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Raeesa Vakil, Review of Philipp Dann and Arun K. Thiruvengadam (eds). Democratic Constitutionalism in India and the European Union: Comparing the Law of Democracy in Continental Polities Raeesa Vakil,Philipp Dann和Arun K.Thiruvengadam评论(编辑)。印度与欧盟的民主宪政:大陆政治民主规律之比较
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad042
Raeesa Vakil
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引用次数: 1
Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Review of Eugenie Merieau. Constitutional Bricolage: Thailand’s Sacred Monarchy vs. The Rule of Law Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang, Eugenie Merieau述评。宪法的拼凑:泰国神圣的君主政体vs.法治
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad040
Khemthong Tonsakulrungruang
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引用次数: 0
From hierarchical to panoptic control: The Chinese solution in monitoring judges 从层级控制到全局控制:法官监控的中国方案
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad053
Xin He
In the wake of the 2014 judicial reforms, are Chinese judges in most circumstances free in their decision-making? Based primarily on interviews with judges, this article argues that although a truncated hierarchy has led to increased judicial autonomy, the state maintains its tight grip over judges. In its new form, the state’s control is more indirect, external, ex post, diffused, and ideological. It allows the state to closely monitor judges’ entire handling of cases (hence the designation “panoptic”). It has some similarities with, yet fundamentally differs from, existing patterns in authoritarian states. While judges’ accountability continues to be largely a bureaucratic matter, this Chinese form of control has nonetheless been effective at a time of soaring caseloads, a slimmed-down judiciary, and increasing insistence on legitimacy. This article seeks to deepen understanding of developments in Chinese courts and, more widely, judicial politics in authoritarian states.
2014年司法改革之后,中国法官在大多数情况下是否可以自由决策?本文主要基于对法官的采访,认为尽管等级制度的缩短导致了司法自主权的增强,但国家对法官的控制仍然很严格。在新的形式中,国家的控制更为间接、外部、事后、分散和意识形态。它允许国家密切监控法官对案件的整个处理(因此被称为“全景”)。它与威权国家的现有模式有一些相似之处,但从根本上不同。尽管法官的问责在很大程度上仍然是一个官僚问题,但在案件数量激增、司法机构精简、对合法性日益坚持的时代,这种中国形式的控制仍然有效。本文试图加深对中国法院发展的理解,更广泛地说,对威权国家司法政治的理解。
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引用次数: 1
The untold leader of judicial review: China’s Constitutional Court (1948–71) and innovative constitutionalism 司法审查的无名领袖:中国宪法法院(1948-71)与创新宪政
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad044
Zhaoxin Jiang
Based on newly opened Chinese diaries of Chiang Kai-shek and presidents of the Judicial Yuan, this article explores China’s Constitutional Court from a socio-historical perspective and contextualizes China’s constitutional development from the mainland to Taiwan by 1971, when the United Nations delegitimized the Chiang Kai-shek regime as a lawful representative of China. This article argues that China’s insistence on legal exceptionalism and the fact that China became a victor state after the two world wars facilitated the institutionalization of the Constitutional Court. Due to the judicial leadership and their effective interactions with the political leader, China’s Constitutional Court survived and led a second wave of global expansion of judicial power around the mid-twentieth century. The survival of China’s Constitutional Court gave life to the oldest constitutional court that endured an authoritarian regime longer than the entire post-1989 era. It therefore provides a unique case for the survival of post-democratization constitutional courts in the twenty-first century. However, China’s Constitutional Court has never been properly accredited, not to mention as a leader of the second wave of judicial review. This article fills the gap and posits the survival of the Constitutional Court as a new thesis in comparative constitutional law. Among others, factors including peaceful constitutional revolution, victor-state’s legal exceptionalism, guardian of the Constitutional Court, strong meritocratic judicial leadership and the judicial personal interactions with charismatic political leadership combine to produce a series of constitutional innovations that have safeguarded the survival of China’s Constitutional Court, and thus contributed to creating an exceptional paradigm of judicial review and global constitutional improvement.
本文以新公开的蒋介石和司法院院长的中国日记为基础,从社会历史的角度探讨了中国的宪法法院,并将1971年联合国取消蒋介石政权作为中国合法代表的合法性时,中国从大陆到台湾的宪法发展置于背景之下。本文认为,中国对法律例外主义的坚持以及中国在两次世界大战后成为战胜国的事实促进了宪法法院的制度化。由于司法领导层及其与政治领导人的有效互动,中国宪法法院得以幸存,并在20世纪中叶左右领导了第二波全球司法权扩张。中国宪法法院的幸存,使中国历史最悠久的宪法法院得以延续,它在威权政权统治下的时间比1989年后的整个时代还要长。因此,它为民主化后的宪法法院在21世纪的生存提供了一个独特的案例。然而,中国宪法法院从来没有得到过应有的认可,更不用说作为第二波司法审查的领导者了。本文填补了这一空白,并将宪法法院的存续作为比较宪法学的新论题提出。其中,和平宪政革命、胜利者国家的法律例外主义、宪法法院的监护人、强大的精英司法领导以及司法人员与魅力型政治领导的互动等因素结合在一起,产生了一系列宪法创新,保障了中国宪法法院的生存,从而为创造司法审查和全球宪法改进的特殊范式做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Erin Daly, Review of Jimmy Chia-Shin Hsu, ed. Human Dignity in Asia: Dialogue Between Law and Culture 许家信主编:《亚洲人的尊严:法律与文化的对话》
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad050
Erin Daly
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引用次数: 0
Social and political dynamics in the feminization of judiciary 司法部门女性化的社会和政治动态
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad043
Wen-Chen Chang
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引用次数: 0
A constitutional contingency: A reply to Zhaoxin Jiang 宪法的偶然性——对蒋兆新的答复
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-25 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad048
Chien-Chih Lin
The thesis of the article by Zhaoxin Jiang, “The Untold Leader of Judicial Review: China’s Constitutional Court (1948–71) and the Innovative Constitutionalism,” is highly innovative, and the materials it uses are invaluable to understanding the Council of Grand Justices. Nonetheless, several key contentions of the article are not fully supported by—or indeed are contradicted by—the existing evidence. This Reply provides some competing analyses and interpretations of the three topics in the article: (i) the characterization of the Council at its founding; (ii) the interactions between Chiang Kai-shek and judicial elites; and (iii) the performance of the Council in Taiwan.
蒋兆新的文章《司法审查的无名之辈:中国宪法法院(1948–71)与创新宪政》具有很强的创新性,其所用材料对理解大法官会议是非常宝贵的。尽管如此,这篇文章的几个关键论点并没有得到现有证据的充分支持,或者确实与现有证据相矛盾。本答复对文章中的三个主题进行了一些相互竞争的分析和解释:(一)理事会成立时的特点;(二)蒋介石与司法精英的交往;以及(三)理事会在台湾的执行情况。
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引用次数: 0
Gender recognition at the crossroads: Four models and the compass of comparative law 十字路口的性别认同:四种模式与比较法的指南针
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-22 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad045
Stefano Osella, Ruth Rubio-Marín
The article explores the different constitutional developments of the right to gender recognition and discusses their potential to protect trans and nonbinary people. Focusing on a few selected jurisdictions, each incarnating a specific kind of recognition system, it also proposes a conceptual map to understand and identify the different shapes of such a right. The article argues that four types of gender recognition can be identified, each with their own characteristics, advantages, peculiarities, and set of challenges for trans and nonbinary people and for the system of gender categorization itself. In clarifying this area of law, the article contends that the very process of creation and policing of gender identities and categories represents a critical aspect of contemporary gender constitutionalism.
本文探讨了性别承认权的不同宪法发展,并讨论了它们在保护跨性别和非二元性别人群方面的潜力。重点关注几个选定的司法管辖区,每个管辖区都体现了一种特定的识别系统,本文还提出了一个概念图,以理解和识别这种权利的不同形式。本文认为,性别认同可以分为四种类型,每种类型对跨性别者和非二元性别者以及性别分类系统本身都有各自的特点、优势、特点和挑战。在澄清这一法律领域时,文章认为,性别认同和类别的创造和监管过程代表了当代性别宪政的一个关键方面。
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引用次数: 1
The interaction of human rights and religion in Africa’s sexuality politics 人权与宗教在非洲性政治中的互动
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad031
Kapya Kaoma
This article examines varieties of human rights appropriation in the context of sexuality politics in Africa. Noting how contested the landscape of human rights has been in Africa, it demonstrates how the human rights of lesbians, gays, bisexual, trans, queer, and intersex persons or sexual and gender minorities (LGBTQI+) are excluded from protection as a result of what are described as three interconnected predispositions. These predispositions are postcolonial, cultural, and religious tendencies within many African countries which adopt “othering” narratives that justify, and even sacralize, discrimination or violence based on gender identity and sexual orientation. The article analyzes the rights-based arguments—the appropriation of human rights language—used by anti-gay advocates in Africa, which emphasize rights to religion, culture, and family and exclude or deny the rights of LGBTQI+ people. This presentation of a human rights corpus and discourse which excludes LGBTQI+ rights, and which circulates both within and outside Africa, relies on alliances with the US Christian Right, and with the Vatican and Islamic leaders, to oppose sexual rights, and is often deployed by African politicians to retain political power. The article concludes by exploring the concept of ubuntu as a potential alternative to or as an accompaniment to human rights language, as a way of vernacularizing and Africanizing LGBTQI+ rights.
本文考察了非洲性政治背景下的各种人权挪用行为。注意到非洲的人权状况一直存在争议,它表明女同性恋者、男同性恋者、双性恋者、跨性别者、酷儿和双性人或性少数群体和性别少数群体(LGBTQI+)的人权是如何因被描述为三种相互关联的倾向而被排除在保护之外的。这些倾向是许多非洲国家的后殖民、文化和宗教倾向,这些国家采用“另类”叙事,为基于性别认同和性取向的歧视或暴力辩护,甚至将其神圣化。文章分析了非洲反同性恋倡导者使用的基于权利的论点——对人权语言的挪用,这些论点强调宗教、文化和家庭权利,排斥或否认LGBTQI+人群的权利。这种排除LGBTQI+权利的人权主体和话语的呈现,在非洲内外传播,依赖于与美国基督教右翼、梵蒂冈和伊斯兰领导人的联盟来反对性权利,并且经常被非洲政客用来保留政治权力。文章最后探讨了ubuntu的概念,它是人权语言的潜在替代品或伴随物,是将LGBTQI+权利本土化和非洲化的一种方式。
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引用次数: 0
Gender identity in the era of mass incarceration: The cruel and unusual segregation of trans people in the United States 大规模监禁时代的性别认同:美国对跨性别者残酷而不寻常的隔离
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-05-21 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad046
Federica Coppola
The scarce legal recognition of the gender identity of trans people is a contributing factor to the phenomenon of mass incarceration in the United States. The disproportionately higher rates of incarceration of trans people—especially trans people of color—are driven by discrimination-based barriers to housing, employment, education, and trans-specific healthcare. The denial of trans identity in prison results in the ill-treatment of trans persons, including a heightened exposure to assault and violence. Concerningly, incarcerated trans people are commonly confronted with harsh conditions of confinement such as solitary confinement, which are generally enacted to (presumably) protect their own safety. Against this backdrop, this article advances Eighth Amendment-based arguments for (indirectly) affording a more consistent constitutional protection to gender self-determination in prison settings. First, the article argues that a more robust dignity-based interpretation of the Eighth Amendment regarding the conditions of confinement can lead to recognizing (self-determined) gender-affirming placement as a basic human need, the deprivation of which causes constitutionally relevant harm. The second argument relies upon penal theory to illustrate that the denial of gender self-determination in prison settings, with all the negative corollaries it implies, contradicts the fundamental pillars of each major justification for punishment. Thus, such a denial does not serve any constitutionally justified penological need.
法律对跨性别者性别认同的缺乏承认,是造成美国大规模监禁现象的一个因素。跨性别者——尤其是有色人种的跨性别者——被监禁的比例高得不成比例,这是由住房、就业、教育和针对跨性别者的医疗保健方面的歧视障碍造成的。在监狱中拒绝变性人的身份导致变性人受到虐待,包括更容易受到攻击和暴力。令人担忧的是,被监禁的跨性别者通常面临着严酷的监禁条件,比如单独监禁,这通常是为了(大概)保护他们自己的安全。在此背景下,本文提出了基于第八修正案的论点,即(间接地)为监狱环境中的性别自决提供更一致的宪法保护。首先,文章认为,对第八修正案关于禁闭条件的更强有力的基于尊严的解释可能导致承认(自我决定的)性别肯定安置是一种基本的人类需求,剥夺这种需求会造成与宪法相关的伤害。第二个论点依靠刑法理论来说明,在监狱环境中否认性别自决,以及它所暗示的所有负面必然结果,与每一个主要惩罚理由的基本支柱相矛盾。因此,这种拒绝不符合任何合乎宪法的刑罚需要。
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Icon-International Journal of Constitutional Law
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