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Round-Tripping Foreign Direct Investments: What are the Main Factors? 外商直接往返投资:主要因素是什么?
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-28 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70014
Magdolna Sass, Imre Fertő

FDI round-tripping has become an increasingly important issue in the world economy, with significant implications for tax revenues, regulatory frameworks, and economic policy. Little is known about its importance and characteristics from a country of origin perspective, and thus economic policies are ill-prepared to address it. This study analyzes the determinants of round-tripping in OECD countries and highlights the urgency of addressing it. Key findings reveal that factors such as economic development, tax burdens, institutional quality, and globalization levels significantly influence round-tripping. The results emphasize the need for coordinated international policy efforts to curb the distortions caused by round-tripping and promote transparent investment flows. Addressing round-tripping FDI is essential for ensuring equitable taxation and strengthening the integrity of global financial systems.

外国直接投资往返已成为世界经济中日益重要的问题,对税收、监管框架和经济政策具有重大影响。从原产国的角度来看,人们对其重要性和特点所知甚少,因此经济政策对解决这一问题准备不足。本研究分析了经合组织国家往返的决定因素,并强调了解决这一问题的紧迫性。主要研究结果表明,经济发展、税收负担、制度质量和全球化水平等因素对往返有显著影响。结果强调需要协调一致的国际政策努力,以遏制往返造成的扭曲,促进透明的投资流动。解决往返外国直接投资问题对于确保公平征税和加强全球金融体系的完整性至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
“Invisible Bullets”: The Power of Narratives in Modern Warfare “看不见的子弹”:现代战争中叙事的力量
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-23 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70018
Aleksandr Zarnadze

This paper explores the role of narratives in modern warfare, analyzing their impact, mechanisms, and constraints through an analysis of two books—Changing the Narrative: Information Campaigns, Strategy, and Crisis Escalation in the Digital Age by Lawrence Freedman and Heather Williams, and Subversion: The Strategic Weaponization of Narratives by Andreas Krieg. While military power remains decisive, cognitive warfare has evolved into a main instrument of geopolitical rivalry, shaping public perception and influencing strategic outcomes. Freedman and Williams argue that narratives, though central to cognitive warfare, have limited impact on crisis escalation. In contrast, Krieg sees them as potent subversive tools capable of destabilizing societies. This study critiques the short-term focus of Freedman and Williams, highlighting the long-term role of narratives in shaping ideological foundations for mass mobilization. It argues that narratives are not static; their authority and truthfulness evolve over time, influenced by shifting political and social contexts. Additionally, the study underscores the growing challenge democracies face in countering hostile narratives, calling for deeper research into trust, audience psychology, and effective counter-narrative strategies in the digital age.

本文通过对两本书——劳伦斯·弗里德曼和希瑟·威廉姆斯合著的《改变叙事:数字时代的信息战役、战略和危机升级》和安德烈亚斯·克里格合著的《颠覆:叙事的战略武器化》——的分析,探讨了叙事在现代战争中的作用,分析了叙事的影响、机制和制约因素。虽然军事力量仍然是决定性的,但认知战已经演变成地缘政治竞争的主要工具,塑造公众认知并影响战略结果。弗里德曼和威廉姆斯认为,叙事虽然是认知战的核心,但对危机升级的影响有限。相反,克里格认为它们是强大的颠覆性工具,能够破坏社会的稳定。本研究批评了弗里德曼和威廉姆斯的短期关注,强调了叙事在塑造大众动员的意识形态基础方面的长期作用。它认为叙事不是静态的;它们的权威性和真实性随着时间的推移而演变,受到不断变化的政治和社会背景的影响。此外,该研究强调了民主国家在对抗敌对叙事方面面临的日益严峻的挑战,呼吁对信任、受众心理和数字时代有效的反叙事策略进行更深入的研究。
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引用次数: 0
Third or “Second and a Half”? Continuity, Path Dependence, and the Third Nuclear Age 第三部还是第二部半?连续性,路径依赖,和第三核时代
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-23 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70037
Jan Ludvik

The world has entered a new nuclear age. Scholars have characterized this “third nuclear age” as one of renewed competition among nuclear-armed great powers and the coming maturation of new technologies. I trace the origins of the new nuclear age. Focusing primarily on US strategies with two case studies on conventional strike capabilities and missile defense and briefly examining how Russia and China respond with their nuclear buildups, I argue that the new age is not simply a renewed Cold War-like competition with more advanced technologies. Instead, the new nuclear age shows significant path dependency from post-Cold War US strategies against rogue states. It inherits a strategic focus on regional contingencies and the interplay between nuclear deterrence and “conventional counter-deterrence.” The latter seeks to deny nuclear-armed US adversaries the ability to deter US regional intervention by undermining their nuclear deterrence capabilities. While these strategies enhance US conventional superiority, they also fuel an arms race in peacetime and heighten contention in crises.

世界进入了一个新的核时代。学者们把这个“第三核时代”描述为拥有核武器的大国之间的新一轮竞争和新技术即将成熟的时代。我追溯了新核时代的起源。我主要关注美国的战略,通过对常规打击能力和导弹防御的两个案例研究,并简要研究俄罗斯和中国如何应对其核建设,我认为新时代不仅仅是与更先进的技术进行新一轮冷战式的竞争。相反,新的核时代显示出对冷战后美国针对流氓国家战略的重大路径依赖。它继承了对地区突发事件以及核威慑与“常规反威慑”之间相互作用的战略重点。后者寻求通过削弱拥有核武器的美国对手的核威慑能力来阻止美国的地区干预。虽然这些战略增强了美国的常规优势,但它们也助长了和平时期的军备竞赛,加剧了危机时期的争夺。
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引用次数: 0
Regionalization of Global Trade: A New Order in the Making 全球贸易区域化:正在形成的新秩序
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-22 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70033
Woubet Kassa

Global trade is undergoing a structural reconfiguration, marked by a steady shift from hyper-globalization toward regionalization. Intra-regional trade has risen significantly within blocs such as the EU, USMCA, RCEP, and ASEAN, even as trade with large economies such as China has grown. Firms and policymakers alike are prioritizing economic security and supply chain resilience over cost optimization, leading to the expansion of regional trade corridors and deep trade agreements. This transformation is not episodic but systemic, shaped by multiple inflection points, from the rise of mega deep regional trade agreements to the 2008 Global Financial Crisis to the COVID-19 pandemic and recent geopolitical conflicts. While regionalization enhances resilience, it also limits competition and risks entrenching fragmentation and economic exclusion. To harness its benefits without undermining global integration, large economies must take the lead in sustaining multilateral cooperation, aligning regional strategies with global rules, and promoting shared prosperity. This paper explores the drivers, empirical patterns, and policy pathways of regionalization as the defining trade dynamic of the 21st century.

全球贸易正在经历结构重构,从超全球化稳步转向区域化。在欧盟、美墨加协定、RCEP和东盟等集团内部,区域内贸易显著增长,与中国等大型经济体的贸易也有所增长。企业和政策制定者都将经济安全和供应链弹性置于成本优化之上,从而扩大了区域贸易走廊和深度贸易协定。这种转变不是偶发的,而是系统性的,受到多个拐点的影响,从大型深度区域贸易协定的兴起,到2008年全球金融危机,再到2019冠状病毒病大流行和最近的地缘政治冲突。区域化虽然增强了韧性,但也限制了竞争,有可能加剧碎片化和经济排斥。为了在不损害全球一体化的情况下利用其好处,大型经济体必须带头维持多边合作,使区域战略与全球规则保持一致,促进共同繁荣。本文探讨了区域化作为21世纪决定性贸易动态的驱动因素、经验模式和政策路径。
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引用次数: 0
Ruxit Revisited: Unravelling Russia's Dissociation From the Pan-European Security Order 重新审视俄罗斯:解读俄罗斯与泛欧安全秩序的分离
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-19 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70005
Mikhail Polianskii

Russia's first invasion of Ukraine in 2014 marked the culmination of Russia's dissociation from the project of institutionalised pan-European security and from the global liberal order more generally. While not denying the relevance of studying the causes of Russia's attacks on Ukraine, this study focuses on Russia's progressing dissociation from Western institutions that preceded the escalation of military tensions. Processes of dissociation—defined as the intentional distancing from the core rules and norms of institutions—occur rather often and might even become a dominant feature of world politics as deglobalisation proceeds. However, this phenomenon has rarely been tackled in academic research. What has been overlooked in the scholarly debate is the specific forms and underlying causes of dissociations from multilateral arrangements. Delving into the controversial history of Russia's drifting away from the European security regime complex after the end of the Cold War this paper demonstrates why Russia's leadership felt so estranged from the order whose creation it actively endorsed. Based on more than 30 interviews with experts of Russian foreign policy as well as Russian and Western diplomats and policymakers, this paper demonstrates how Moscow's disenchantment with European security institutions intensified as these institutions appeared in the Kremlin's eyes structurally unresponsive to evolving dynamics in Russian-Western relations.

2014年俄罗斯首次入侵乌克兰,标志着俄罗斯与制度化的泛欧安全项目以及更广泛意义上的全球自由秩序的分离达到了顶点。虽然不否认研究俄罗斯袭击乌克兰的原因的相关性,但这项研究的重点是俄罗斯在军事紧张局势升级之前与西方机构的逐渐分离。分离的过程——定义为有意远离机构的核心规则和规范——发生得相当频繁,甚至可能成为去全球化进程中世界政治的一个主要特征。然而,这一现象在学术研究中很少得到解决。在学术辩论中被忽视的是脱离多边安排的具体形式和根本原因。本文深入研究了冷战结束后俄罗斯逐渐脱离欧洲安全体系这一有争议的历史,阐述了为什么俄罗斯领导人对其积极支持创建的欧洲安全体系感到如此疏远。基于对俄罗斯外交政策专家以及俄罗斯和西方外交官和政策制定者的30多次采访,本文展示了莫斯科对欧洲安全机构的幻梦是如何加剧的,因为这些机构在克里姆林宫看来在结构上对俄西关系不断变化的动态没有反应。
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引用次数: 0
Brazil and China's Digital Silk Road: Opportunities, Risks, and Strategic Implications 巴西和中国的数字丝绸之路:机遇、风险和战略影响
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-14 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70027
Flávio Bastos da Silva, Paulo Afonso B. Duarte

Given the scarce studies on the security issues raised by the Digital Silk Road (DSR), we aim to add novelty regarding the repercussions of this dimension of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by focusing on the case of Brazil. As a major Latin American nation with strong ties to China, Brazil is an extraordinary case study when it comes to assessing the effects of any BRI-related dimension. Despite Brazil's reluctance in officially joining the BRI, Brazil became part of the DSR after signing a Memorandum on the Digital Economy with China in 2023. By claiming that traditional liberal frameworks are insufficient to grasp the complexities of the digital space, we propose that the DSR is best approached through the lenses of Digitalpolitik. Based on a qualitative methodology complemented by an online survey and pre-selected interviews, we find that the initiative strengthens Brazil's digital ecosystem but poses security risks to its digital sovereignty.

鉴于对数字丝绸之路(DSR)引发的安全问题的研究很少,我们的目标是通过关注巴西的案例,增加有关“一带一路”倡议(BRI)这一维度影响的新颖性。作为与中国关系密切的拉美大国,在评估“一带一路”相关影响方面,巴西是一个非凡的研究案例。尽管巴西不愿正式加入“一带一路”,但在2023年与中国签署了《数字经济备忘录》后,巴西成为了“一带一路”的一部分。通过声称传统的自由主义框架不足以把握数字空间的复杂性,我们建议最好通过数字政治的镜头来处理DSR。基于定性方法,辅以在线调查和预选访谈,我们发现该倡议加强了巴西的数字生态系统,但对其数字主权构成了安全风险。
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引用次数: 0
Side Payments in World Politics: Theory and Practice 世界政治中的附带支付:理论与实践
IF 2.2 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-12 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70022
Ethan B. Kapstein

Scholars of world politics frequently highlight the importance of side payments in promoting international cooperation across a broad array of issue areas, from military alliances to environmental agreements. However, in order to be effective, side payments must be credible, meaning that they require the parties to make “binding agreements.” But what does it mean to make a “binding agreement” in the context of world politics? How can such agreements be enforced? The purpose of this article is to address several outstanding issues in the conceptualization of side payments in the hope of defining some scope conditions under which such payments are most likely to promote cooperation.

研究世界政治的学者们经常强调,在促进从军事联盟到环境协议等一系列广泛问题领域的国际合作方面,外援的重要性。然而,为了有效,附加支付必须是可信的,这意味着它们需要各方达成“有约束力的协议”。但在世界政治背景下,达成“有约束力的协议”意味着什么?如何执行这些协议?这篇文章的目的是要解决关于附带支付概念化的几个悬而未决的问题,以期确定这种支付最有可能促进合作的一些范围条件。
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引用次数: 0
Civil Society Participation in Creating the SDG Indicator Framework: Open but Limited 民间社会参与创建可持续发展目标指标框架:开放但有限
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-08 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70025
Roni Kay M. O'Dell

This article analyzes how Civil Society and other Stakeholders (CSoS) participated in the creation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) indicator framework from 2015 to 2016. After the UN General Assembly (UNGA) approved the 17 SDGs and 169 targets, the UN Statistical Commission formed the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on SDG Indicators (IAEG-SDGs) to negotiate indicators to measure the SDGs. Using a democratic governance framework of participation, this article analyzes how the UN Non-Governmental Liaison Service, several teams in the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs, and the IAEG-SDGs included CSoS in consultations and negotiations and who participated. The term CSoS is broadly used to include nongovernmental organizations, academia, the private sector, and other groups (e.g., Major Groups or campaigns). The paper assesses the extent of democratic consultation. The research relies on interviews, document and video analysis, and an author-created database of respondents to initial open consultations. Analysis shows that organizations from the Global North and those with more access to resources or networked coalitions dominated. The research indicates that the UN can be committed to supporting democratic governance, but concerns arise related to the extent of participation that is encouraged or allowed by UN bureaucracy and Member States. Insight from this article can be applied to ongoing consultations and inclusive practices in international negotiations at the UN.

本文分析了公民社会和其他利益相关者(cso)如何参与2015年至2016年可持续发展目标(sdg)指标框架的创建。在联合国大会批准17项可持续发展目标和169个具体目标后,联合国统计委员会成立了可持续发展目标指标机构间专家组(IAEG-SDGs),就衡量可持续发展目标的指标进行谈判。本文利用民主治理参与框架,分析联合国非政府组织联络处、联合国经济和社会事务部的几个小组以及IAEG-SDGs如何将民间社会组织纳入磋商和谈判,以及谁参与了磋商和谈判。公民社会组织一词被广泛用于包括非政府组织、学术界、私营部门和其他团体(例如,主要团体或运动)。这篇论文评估了民主协商的程度。这项研究依赖于访谈、文件和视频分析,以及作者创建的初步公开磋商受访者数据库。分析表明,来自全球北方的组织和那些拥有更多资源或网络联盟的组织占主导地位。研究表明,联合国可以致力于支持民主治理,但与联合国官僚机构和会员国鼓励或允许的参与程度有关的问题出现了。本文的见解可以应用于联合国国际谈判中正在进行的磋商和包容性实践。
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引用次数: 0
Left and Right as a Narrative of the Global 作为全球叙事的左与右
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-05-05 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70026
Alain Noël, Jean-Philippe Thérien

The left–right narrative is the most universal macro-story to make sense of global politics. Although the political opposition between the left and the right originated in the West, it has now spread to all continents. Nation-states remain the primary locus of the politics of left and right, but the distinction has become a global divide that permeates foreign policies, transnational relations, and global governance debates. Building on the concept of the “narrative of the global,” this article combines insights from political sociology, political psychology, public opinion research, comparative politics, and international relations to unpack the global meaning of the left–right division. It shows how, across the world, the language of left and right helps social actors communicate about politics. Our contribution sheds new light on competing discourses of global policy and governance, and will hopefully stimulate a much-needed conversation between scholars and practitioners about the political foundations of global debates.

左右叙事是理解全球政治的最普遍的宏观故事。虽然左翼和右翼之间的政治对立起源于西方,但现在已经蔓延到各大洲。民族国家仍然是左翼和右翼政治的主要场所,但这种区别已经成为一种全球分歧,渗透到外交政策、跨国关系和全球治理辩论中。本文以“全球叙事”的概念为基础,结合了政治社会学、政治心理学、民意研究、比较政治学和国际关系的见解,揭示了左右分歧的全球意义。它展示了在世界各地,左派和右派的语言如何帮助社会行动者就政治进行交流。我们的贡献为全球政策和治理的竞争话语提供了新的视角,并有望激发学者和实践者之间就全球辩论的政治基础进行急需的对话。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights and Environmental Due Diligence Regulations for Deforestation-Free Value Chains? Exploring the Implementation of the EU Regulation on Deforestation-Free Products in the Cocoa and Coffee Sectors of Peru 无毁林价值链的人权和环境尽职调查法规?探索在秘鲁可可和咖啡行业实施欧盟无毁林产品法规
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2025-04-23 DOI: 10.1111/1758-5899.70009
Jimena Solar, Yovita Ivanova, Christoph Oberlack

The EU Regulation on Deforestation-free Products (EUDR), which aims to minimize the contribution of the EU to global deforestation, is facing challenges in its implementation. One such challenge lies in applying the required due diligence provisions in producer countries such as Peru, where the impacts of the EUDR may be significant. Peru has a prominent tropical forest area and exports most of its cocoa and coffee to the EU, crops which are grown mainly by smallholder farming families and Indigenous communities. This study explores the ongoing implementation of the EUDR in Peru, through a case study in the country's cocoa and coffee sectors. Our results show that the process of implementing the EUDR involves complex challenges related to legality and due diligence, geolocation of plots, implementation costs, and country-risk benchmarking. Implementing the EUDR may also result in systemic changes in production practices and potentially prompt identifying possibilities to complement the EUDR through multistakeholder approaches and by providing opportunities to smallholders through agroforestry systems and carbon certifications. More generally, our study contributes to the timely debate on the EUDR and other due diligence regulations, by showing that the EUDR implementation process needs to ensure its enforcement at the local level in producer countries to enable its objectives and to strengthen international forest governance.

欧盟无毁林产品条例(EUDR)旨在最大限度地减少欧盟对全球毁林的贡献,但在实施过程中面临挑战。其中一个挑战是在秘鲁等生产国实施必要的尽职调查规定,在这些国家,EUDR的影响可能很大。秘鲁拥有著名的热带森林地区,其大部分可可和咖啡出口到欧盟,这些作物主要由小农家庭和土著社区种植。本研究通过对秘鲁可可豆和咖啡部门的案例研究,探讨了正在实施的EUDR。我们的研究结果表明,实施EUDR的过程涉及与合法性和尽职调查、地块地理位置、实施成本和国家风险基准相关的复杂挑战。实施EUDR还可能导致生产实践的系统性变化,并可能促使确定通过多利益相关者方法补充EUDR的可能性,并通过农林业系统和碳认证向小农提供机会。更广泛地说,我们的研究表明,EUDR的实施过程需要确保其在生产国的地方层面得到执行,以实现其目标并加强国际森林治理,从而有助于及时讨论EUDR和其他尽职调查法规。
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引用次数: 0
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