Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153243
Luis Alfredo Garrido Soto
of ignorance. Indeed, that scholarship’s themes and sensibilities are evident throughout CWB. The book is not only comparative in mood but goes beyond comparison per se to frame a tableau in which nation-states help constitute, but do not themselves determine, the space of interaction. In design and theory, CWB thus defies the “methodological nationalism” that still hounds sociology and is among its most durable sources of disciplinary ignorance. To be sure, Harrington’s subject matter itself calls for such a de-centering. Still, by adopting (in practice, if not in name) the “flat ontology” touted by some geographers, Harrington puts nation-states, markets, families, and professions on the same analytical plane. This renders visible all manner of interaction among these social forms that might otherwise stay obscured by our tired “matryoshka doll” imaginary, in which nation-states are thought to “contain,” in nested sequence, these “smaller scale” actors. Harrington’s book is a spur to the imagination, prompting readers to wonder what other insights, in their own research, might also be rescued from disciplinary ignorance by following her lead. More concretely, CWB is a study of ignorance. Rather than treat states and professions as presumptive knowledge-producers, Harrington shows how wealth managers exploit, and embellish, structural affordances in the international state system to produce ignorance for clients’ benefit. She thus unmasks their ignorance-making as a dynamic social force that leaves vexing absences in its wake, notably, addled indifference where we might instead see opposition to a growing class of transnational arbitrageurs. Along the way, CWB beautifully braids three strains of ignorance scholarship. First and second, it demonstrates that ignorance can result both from the “strategic” efforts of elite actors (e.g. McGoey, 2012, 2019) and as an unintended product of complex social systems (e.g. Frickel, 2014; Suryanarayanan and Kleinman, 2016). Third, in tracking how wealth managers occlude the sources, size, and composition of clients’ riches, Harrington taps an older lineage (Simmel, 1906) that posits an inherent link between the money form, secrecy, and the corrosion of accountability. Students of political-economy, scholars of professions and expertise, and sociologists of law, especially those of a comparative bent, to name a few, will find much to inspire them, methodologically and thematically.
{"title":"Book review: La “vía chilena” al socialismo (1970–1973): un itinerario geohistórico de la Unidad Popular en el sistema-mundo","authors":"Luis Alfredo Garrido Soto","doi":"10.1177/00207152231153243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231153243","url":null,"abstract":"of ignorance. Indeed, that scholarship’s themes and sensibilities are evident throughout CWB. The book is not only comparative in mood but goes beyond comparison per se to frame a tableau in which nation-states help constitute, but do not themselves determine, the space of interaction. In design and theory, CWB thus defies the “methodological nationalism” that still hounds sociology and is among its most durable sources of disciplinary ignorance. To be sure, Harrington’s subject matter itself calls for such a de-centering. Still, by adopting (in practice, if not in name) the “flat ontology” touted by some geographers, Harrington puts nation-states, markets, families, and professions on the same analytical plane. This renders visible all manner of interaction among these social forms that might otherwise stay obscured by our tired “matryoshka doll” imaginary, in which nation-states are thought to “contain,” in nested sequence, these “smaller scale” actors. Harrington’s book is a spur to the imagination, prompting readers to wonder what other insights, in their own research, might also be rescued from disciplinary ignorance by following her lead. More concretely, CWB is a study of ignorance. Rather than treat states and professions as presumptive knowledge-producers, Harrington shows how wealth managers exploit, and embellish, structural affordances in the international state system to produce ignorance for clients’ benefit. She thus unmasks their ignorance-making as a dynamic social force that leaves vexing absences in its wake, notably, addled indifference where we might instead see opposition to a growing class of transnational arbitrageurs. Along the way, CWB beautifully braids three strains of ignorance scholarship. First and second, it demonstrates that ignorance can result both from the “strategic” efforts of elite actors (e.g. McGoey, 2012, 2019) and as an unintended product of complex social systems (e.g. Frickel, 2014; Suryanarayanan and Kleinman, 2016). Third, in tracking how wealth managers occlude the sources, size, and composition of clients’ riches, Harrington taps an older lineage (Simmel, 1906) that posits an inherent link between the money form, secrecy, and the corrosion of accountability. Students of political-economy, scholars of professions and expertise, and sociologists of law, especially those of a comparative bent, to name a few, will find much to inspire them, methodologically and thematically.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136361680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153238
R. Advani
fiscal policy. While the density of the policies, programs, and private-sector practices she addresses can be overwhelming at times, Marchiel adeptly sharpens our understandings of these highly consequential but often under-the-radar policy areas. In some instances, I would have welcomed more detailed descriptions of how this policy landscape impacted individual lives, as in KeeangaYamahtta Taylor’s Race for Profit. Nevertheless, After Redlining is an impressive and worthwhile debut from a scholar we will be hearing more from in the years ahead.
{"title":"Book review: Anticolonial Afterlives in Egypt: The Politics of Hegemony","authors":"R. Advani","doi":"10.1177/00207152231153238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231153238","url":null,"abstract":"fiscal policy. While the density of the policies, programs, and private-sector practices she addresses can be overwhelming at times, Marchiel adeptly sharpens our understandings of these highly consequential but often under-the-radar policy areas. In some instances, I would have welcomed more detailed descriptions of how this policy landscape impacted individual lives, as in KeeangaYamahtta Taylor’s Race for Profit. Nevertheless, After Redlining is an impressive and worthwhile debut from a scholar we will be hearing more from in the years ahead.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43639677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1177/00207152231153249
C. Leslie
{"title":"Book review: Capital Without Borders: Wealth Managers and the One Percent","authors":"C. Leslie","doi":"10.1177/00207152231153249","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231153249","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42793148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-11DOI: 10.1177/00207152221147493
Rujun Yang
Modernization accounts of cultural change hold that economic development drives liberalization of social values, including gender beliefs. Some comparative gender scholarship suggests that societal affluence is often accompanied by the growth of gender-essentialist beliefs, and that these beliefs coexist comfortably alongside gender-egalitarian values. The multidimensional conceptualization of gender ideology that is required to assess these competing claims has been applied so far mostly to Western societies. China is an obvious case for extending knowledge of these relationships, given its rapid economic growth and its recent history of state-imposed gender-egalitarian discourses. Applying latent class analysis to the Chinese General Social Survey (2010–2017), this study links different tenets of gender ideology in China to temporally and spatially specific histories and gendered interests. The results show that the relative importance of modernization and gender accounts depends on the generational, regional, and gendered identities being examined. Unlike in the West, moreover, egalitarian and essentialist beliefs do not always coincide in contemporary China. The friction between these beliefs reflects the resilience of male-primacy ideology.
{"title":"Mosaic of beliefs: Comparing gender ideology in China across generation, geography, and gender","authors":"Rujun Yang","doi":"10.1177/00207152221147493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221147493","url":null,"abstract":"Modernization accounts of cultural change hold that economic development drives liberalization of social values, including gender beliefs. Some comparative gender scholarship suggests that societal affluence is often accompanied by the growth of gender-essentialist beliefs, and that these beliefs coexist comfortably alongside gender-egalitarian values. The multidimensional conceptualization of gender ideology that is required to assess these competing claims has been applied so far mostly to Western societies. China is an obvious case for extending knowledge of these relationships, given its rapid economic growth and its recent history of state-imposed gender-egalitarian discourses. Applying latent class analysis to the Chinese General Social Survey (2010–2017), this study links different tenets of gender ideology in China to temporally and spatially specific histories and gendered interests. The results show that the relative importance of modernization and gender accounts depends on the generational, regional, and gendered identities being examined. Unlike in the West, moreover, egalitarian and essentialist beliefs do not always coincide in contemporary China. The friction between these beliefs reflects the resilience of male-primacy ideology.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49027635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-17DOI: 10.1177/00207152221144631
Gad Yair
Scientists often surmise that scientific thought is a universal faculty akin to Kant’s description of “pure reason.” The conventional view insists that science should censor the passions and bar the intrusion of emotional and subconscious motives into scientific work. This article challenges this truism by showing that the split between reason and emotions is rather culturally mediated. Using interviews with 125 Israeli scientists who had collaborated with German colleagues, the study allowed respondents to compare their scientific practices and intellectual styles with those of their German compatriots. The results suggest that in contrast to their sober and uber-rational German colleagues, Israeli scientists’ intellectual style can be described as fiery, enflamed, and passionate. Indeed, they often spoke of “love” and “desire” as central elements that drive innovation and creativity in scientific discovery. Their minds, they implied, function through emotional reason.
{"title":"Emotional reason: The Israeli scientific mind facing a German cultural mirror","authors":"Gad Yair","doi":"10.1177/00207152221144631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221144631","url":null,"abstract":"Scientists often surmise that scientific thought is a universal faculty akin to Kant’s description of “pure reason.” The conventional view insists that science should censor the passions and bar the intrusion of emotional and subconscious motives into scientific work. This article challenges this truism by showing that the split between reason and emotions is rather culturally mediated. Using interviews with 125 Israeli scientists who had collaborated with German colleagues, the study allowed respondents to compare their scientific practices and intellectual styles with those of their German compatriots. The results suggest that in contrast to their sober and uber-rational German colleagues, Israeli scientists’ intellectual style can be described as fiery, enflamed, and passionate. Indeed, they often spoke of “love” and “desire” as central elements that drive innovation and creativity in scientific discovery. Their minds, they implied, function through emotional reason.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48685451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.1177/00207152221140344
Eitan Alimi
In many Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, the army has traditionally been a central pillar of the authoritarian regimes, responsible for the security and integrity of the state and a symbol of national sovereignty and social unity. Nevertheless, the 2011 Arab revolts witnessed stark differences in the response of the armies. This article argues that a relational reading of the Structure of Political Opportunities and Threats, particularly when its dimension of the state’s capacity and propensity for repression is informed by a MENA-salient regime feature—army embeddedness—offers a compelling solution to the puzzle. An analysis of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan episodes of contention, based on a comparative method that combines mechanism-based process tracing and typological theorizing, demonstrates the theoretical payoffs of this sensitized dimension. Cross-case similarities underscore the value of thinking about the army as a full-fledge agent embedded within a web of relations with social and political forces. Specifically, findings reveal how army embeddedness shapes the respective operation and effect of the mechanisms “political opportunities” and “political threats,” and highlight the importance of differentiating between the state’s capacity and the state’s propensity for repression. Within-case variations highlight the historically specific development of such embeddedness and how it plays out distinctively in each case, forming different scenarios of high and low capacity and propensity for repression.
{"title":"Army embeddedness, political opportunities and threats, and the dynamics of contention: Understanding the varying role of the armed forces in the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan 2011 revolts","authors":"Eitan Alimi","doi":"10.1177/00207152221140344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221140344","url":null,"abstract":"In many Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, the army has traditionally been a central pillar of the authoritarian regimes, responsible for the security and integrity of the state and a symbol of national sovereignty and social unity. Nevertheless, the 2011 Arab revolts witnessed stark differences in the response of the armies. This article argues that a relational reading of the Structure of Political Opportunities and Threats, particularly when its dimension of the state’s capacity and propensity for repression is informed by a MENA-salient regime feature—army embeddedness—offers a compelling solution to the puzzle. An analysis of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Libyan episodes of contention, based on a comparative method that combines mechanism-based process tracing and typological theorizing, demonstrates the theoretical payoffs of this sensitized dimension. Cross-case similarities underscore the value of thinking about the army as a full-fledge agent embedded within a web of relations with social and political forces. Specifically, findings reveal how army embeddedness shapes the respective operation and effect of the mechanisms “political opportunities” and “political threats,” and highlight the importance of differentiating between the state’s capacity and the state’s propensity for repression. Within-case variations highlight the historically specific development of such embeddedness and how it plays out distinctively in each case, forming different scenarios of high and low capacity and propensity for repression.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43286113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-01Epub Date: 2022-06-18DOI: 10.1177/00207152221102837
Marcin Smietana, France Winddance Twine
How does race and location shape the reproductive decisions of gay men who are intended parents? In this article, we propose the concept of strategic racialization to characterize the ways in which gay male parents employ racial matching in their selection of egg donors and surrogates in the United States and United Kingdom. We argue that racial matching is a strategy of stigma management. This study draws upon interview data from 40 gay male couples who formed families through surrogacy. We find that pre-conception fathers seek racialized resemblance to reinforce kinship between themselves and their children. In California and England, gay men seeking donor eggs engage in racial matching, which reveals that the racialized biogenetic model of kinship remains dominant. This study makes a significant contribution to the literature on race and queer family formation.
{"title":"Queer decisions: Racial matching among gay male intended parents.","authors":"Marcin Smietana, France Winddance Twine","doi":"10.1177/00207152221102837","DOIUrl":"10.1177/00207152221102837","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>How does race and location shape the reproductive decisions of gay men who are intended parents? In this article, we propose the concept of <i>strategic racialization</i> to characterize the ways in which gay male parents employ racial matching in their selection of egg donors and surrogates in the United States and United Kingdom. We argue that racial matching is a strategy of stigma management. This study draws upon interview data from 40 gay male couples who formed families through surrogacy. We find that pre-conception fathers seek racialized resemblance to reinforce kinship between themselves and their children. In California and England, gay men seeking donor eggs engage in racial matching, which reveals that the racialized biogenetic model of kinship remains dominant. This study makes a significant contribution to the literature on race and queer family formation.</p>","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9483696/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"33479297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-19DOI: 10.1177/00207152221136042
V. Ustyuzhanin, Patrick S Sawyer, Andrey Korotayev
Previous studies have found a positive relationship between the youth and the educated with protest number, but the form that these protests take needs further research. We argue that students are a unique group, acting neither as an educated nor a young population, and three possible mechanisms push students toward non-violent rather than violent forms of protest. By promoting values of tolerance, higher levels of human capital, and social mobility, education serves as a factor that pacifies destructive tendencies in protest movements. At the same time, universities are a platform for cooperation, and the large amounts of free time and energy make the costs of participating in protests for students minimal compared with other groups. Using a negative binomial regression and a rare events logistic regression, we find that the proportion of students is a strong and consistently significant predictor of the number of nonviolent demonstrations. However, the share of students in the total population does not turn out to be significantly associated with violent protests/armed uprisings.
{"title":"Students and protests: A quantitative cross-national analysis","authors":"V. Ustyuzhanin, Patrick S Sawyer, Andrey Korotayev","doi":"10.1177/00207152221136042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221136042","url":null,"abstract":"Previous studies have found a positive relationship between the youth and the educated with protest number, but the form that these protests take needs further research. We argue that students are a unique group, acting neither as an educated nor a young population, and three possible mechanisms push students toward non-violent rather than violent forms of protest. By promoting values of tolerance, higher levels of human capital, and social mobility, education serves as a factor that pacifies destructive tendencies in protest movements. At the same time, universities are a platform for cooperation, and the large amounts of free time and energy make the costs of participating in protests for students minimal compared with other groups. Using a negative binomial regression and a rare events logistic regression, we find that the proportion of students is a strong and consistently significant predictor of the number of nonviolent demonstrations. However, the share of students in the total population does not turn out to be significantly associated with violent protests/armed uprisings.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47421682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1177/00207152221133059
Dana M. Williams
This article tests the general explanatory power of political opportunity theory for cross-national variations in protest throughout the world, and considers how opportunities influence individual-level characteristics crucial for coalition-formation and campaigns. This study constructs a multilevel model of protest potential, using survey data from individuals across 43 countries, drawn from the fifth and sixth waves of the World Values Survey, combined with political, economic, and cultural factors measured for each country. While many individual factors predicted individuals’ protest potential, a mixture of country-level factors—including select political opportunities—are of general importance. Country-level regime durability and empowerment rights moderated the effect of organization membership, social trust, and political ideology on protest, demonstrating how political opportunity interacts to enhance the impact of individual characteristics relevant to coalition-building and campaigns.
{"title":"How do political opportunities impact protest potential? A multilevel cross-national assessment","authors":"Dana M. Williams","doi":"10.1177/00207152221133059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221133059","url":null,"abstract":"This article tests the general explanatory power of political opportunity theory for cross-national variations in protest throughout the world, and considers how opportunities influence individual-level characteristics crucial for coalition-formation and campaigns. This study constructs a multilevel model of protest potential, using survey data from individuals across 43 countries, drawn from the fifth and sixth waves of the World Values Survey, combined with political, economic, and cultural factors measured for each country. While many individual factors predicted individuals’ protest potential, a mixture of country-level factors—including select political opportunities—are of general importance. Country-level regime durability and empowerment rights moderated the effect of organization membership, social trust, and political ideology on protest, demonstrating how political opportunity interacts to enhance the impact of individual characteristics relevant to coalition-building and campaigns.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49359497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-25DOI: 10.1177/00207152221133058
Matthew Soener
Has global financial integration allowed firms in the so-called “Global South” to profit from financial activity? Financialization researchers have either neglected these countries and the international economic order in general or neglected firm-level dynamics, a broad sample of emerging markets, and a theoretical and historical explanation for this trend. I attempt to fill these gaps using data on all non-financial corporations across 31 emerging market economies to answer this question. To theorize and explain the recent historical origins of this process in a more sociological and global lens, I draw on the work of Giovanni Arrighi. My results show that financial inflows, but not outflows, increase financial accumulation in Global South firms—specifically short-term investments and cross-border lending. Moreover, nearly all financial income is generated by the largest firms. These results help explain how financial power undermines development in the Global South yet simultaneously empowers local economic elites who benefit from financial integration.
{"title":"Financialization goes South: Foreign capital flows and financial accumulation in emerging markets","authors":"Matthew Soener","doi":"10.1177/00207152221133058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152221133058","url":null,"abstract":"Has global financial integration allowed firms in the so-called “Global South” to profit from financial activity? Financialization researchers have either neglected these countries and the international economic order in general or neglected firm-level dynamics, a broad sample of emerging markets, and a theoretical and historical explanation for this trend. I attempt to fill these gaps using data on all non-financial corporations across 31 emerging market economies to answer this question. To theorize and explain the recent historical origins of this process in a more sociological and global lens, I draw on the work of Giovanni Arrighi. My results show that financial inflows, but not outflows, increase financial accumulation in Global South firms—specifically short-term investments and cross-border lending. Moreover, nearly all financial income is generated by the largest firms. These results help explain how financial power undermines development in the Global South yet simultaneously empowers local economic elites who benefit from financial integration.","PeriodicalId":51601,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Comparative Sociology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44002840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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