。在第一步中,我通过区分集群分析和冲突分析方法,并通过指定具有民主政治两极分化特征的政治冲突的一般类型,来描述辩论的基本参数。第二步,我认为政治不宽容是意识形态和社会两极分化的决定性特征。在最后一步,我在辩论中引入了第三个民主维度:基本民主信任的崩溃,导致参与者将他们的对手视为“民主的敌人”。这种看法预示着民主巩固的终结。当在“民主敌人”之间博弈时,民主就不再是“镇上唯一的游戏”。
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引用次数: 1
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