Global Policy最新文献

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Exploring best practices for user engagement in peace and conflict research 探索用户参与和平与冲突研究的最佳做法

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-09-05 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13441

Thomas Bobo, Giuditta Fontana, Nino Kemoklidze

Peace and conflict scholars often engage in academic‐policy exchanges to both improve the rigour and relevance of their academic research and translate their findings into tangible policy and practical outcomes for peace and conflict resolution efforts. In a first effort of this kind, this paper explores best practices for user engagement in conflict and peace studies at three stages of academic research: identification of research questions, data collection and analysis, and dissemination of research findings. We draw on three strands of research: a review of academic literature on user engagement in conflict and peace studies, inductive thematic analysis of Impact Case Studies submitted to the 2021 UK Research Excellence Framework and experiential reflection on our own work as academics. We aim to provide practical suggestions based on concrete examples, before drawing more general conclusions on what makes for effective involvement of users in peace and conflict research. We find that the impact of specific activities hinges on their timing, format and continuity. We conclude that nurturing sustainable and mutually beneficial networks of partnerships based on mutual trust and open dialogue across professional cultures is key to effective and constructive user engagement in peace and conflict research.

和平与冲突学者经常参与学术与政策交流，以提高其学术研究的严谨性和相关性，并将其研究成果转化为和平与冲突解决努力的具体政策和实际成果。本文首次尝试在学术研究的三个阶段探讨用户参与冲突与和平研究的最佳实践：确定研究问题、收集和分析数据以及传播研究成果。我们借鉴了三方面的研究成果：关于用户参与冲突与和平研究的学术文献综述、对提交给 2021 年英国卓越研究框架的 "影响案例研究 "的归纳性专题分析以及对我们自身学术工作的经验反思。我们旨在根据具体实例提供实用建议，然后就用户如何有效参与和平与冲突研究得出更具普遍性的结论。我们发现，具体活动的影响取决于其时间、形式和连续性。我们的结论是，在跨专业文化的相互信任和公开对话的基础上，培育可持续和互惠互利的伙伴关系网络，是用户有效和建设性地参与和平与冲突研究的关键。

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引用次数: 0

Minimalist economic management, deferred revenue regime and aid dependency: Explaining contradictory post‐war statebuilding aims 最低限度的经济管理、递延收入制度和援助依赖：解释相互矛盾的战后国家建设目标

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-09-04 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13427

Kambaiz Rafi

The paper analyses a contradiction in the liberal approach to post‐war statebuilding. The form of the state is seen to aim for the establishment of a centralised maximalist administration when the state's de jure economic policy makes its revenue dependant on market‐generated private sector taxes that are either inadequate or its institutions are part of the reconstruction process. This conflation de facto leads to dependency on official development assistance (ODA), mainly administered through exogenous‐to‐state agencies that undermine the nascent state's bureaucratic development. The paper introduces the concept of deferred revenue regime and argues that dependency on ODA is one empirical symptom of the contradiction in the liberal approach to statebuilding. Using a high‐profile recent example in an instrumental case study, Afghanistan, from 2002 to 2021, the paper develops a diachronic sequencing of significant policy decisions to suggest temporal causality between economic management and ODA dependency, relying on primary data and stylised statistics. The findings contribute to post‐war statebuilding, institutionalism and the political economy of aid.

本文分析了自由主义战后国家建设方法中的一个矛盾。当国家法律上的经济政策使其收入依赖于市场产生的私营部门税收时，国家的形式被视为旨在建立中央集权的最高行政机构，而这些税收要么不足，要么其机构是重建进程的一部分。这种混淆事实上导致了对官方发展援助（ODA）的依赖，而官方发展援助主要是通过外源到国家的机构来管理的，这些机构破坏了新生国家的官僚发展。本文介绍了递延收入制度的概念，并认为对官方发展援助的依赖是自由主义国家建设方法中矛盾的一个经验症状。本文利用 2002 年至 2021 年期间阿富汗这一备受瞩目的近期工具性案例研究，对重大政策决定进行了非同步排序，并依靠原始数据和风格化统计数据，提出了经济管理与官方发展援助依赖性之间的时间因果关系。研究结果有助于战后国家建设、制度主义和援助的政治经济学。

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引用次数: 0

Issue congruence in international organizations: A study of World Bank spending 国际组织的问题一致性：世界银行支出研究

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-28 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13413

Mirko Heinzel, Bernhard Reinsberg, Giuseppe Zaccaria

International organizations (IOs) are often criticized for insulated decision‐making processes that do not react to the preferences of key stakeholders that are directly affected by them. However, empirical studies probing the degree to which IOs’ policies are aligned with the preferences of such key constituencies are scarce. This paper tackles the gap by studying the case of the World Bank. We argue that congruence with stakeholder preferences increases when recipients have institutional means of participation and decreases when donors restrict the purposes of their funds. We utilize survey data from 269 stakeholder surveys conducted in 114 countries between 2012 and 2022 for our empirical analysis. Our findings carry important implications for the responsiveness of IOs to stakeholders in low‐ and middle‐income countries.

国际组织（IOs）经常被批评决策过程与外界隔绝，不对直接受其影响的关键利益相关者的偏好做出反应。然而，探究国际组织的政策在多大程度上与这些关键利益相关者的偏好保持一致的实证研究却很少。本文通过研究世界银行的案例填补了这一空白。我们认为，当受援国拥有机构参与手段时，与利益相关者偏好的一致性就会增加，而当捐助国限制其资金用途时，与利益相关者偏好的一致性就会降低。我们利用 2012 年至 2022 年期间在 114 个国家进行的 269 项利益相关者调查数据进行了实证分析。我们的研究结果对国际组织响应中低收入国家利益相关者的需求具有重要意义。

引用次数: 0

Competing narratives of the Russia–Ukraine war: Why the West hasn't convinced the rest 关于俄乌战争的争论：西方为何无法说服其他国家

IF 2.2 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13431

Hilary Appel

This article examines the narratives surrounding Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and beyond. Since the start of the war, Western characterizations of Russia's foreign policy as revanchist and imperialist have been overshadowed by the more successful framing by Russia that its actions were driven by the need to push back on American unipolarity and Western imperialist tendencies. This article examines how the Kremlin's narrative on the war has been embraced by leaders in core BRICS countries, shaping their position vis-à-vis Russia and the war. Drawing on theories of strategic narratives, this article highlights how leaders in China, India, Brazil, and South Africa understand the war and create conditions in which Russia can prosecute its war against a neighbor with their support or acquiescence. The paper concludes with policy recommendations and a brief discussion of why theories of strategic narratives have been underappreciated relative to more standard power-based and materialist explanations of the war's outbreak, scope, and trajectory by scholars of international relations.

本文探讨了 2022 年及以后围绕莫斯科全面入侵乌克兰的各种说法。自战争开始以来，西方将俄罗斯的外交政策定性为倒行逆施和帝国主义，而俄罗斯则更成功地将其行动归因于对美国单极化和西方帝国主义倾向的反击。本文探讨了克里姆林宫关于战争的论述如何被金砖五国的核心国家领导人所接受，从而塑造了他们对俄罗斯和战争的立场。本文借鉴战略叙事理论，强调了中国、印度、巴西和南非的领导人如何理解这场战争，以及如何创造条件，使俄罗斯能够在他们的支持或默许下对邻国发动战争。文章最后提出了政策建议，并简要讨论了为什么战略叙事理论相对于国际关系学者对战争爆发、范围和轨迹的更标准的基于权力和唯物主义的解释，一直未受到重视。

引用次数: 0

The European Union's involvement in global migration management: Possibilities and limitations 欧盟参与全球移民管理：可能性与局限性

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13419

Agnieszka Nitszke

Climate migration will be one of the most important challenges in the coming decades, and although many international institutions are beginning to recognise this challenge, there is no coordinator for these efforts. The EU, because of the resources at its disposal and the fact that it is a world leader in the fight against climate change, can play this role. It can also be one of the elements of building and strengthening the EU's partnerships in the international arena, and it could strengthen the flagship political project of recent years, i.e. strategic autonomy. The aim of this article is to analyse the EU agenda and the actions taken so far to prepare the EU and the international community to manage climate migration on a global scale.

气候迁移将是未来几十年最重要的挑战之一，尽管许多国际机构已开始认识到这一挑战，但这些努力却没有协调者。欧盟拥有丰富的资源，而且在应对气候变化方面处于世界领先地位，因此可以发挥这一作用。它还可以成为欧盟在国际舞台上建立和加强伙伴关系的要素之一，并可以加强近年来的旗舰政治项目，即战略自主权。本文旨在分析欧盟的议程和迄今为止为欧盟和国际社会在全球范围内管理气候移民所采取的行动。

引用次数: 0

Will the poverty‐related UN Sustainable Development Goals be met? New projections 与贫困有关的联合国可持续发展目标能否实现？最新预测

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-12 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13415

Arief Anshory Yusuf, Zuzy Anna, Ahmad Komarulzaman, Andy Sumner

In this paper, we discuss the literature and consider the historical relationship between growth and a set of poverty‐related Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), specifically extreme monetary poverty, undernutrition, stunting, child mortality, maternal mortality and access to clean water. We then make projections for 2030. We find that it is very likely that global poverty‐related SDGs will not be met and by a considerable distance. The implication of this, we argue, is that more emphasis is needed on both policies to raise growth rates (i.e., build productive capacities) and distributive policy measures such as the introduction or expansion of income transfers, and ensuring investments in public goods are sufficient.

在本文中，我们将讨论相关文献，并考虑增长与一系列与贫困相关的可持续发展目标（SDGs）之间的历史关系，特别是极端货币贫困、营养不良、发育迟缓、儿童死亡率、孕产妇死亡率和清洁水的获取。然后，我们对 2030 年进行了预测。我们发现，全球与贫困相关的可持续发展目标很有可能无法实现，而且距离很远。我们认为，这意味着需要更加重视提高增长率（即建设生产能力）的政策和分配政策措施，如引入或扩大收入转移，并确保对公共产品的投资充足。

引用次数: 0

Strengthening links between science and technology experts and frontline diplomats to address science diplomacy challenges 加强科技专家与一线外交官之间的联系，应对科学外交挑战

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13418

Blake Su, Jean‐Christophe Mauduit, Douglas Momberg, Lee E. Voth‐Gaeddert

The boundaries of knowledge within science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) domains are continuously advancing resulting in dynamic diplomatic applications. These shifting and expanding boundaries have direct implications in foreign policy. However, frontline diplomats have demanding day‐to‐day priorities that make it difficult to acquire, retain, and employ cutting edge STEM knowledge to advance national interests to their full potential. To aid in this objective, diplomatic institutions utilize STEM domain experts and traditional dissemination routes to support diplomatic personnel in STEM diplomacy issues. Routes commonly used include reports, briefings, trainings, and consultations. However, these routes may not always align with the timelines, workflows, and information systems used by frontline diplomats serving overseas. While many organizations focus on innovation within science diplomacy topics, opportunity also exists in innovation around linking experts with diplomats. Here we examine current linking approaches used to connect STEM experts and information with frontline diplomats to advance national interests. We utilize the US diplomatic network as an example to categorize current information flows and linking approaches. We then provide examples of common, underutilized, and alternative approaches. Our aim is to provide a clearer understanding of common linkages between STEM expert knowledge and frontline diplomats while highlighting potential alternatives.

科学、技术、工程和数学（STEM）领域的知识边界在不断进步，从而产生了动态的外交应用。这些不断变化和扩展的边界对外交政策有着直接影响。然而，一线外交官的日常工作任务繁重，难以获得、保留和运用最前沿的 STEM 知识，以充分发挥其潜力，推进国家利益。为了帮助实现这一目标，外交机构利用 STEM 领域的专家和传统的传播途径来支持外交人员解决 STEM 外交问题。常用的途径包括报告、简报、培训和咨询。然而，这些途径可能并不总是与在海外服务的一线外交官所使用的时间表、工作流程和信息系统相一致。虽然许多组织关注科学外交主题内的创新，但专家与外交官之间的联系也存在创新机会。在此，我们研究了当前用于将 STEM 专家和信息与一线外交官联系起来以促进国家利益的联系方法。我们以美国外交网络为例，对当前的信息流和联系方法进行分类。然后，我们举例说明了常见的、未充分利用的和可供选择的方法。我们的目的是更清楚地了解科学、技术、工程和数学专家知识与一线外交官之间的常见联系，同时强调潜在的替代方法。

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引用次数: 0

Reverse the road: From European Monetary Union to Euroization 逆转之路：从欧洲货币联盟到欧元化

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13420

Alban Mathieu, Pierre Funalot

Euroization is considered as a solution for transition economies or as a step toward later integration into the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). This article seeks to challenge this conventional trajectory by arguing that a country already participating in the EMU could opt for euroization. Instead of adopting a binary analysis of pros and cons, a moderate perspective is employed, taking into account the specific institutional setup of Eurozone member countries. The aim of this article is to underscore the potential advantages of euroization, positioning it as a strategy that, though limited, can provide greater fiscal policy space.

欧元化被认为是转型经济体的一种解决方案，或者是日后融入经济与货币联盟（EMU）的一个步骤。本文试图挑战这一传统轨迹，认为已经加入欧洲货币联盟的国家可以选择欧元化。本文没有采用利弊二元分析法，而是采用了一种温和的视角，考虑到了欧元区成员国的具体机构设置。本文的目的是强调欧元化的潜在优势，将其定位为一种虽然有限但能提供更大财政政策空间的战略。

引用次数: 0

Navigating geopolitical and trade megatrends: Public export finance in a world of change 驾驭地缘政治和贸易大趋势：变革世界中的公共出口融资

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-08-01 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13417

Andreas Klasen, Simone Krummaker, Julia Beck, James Pennington

Ensuring exporters can access finance is critical for governments as they look to encourage trade and drive economic growth. However, firms face challenges in securing export finance and trade credit insurance as geopolitical and trade megatrends lead to increased political, market and credit risks. In a dynamic global landscape, the role of export credit agencies (ECAs) has never been more important. Based on the ‘Futures Triangle’ analytical framework and drawing on qualitative data from 35 semi‐structured interviews and expert discussions using thematic analysis, this research assesses the implications of key megatrends for ECAs. It presents new insights into the impact on strategies, products and operations: The evolution of mandates towards a ‘growth promoter’ in a ‘whole‐of‐government’ approach, the necessity to introduce new products and the need to balance multiple priorities such as export growth, support for small and medium‐sized enterprises (SMEs), inclusive trade, climate action and impact on developing markets. The recommendations are intended to help policymakers and public finance practitioners understand and respond strategically to global changes.

确保出口商能够获得融资对政府鼓励贸易和推动经济增长至关重要。然而，由于地缘政治和贸易大趋势导致政治、市场和信用风险增加，企业在获得出口融资和贸易信用保险方面面临挑战。在充满活力的全球环境中，出口信贷机构（ECA）的作用从未像现在这样重要。本研究以 "未来三角 "分析框架为基础，利用 35 个半结构式访谈和专家讨论中的定性数据，采用专题分析法，评估了主要大趋势对出口信贷机构的影响。它就对战略、产品和业务的影响提出了新的见解：在 "整体政府 "方法中，任务朝着 "增长促进者 "的方向演变，推出新产品的必要性，以及平衡出口增长、支持中小型企业（SMEs）、包容性贸易、气候行动和对发展中市场的影响等多重优先事项的必要性。这些建议旨在帮助政策制定者和公共财政从业人员了解全球变化并做出战略回应。

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引用次数: 0

The Russia–Ukraine war, the evolving global order, the Global South and emergence of non-alignment 2.0 俄乌战争、不断演变的全球秩序、全球南部和不结盟 2.0 的出现

IF 2.2 3区社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Global Policy

Pub Date : 2024-07-29 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.13410

Raj Verma, Malte Brosig

The conclusion to the special section argues that the Russia-Ukraine war has led to the emergence of non-alignment 2.0 in the Global South because the Cold War era non-alignment is anachronistic in the current/emerging world order. Non-alignment 2.0 is characterised by countries exercising strategic autonomy to maximise their geo-economic, geopolitical and geostrategic interests. They are neither aligned with the West nor with non-western powers forming a strategic alliance. Consequently, they have been unwilling to choose a side in the Russia-Ukraine war. In non-alignment 2.0, states in the Global South will be critical of both the West and non-western powers including China and Russia if they are unable to provide effective solutions to their problems and will create/provide their own norms and establish their own institutions to solve the problems facing these countries. Non-alignment 2.0 lacks coherence because it is unable to provide an effective political and economic path.

特别章节的结论认为，俄乌战争导致全球南方出现了不结盟 2.0，因为冷战时代的不结盟在当前/新兴世界秩序中已不合时宜。不结盟 2.0 的特点是各国行使战略自主权，最大限度地实现其地缘经济、地缘政治和地缘战略利益。它们既不与西方结盟，也不与非西方大国结成战略联盟。因此，它们不愿在俄乌战争中选择一方。在不结盟 2.0 时代，如果西方和包括中国和俄罗斯在内的非西方大国不能有效解决这些国家的问题，那么这些国家就会对西方和非西方大国持批评态度，并将创建/提供自己的准则和建立自己的机构来解决这些国家面临的问题。不结盟 2.0 缺乏连贯性，因为它无法提供有效的政治和经济道路。

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