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Salud postpandemia: influencia supranacional y coordinación regulatoria 大流行后卫生:超国家影响和监管协调
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-03-08 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moac116
Ximena Benavides Reverditto
The dominant position of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) as the most influential regulator in the world has been particularly salient during the COVID-19 pandemic, in the context of COVID-19 vaccines’ emergency use authorizations. In the context of adjustment toward a post-COVID-19 regulatory order of harmonization for medicines approval, this essay proposes a critical reflection about the justifications and political dynamics behind the FDA’s power and its impact in latinamerican countries’ regulatory systems, considering the already regulatory reliance on the FDA. In particular, this essay asks whether regulatory ‘agility’ and ‘coordination’ will benefit countries of the region in addressing the problems of scarcity and inequitable access to medicines that have become evident with the pandemic.
在新冠肺炎大流行期间,在新冠肺炎疫苗紧急使用授权的背景下,美国食品药品监督管理局(FDA)作为世界上最具影响力的监管机构的主导地位尤为突出。在调整新冠肺炎疫情后药品审批协调监管秩序的背景下,考虑到对FDA的监管依赖,本文提出了对FDA权力背后的理由和政治动态及其在拉丁美洲国家监管系统中的影响的批判性反思。这篇文章特别询问,监管的“灵活性”和“协调性”是否有利于该地区各国解决在疫情中变得明显的药品短缺和不公平获取问题。
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引用次数: 0
El Tribunal de Cuentas de la Unión brasilero: una institución muy peculiar 巴西联邦审计法院:一个非常特殊的机构
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moac118
E. Jordão, J. Palma
Created in 1890, the Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU) is today one of the most relevant institutions in the Brazilian State. This article explains how the TCU became this very particular institution, from its historical origins as a simple court of accounts to its efforts to differentiate itself from this model and gain other (many) powers, reshaping itself. In the end, we present a synthesis of the current debates on the institutional model of the TCU in Brazil.
巴西联邦法院(Tribunal de Contas da uni,简称TCU)成立于1890年,如今已成为巴西最重要的机构之一。本文解释了TCU是如何成为一个非常特殊的机构的,从它作为一个简单的会计法庭的历史起源,到它努力与这种模式区分开来,并获得其他(许多)权力,重塑自己。最后,我们综合了目前关于巴西TCU制度模式的争论。
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引用次数: 0
Repensando los préstamos constitucionales: un análisis crítico del uso de materiales foráneos desde la experiencia argentina 重新思考宪法贷款:来自阿根廷经验的外国材料使用的批判性分析
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moac081
Matías Toselli
On regular basis, courts borrow foreign legal materials when deciding constitutional issues. In many countries, including Argentina, this practice is rarely contested. Within this framework, this paper is focused on studying legal borrowings in order to systematize them and highlight their potential risks. Considering Argentine jurisprudence, the article proposes a classification of the uses of foreign legal sources based on two variables: their authoritative nature and their weight in the judge’s final decision. After presenting the categorization, the article claims that any type of legal borrowing will imply certain risks, which will tend to increase progressively depending on how they are related to the aforementioned variables. Thus, based on the study of the impact of foreign materials on judicial decisions, this paper explores whether it should be discouraged the borrowing of comparative law.
法院在裁决宪法问题时,经常借用外国法律材料。在包括阿根廷在内的许多国家,这种做法很少受到质疑。在这个框架下,本文重点研究合法借款,以期将其系统化,并突出其潜在风险。考虑到阿根廷的判例,本文根据两个变量对外国法律来源的使用进行了分类:其权威性和在法官最终裁决中的权重。在提出分类后,文章声称,任何类型的合法借款都会意味着某些风险,这些风险往往会随着它们与上述变量的关系而逐渐增加。因此,本文在研究外国材料对司法裁决的影响的基础上,探讨了是否应该阻止比较法的借鉴。
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引用次数: 0
Republicanismo y ciudadanía armada en la Constitución Nacional Argentina 阿根廷国家宪法中的共和主义和武装公民
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moac068
Gerardo Tripolone
In this work, we analyze the links between the theory of republicanism and armed citizenship in Argentinian debates in the nineteenth century. The theoretical and historical approach allows the interpretation of two articles of the National Constitution: Article 21, which establishes the obligation of all citizens “to bear arms in defense of the fatherland and of this Constitution”, and Article 22, which considers that “any armed force or meeting of persons assuming the rights of the people and petitioning in their name, commits the crime of sedition”. An analysis under the light of the republican conception of armed citizenship shows in these two clauses the paradox of popular sovereignty that, on the one hand, recognizes and maintains the constituent power in the people and, on the other hand, aims to restraints and subjects it by state authorities.
在这项工作中,我们分析了19世纪阿根廷辩论中共和主义理论与武装公民权之间的联系。理论和历史方法允许解释《国家宪法》的两条条款:第21条规定所有公民“为保卫祖国和本宪法而携带武器”的义务;第22条认为“任何武装部队或以人民名义请愿的人的集会都犯了煽动叛乱罪”。根据武装公民权的共和概念进行分析,在这两个条款中显示了人民主权的悖论,一方面承认和维护人民的制宪权力,另一方面又旨在通过国家当局对其进行限制和服从。
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引用次数: 0
Ching-Fang Hsu, Review of Kristina Simion, Rule of Law Intermediaries: Brokering Influence in Myanmar 徐清芳,《法治中介:在缅甸的中介影响》,评Kristina Simion
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad007
Ching-Fang Hsu
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引用次数: 0
Constituting the negative globality of fear 构成恐惧的消极全球性
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad008
G. Frankenberg
This Editorial Reflection traces the global proliferation of pandemic fears and follows them through psychological theories as well as legal measures of infection control. Pandemic fears are included in the controversial discussion on how laws and constitutions (should) protect freedom in a pandemic and how the fear of contagion and the insecurity triggered by infection protection measures reinforce each other and contribute to the negativity of a pandemic. In closing, the article presents different forms of fear denial such as conspiracy myths, stimulated by anti-COVID-19 regimes of law and politics.
这篇社论反思追踪了全球对大流行恐惧的扩散,并通过心理学理论和感染控制的法律措施来追踪它们。关于法律和宪法(应该)如何在大流行病中保护自由,以及对传染的恐惧和感染保护措施引发的不安全感如何相互加强,并助长大流行病的负面影响,有争议的讨论中包括了对大流行病的恐惧。最后,这篇文章提出了不同形式的恐惧否认,如受反新冠肺炎法律和政治制度刺激的阴谋神话。
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引用次数: 0
Taming the exception? Lessons from the routinization of states of emergency in France 驯服例外?法国紧急状态常规化的经验教训
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad006
Stéphanie Hennette Vauchez
This article examines a particular version of contemporary threats to the rule of law: the routinization of emergency powers. Although the global response to the pandemic since 2020 has certainly epitomized the sudden infatuation with states of emergency (SOEs), they have a longer history of becoming a new model of government that has come to saturate our contemporary political horizon, as every crisis (terrorism, pandemic, climate) seems to call for its own SOE. This article analyzes the unprecedented permanence of SOEs in contemporary paradigms of government. It first situates the contemporary practice of SOEs in the longer historical and theoretical frame of states of exception. It then reads the twentieth-century rise of the rule-of-law paradigm that is largely undergirded by an ambition to tame the exception as a challenge to this state of exception framework. Hence its failure to provide a relevant lens for analyzing contemporary SOEs. Through an in-depth study of recent French experiences of an SOE, this article shows that rather than derogate to or suspend the legal order, contemporary SOEs are intensely juridical and claim to be fully compatible with the rule of law. In that, they set a dangerous trap: as they borrow the forms and language of the rule of law, contemporary SOEs threaten to subvert the model’s meaning and sense from the inside.
本文考察了当代法治面临威胁的一个特殊版本:紧急权力的常规化。尽管自2020年以来全球对疫情的应对无疑是对紧急状态(SOE)突然迷恋的缩影,但它们成为一种新的政府模式的历史更悠久,这种模式已经渗透到我们当代的政治视野中,因为每一场危机(恐怖主义、流行病、气候)似乎都需要自己的国有企业。本文分析了国有企业在当代政府模式中前所未有的持久性。它首先将国有企业的当代实践置于例外状态这一更长的历史和理论框架中。然后,它解读了20世纪法治范式的兴起,这一范式在很大程度上是以驯服例外的雄心为基础的,作为对这种例外状态框架的挑战。因此,它未能为分析当代国有企业提供一个相关的视角。通过对法国最近国有企业经验的深入研究,本文表明,当代国有企业不是贬损或中止法律秩序,而是强烈地具有法律性,并声称完全符合法治。在这一点上,它们设置了一个危险的陷阱:当代国有企业在借用法治的形式和语言的同时,有可能从内部颠覆这种模式的意义和意义。
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引用次数: 0
Christoph Schönberger, Review of Michael Wilkinson, Authoritarian Liberalism and the Transformation of Modern Europe Christoph Schönberger,迈克尔·威尔金森评论,威权自由主义与现代欧洲的转型
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad009
C. Schönberger
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引用次数: 0
A double-edged sword: Constitutional dialogue confined 双刃剑:宪法对话受限
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-23 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moad004
Bell E Yosef
Dialogic judicial review is a dialectic interaction between supreme courts and legislatures regarding the constitutionality of legislation, in which each institution preserves its constitutional authority, and yet performs it while considering the other institution’s stance and its ability to respond. This interaction is based on reciprocity and upon the contribution of both institutions to the constitutional design and interpretation of legislation. This dialogic interaction has much value at the institutional and instrumental level. Unfortunately, constitutional dialogue sometimes has a negative influence on petitioners and similar groups, as their rights are being trampled under a dialogic veil. This article argues that constitutional dialogue can (and sometimes must) be restricted to avoid hindering human rights during the constitutional institutional interaction. It sketches a doctrine designed to prevent impairing human rights in the name of dialogic interaction, through three arguments: (i) the constitutional dialogue must be restricted, since reality shows that courts in many cases prefer legitimacy considerations over protecting human rights; (ii) in the case of under-represented groups, there is no reason to trust legislatures to take human rights into consideration while formulating a legislative response; and (iii) courts can restrict the dialogic interaction by declaring the constitutional purpose to be unconstitutional or by using judicial decisiveness which strives for full and coercive judicial constitutional review.
对话式司法审查是最高法院和立法机构之间关于立法合宪性的辩证互动,在这种互动中,每个机构都保留其宪法权威,但在执行时要考虑另一个机构的立场及其回应能力。这种互动建立在互惠的基础上,并建立在两个机构对宪法设计和立法解释的贡献之上。这种对话互动在制度和工具层面具有很大价值。不幸的是,宪法对话有时会对请愿者和类似群体产生负面影响,因为他们的权利被对话的面纱践踏。这篇文章认为,宪法对话可以(有时也必须)受到限制,以避免在宪法制度互动过程中阻碍人权。它通过三个论点概述了一种旨在防止以对话互动的名义损害人权的学说:(一)宪法对话必须受到限制,因为现实表明,法院在许多情况下更倾向于合法性考虑,而不是保护人权;(ii)在代表性不足的群体的情况下,没有理由相信立法机构在制定立法对策时会考虑人权;以及(iii)法院可以通过宣布宪法目的违宪或通过使用争取全面和强制性司法宪法审查的司法果断性来限制对话互动。
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引用次数: 1
El estado constitucional mexicano: una constelación de autonomías 墨西哥宪法国家:自治的星座
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1093/icon/moac111
P. Ugarte
This article describes the emergence, evolution, and current crisis of autonomous constitutional bodies in Mexico. To this end, it begins by portraying the context in which they emerged, emphasizing four fundamental elements that explain and situate them historically and politically. It then describes certain distinctive features of these bodies and how they represent a change in Mexican constitutional democracy. Finally, it refers to the ongoing challenge these autonomous constitutional bodies face due to the adversarial stance that the President of the Republic has adopted against them.
本文描述了墨西哥自治宪法机构的出现、演变和当前的危机。为此,它首先描绘了它们出现的背景,强调了四个基本要素,这些要素解释和定位了它们的历史和政治地位。然后,它描述了这些机构的某些独特特征,以及它们如何代表墨西哥宪政民主的变化。最后,它提到了由于共和国总统对这些自治宪法机构采取的敌对立场,这些机构面临的持续挑战。
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Icon-International Journal of Constitutional Law
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