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Sovereignty scripts and regional governance: ASEAN’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic 主权脚本与区域治理:东盟应对新冠肺炎疫情
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2205164
Kilian Spandler, Julia Hartelius, Alva Monti, F. Söderbaum
This article seeks to advance our understanding of the role of sovereignty for regional governance, with a focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). We argue that important insights into this issue can be gleaned by analyzing how ASEAN has responded to the Covid-19 pandemic. Most existing research on ASEAN considers sovereignty an obstacle to effective regional governance without further interrogating it conceptually. Such a monolithic understanding fails to account for ASEAN's variegated response to the pandemic. To develop a fuller account of the relation between sovereignty and regional governance, we engage with scholarship on sovereignty that emphasizes its performative and contextual character, and develop a framework that distinguishes four different sovereignty scripts. Drawing on expert interviews and document analysis, we show that ASEAN's multifaceted Covid-19 response is a result of member states' parallel enactment of diverging and overlapping sovereignty scripts, which engender competing modes of governance. Our study shows that typical governance problems–institutional proliferation and incoherence as well as implementation gaps–can be understood as emerging from diverging imperatives for practicing sovereignty and statehood. We suggest that our framework can be tested in other policy fields and regional organizations beyond ASEAN. © 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
本文旨在增进我们对主权在区域治理中的作用的理解,重点关注东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)。我们认为,通过分析东盟如何应对新冠肺炎大流行,可以获得对这一问题的重要见解。大多数关于东盟的现有研究认为主权是有效区域治理的障碍,而没有在概念上进一步质疑它。这种单一的理解无法解释东盟对这一流行病的不同反应。为了更全面地阐述主权与区域治理之间的关系,我们与强调其表演性和背景特征的主权学者进行了接触,并开发了一个区分四种不同主权脚本的框架。通过专家访谈和文件分析,我们发现,东盟应对新冠肺炎疫情的多面性是成员国平行制定不同和重叠的主权脚本的结果,这导致了相互竞争的治理模式。我们的研究表明,典型的治理问题——制度扩散和不一致性以及实施差距——可以理解为主权和国家地位实践的不同要求。我们建议,我们的框架可以在东盟以外的其他政策领域和区域组织中得到检验。©2023作者。由Informa UK Limited出版,以Taylor & Francis Group的名义进行交易。
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引用次数: 0
Constrained, competing and eking – the limits of economic statecraft in East Asia after national development 约束、竞争与挣扎——国家发展后东亚经济方略的局限
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200023
T. Carroll
Abstract This paper highlights the highly contingent and constrained possibilities for states concerned with gaining and maintaining economic and, relatedly, strategic advantage in East Asia in a world dominated by global value chains (GVCs) owned and controlled by transnational capital. While the reorganisation of production has given rise to new contender states such as China, challenging the economic and strategic positions of others, the ability for states to engage in non-market conforming behaviour designed to reduce technological dependence, accumulate reserves and embolden national positions against competitors is far more constrained than it once was. Prioritising the relative power and leverage of states operating in various contexts over time, three types of state are identified within contemporary East Asia: former developmental states under persistent competitive pressures compelling very different policy agendas to those that underpinned their respective development stories; a somewhat exceptional constrained “aspirant state”, attempting mercantilist strategies to achieve strategic upgrading under the spectre of systemic exclusion and formidable domestic challenges; and, finally, relatively vulnerable “eke-out” competition states, attempting to leverage labour cost, geography and regulation to maintain economic relevance within the context of hyper competitiveness while also engaging in forms of quarantining and patronage. Our overarching argument is that the latitude to both pursue and leverage ES strategies common in the past is all but gone, even for the most powerful of contender states.
摘要本文强调了在一个由跨国资本拥有和控制的全球价值链主导的世界中,各国在东亚获得和保持经济以及相关的战略优势的可能性是高度偶然和有限的。尽管生产重组催生了中国等新的竞争者,对其它国家的经济和战略地位构成了挑战,但各国采取非市场行为(旨在减少技术依赖、积累储备、增强国家对竞争对手的信心)的能力,远比以往受到限制。优先考虑国家在不同背景下的相对权力和杠杆作用,当代东亚地区确定了三种类型的国家:持续竞争压力下的前发展国家,其政策议程与支撑其各自发展故事的政策议程截然不同;一个有些例外的、受约束的“雄心勃勃的国家”,在系统性排斥和艰巨的国内挑战的阴影下,试图通过重商主义战略实现战略升级;最后是相对脆弱的“勉强维持”竞争国家,它们试图利用劳动力成本、地理位置和监管,在高度竞争力的背景下保持经济相关性,同时也采取各种形式的隔离和庇护。我们的主要论点是,即使是最强大的竞争国家,过去常见的追求和利用ES战略的自由度也几乎消失了。
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引用次数: 0
Finding the trade-security nexus: Taiwan’s economic statecraft from 2009 to 2021 寻找贸易安全关系:2009年至2021年台湾的经济治国方略
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200024
Christina Lai
Abstract Over the last few decades, China has become one of the most important foreign investment destinations and centers of economic development in Asia. China’s growing economic clout and coercive measures lead to the following empirical puzzles: how has Taiwan perceived China’s increasing military capabilities and economic influence? What are the major factors that facilitate or constrain the role of a government agency of a weaker state in addressing the economic power of a stronger one? More specifically, what has been the purpose of Taiwan’s economic statecraft? Based on Taiwan’s official statements, regional trade data, and newspaper coverage in Chinese and English, this study investigates both positive and negative evaluations of China-Taiwan trade from 2009 to 2021. From 2009 to 2016, President Ma Ying-jeou adopted a desecuritization strategy in normalizing bilateral trade with China, and he actively promoted greater liberalization of Taiwan’s financial and service sectors for China’s investment. From 2016 to 2021, President Tsai Ing-wen employed a securitization strategy in light of the risks of economic reliance on China’s markets. The article proceeds as follows. First, it engages the current literature on economic statecraft, China-Taiwan relations, and Asian politics. Second, this study offers a framework of desecuritization and securitization of Taiwan’s trade toward China, and it highlights how the political leaders in Taiwan attempt to find a balance between trade and security. Third, it provides in-depth case studies on how Taiwan executed desecuritization and securitization strategies. Finally, it concludes with some initial thoughts on the studies of comparative economic statecraft, and provides policy implications for countries in the Asia Pacific region and beyond.
近几十年来,中国已成为亚洲最重要的外商投资目的地和经济发展中心之一。中国日益增长的经济影响力和强制措施导致了以下经验难题:台湾如何看待中国日益增长的军事能力和经济影响力?哪些主要因素促进或限制了一个较弱国家的政府机构在应对一个较强国家的经济实力时所扮演的角色?更具体地说,台湾经济治国之道的目的是什么?本研究以台湾官方声明、区域贸易数据及中英文报纸报导为基础,调查2009年至2021年两岸贸易的正面与负面评价。2009年至2016年,马英九总统在两岸贸易正常化进程中采取“去股份化”战略,积极推动台湾金融和服务业进一步开放,面向大陆投资。从2016年到2021年,蔡英文总统考虑到经济依赖中国市场的风险,采取了证券化战略。文章的内容如下。首先,它结合了当前关于经济治国方略、中国-台湾关系和亚洲政治的文献。其次,本研究提供台湾对大陆贸易的非安全化与安全化框架,并强调台湾政治领导人如何试图在贸易与安全之间找到平衡。第三,提供台湾如何执行非证券化与证券化策略的深入案例研究。最后,本文对比较经济治国方略的研究进行了初步思考,并为亚太地区及其他地区的国家提供了政策启示。
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引用次数: 0
Reshoring from China: comparing the economic statecraft of Japan and South Korea 从中国回流:比较日本和韩国的经济策略
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200025
S. Katada, Ji Hye Lim, M. Wan
Abstract This article examines the Japanese and South Korean governments’ reshoring and diversification policies of supply chains especially away from China since the early 2010s, with particular attention to the measures taken under the 2020–21 pandemic. The article also explores how much Japanese and South Korean reshoring from China, a subset of foreign economic policy, counts as economic statecraft as a deliberate government attempt to achieve geopolitical objectives using ‘economic’ means. One would expect these governments, which innovated proactive industrial policies and guided the private sector to catch up with developed economies in the 20th century, to have an easy time encouraging businesses to re-shore. While these two governments have employed various policy instruments to shift their economic dependence away from China, there is only limited success in motivating businesses to return to their homeland. This leads to an intriguing departure in our understanding of the capacity of those two Asian nations, which used to be considered prototypical ‘developmental states’ where governments have significant influence over business behaviour. This research brings more nuance and complexity to prevailing state-as-unitary-actor assumption of the economic statecraft literature and advocates closer attention to domestic sources of foreign economic policy.
本文研究了日本和韩国政府自2010年代初以来的供应链回流和多元化政策,特别是远离中国的供应链回流和多元化政策,并特别关注了在2020-21年大流行期间采取的措施。文章还探讨了作为对外经济政策的一个子集,日本和韩国从中国的回流在多大程度上被视为经济治国方略,即政府有意利用“经济”手段实现地缘政治目标的一种尝试。在20世纪,这些政府创新了积极的产业政策,并引导私营部门赶上了发达经济体,人们可能会认为,这些政府鼓励企业回流很容易。虽然这两个国家的政府已经采取了各种政策手段来减少对中国的经济依赖,但在促使企业回归本国方面收效甚微。这导致我们对这两个亚洲国家能力的理解出现了一个有趣的偏差,这两个国家过去被认为是典型的“发展中国家”,政府对商业行为有重大影响。这项研究为经济治国文学中普遍存在的国家作为单一行动者的假设带来了更多的细微差别和复杂性,并主张更密切地关注外国经济政策的国内来源。
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引用次数: 0
Five modes of China’s economic influence: rethinking Chinese economic statecraft 中国经济影响的五种模式:对中国经济治国方略的再思考
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200029
Matt Ferchen, Mikael Mattlin
Abstract Interest and anxiety about China’s economic statecraft, or the ways in which it uses economic means to achieve foreign policy, is booming. The overriding perception is that China has sophisticated, long-term plans to enhance its power on the global stage through the use of economic strategies and tools and that it is uniquely capable of effectively implementing those plans now or in the future. Yet when it comes to actual outcomes, whether or not China has been able to achieve its foreign policy goals via economic means, the evidence is mixed at best. This article seeks to move beyond some of the shortcomings in our understanding of Chinese economic statecraft by exploring the links between perceptions, ambitions, abilities, and outcomes of Chinese foreign economic policies and behaviour. We propose an alternative to the concept of economic statecraft by introducing instead five different ‘modes of economic influence’. We suggest directions for future research focused on China’s economic influence, including its latent structural power.
对中国经济治国方略或利用经济手段实现外交政策的方式的兴趣和焦虑正在激增。压倒一切的看法是,中国有复杂的长期计划,通过使用经济战略和工具来增强其在全球舞台上的影响力,而且中国有独特的能力在现在或未来有效实施这些计划。然而,当谈到实际结果时,无论中国是否能够通过经济手段实现其外交政策目标,证据充其量都是喜忧参半的。本文试图通过探索中国对外经济政策和行为的观念、雄心、能力和结果之间的联系,超越我们对中国经济治国方略理解中的一些不足。我们提出了一种替代经济治国理念的方法,引入了五种不同的“经济影响模式”。我们提出了未来研究中国经济影响力的方向,包括其潜在的结构性力量。
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引用次数: 1
Not our war. What ASEAN governments’ responses to the Ukraine war tell us about Southeast Asia 不是我们的战争。东盟各国政府对乌克兰战争的反应告诉了我们东南亚的什么
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2202925
Frederick Kliem
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引用次数: 2
Economic statecraft, geoeconomics and regional political economies 经济治国方略、地缘经济和区域政治经济
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200030
S. Breslin, Helen E. S. Nesadurai
Abstract In this introduction to the special issue, we establish the overarching objective for the collection; to investigate the salience and efficacy of conceptions of Economic Statecraft (ES) and Geoeconomics for understanding and explaining shifts in state-market relationships in a number of regional political economies. After a very short overview of different generations of ES research, we establish the set of common questions that each of the papers address, and how we arrived at them as the research project evolved. We point to the importance of ensuring that ES is not just thought of as something that the more powerful regional states engage in, and the need to adopt a three-part analytical distinction between different components of ES: motivations and objectives; actions and tools; and outcomes and consequences. This allows us to trace the relationship between goals and effects, provides a basis for comparative studies, and makes it easier to make a distinction between ES and other forms of state involvement in the economy.
在这篇特刊导论中,我们确立了本刊的总体目标;调查经济治国方略(ES)和地缘经济学概念的重要性和有效性,以理解和解释一些区域政治经济中国家-市场关系的变化。在对不同代的ES研究进行了非常简短的概述之后,我们建立了每篇论文所涉及的一组常见问题,以及随着研究项目的发展,我们是如何得出这些问题的。我们指出,确保经济环境不只是被认为是更强大的地区国家参与的事情的重要性,以及对经济环境的不同组成部分采用三部分分析区分的必要性:动机和目标;行动和工具;结果和后果。这使我们能够追踪目标和效果之间的关系,为比较研究提供基础,并使我们更容易区分社会经济和其他形式的国家参与经济。
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引用次数: 0
State capacity, economic statecraft, and markets: Northeast Asian states’ rise (and fall) as global coal capital powers 国家能力、经济治国方略和市场:东北亚国家作为全球煤炭资本大国的兴衰
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200027
Jessica C. Liao, S. Waters
Abstract As clean energy policy becomes a pressing need in the wake of the looming climate crisis, the world—especially developing Asia—has witnessed a conflicting trend throughout the 2010s, that is, the boom of coal-fired power development. This article argues that the geoeconomic significance, driven by not only China’s but also Japan and South Korea’s pursuit of national interests, intensified a competition among them in supporting overseas coal fired power financing and has contributed to this phenomenon. Using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data, it illustrates that while coal power financing becomes a conduit for these three ‘developmental states’ to forge comprehensive relations with countries they deem strategically important, the effectiveness of using this conduit is contingent, and constrained by exogenous factors, particularly dynamics of global energy markets.
随着气候危机的迫近,清洁能源政策成为一种迫切的需求,在整个2010年代,世界特别是亚洲发展中国家出现了一个相互矛盾的趋势,那就是燃煤发电的蓬勃发展。本文认为,地缘经济的重要性,不仅是中国,而且是日本和韩国对国家利益的追求,加剧了它们之间在支持海外燃煤发电融资方面的竞争,并促成了这一现象。通过混合使用定性和定量数据,报告表明,虽然煤电融资成为这三个“发展中国家”与他们认为具有战略重要性的国家建立全面关系的渠道,但使用这种渠道的有效性是偶然的,并受到外部因素的限制,特别是全球能源市场的动态。
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引用次数: 0
Managing economic statecraft via multilateral agreements: the roles of ASEAN member states in shaping Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership 通过多边协议管理经济治国之道:东盟成员国在形成区域全面经济伙伴关系中的作用
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2200022
Kaewkamol Pitakdumrongkit
Abstract Economic statecraft (ES) has been playing an increased role in affecting the international relations. While armed conflicts decline, states have been weaponising trade, investment, and other economic ties to gain leverage over their counterparts. In the contemporary world, ES is not only used to galvanise countries’ influence in specific issue areas but also part of their grand strategy to achieve broad power-maximisation goals. Despite a proliferation of ES literatures in recent years, extant research tended to focus on great powers’ ES, leaving small states’ ES under-examined. Also, previous studies usually looked into how countries unilaterally employ ES. Hence, insufficient attention has been paid to how regional states work together to collectively alter multilateral frameworks to advance their ES. Against this backdrop, this paper investigates small nations’ roles in the development of multilateral cooperative frameworks. Using the ES lens, it explores how these countries leverage these schemes to push forward their collective ES. The main argument is that regional states worked together to craft the terms of multilateral economic agreements to galvanise their clout over certain governance areas. I validate this argument by using the case of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). This study makes contributions to the research pertaining to ES, small states’ strategies, and economic regionalism. It also yields practical implications for policymakers involved in fostering international economic governance.
摘要经济治国方略在国际关系中发挥着越来越重要的作用。在武装冲突减少的同时,各国一直在将贸易、投资和其他经济关系武器化,以获得对其同行的影响力。在当代世界,ES不仅用于激发各国在特定问题领域的影响力,也是其实现广泛权力最大化目标的宏伟战略的一部分。尽管近年来ES文献激增,但现存的研究往往集中在大国的ES上,使小国的ES受到审查。此外,先前的研究通常着眼于各国如何单方面使用ES。因此,对区域国家如何共同努力,共同改变多边框架以推进其ES的关注不足。在此背景下,本文调查了小国在多边合作框架发展中的作用。利用ES的视角,它探讨了这些国家如何利用这些计划来推动其集体ES。主要论点是,地区国家共同制定了多边经济协议的条款,以激发其对某些治理领域的影响力。我以区域全面经济伙伴关系(RCEP)为例验证了这一观点。本研究对ES、小国战略和经济区域主义的研究做出了贡献。它还对参与促进国际经济治理的决策者产生了实际影响。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwan–US nonproliferation cooperation: the case of North Korea and the influence of affected industries 台湾-美国防扩散合作:以朝鲜为例及受影响产业的影响
IF 2.1 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2023.2189744
Yi-hao Su
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引用次数: 0
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Pacific Review
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