Pub Date : 2023-12-27DOI: 10.1177/00220094231220956
M. Roman
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Soviet activists in the USSR and members of the Black Panther Party in the United States emphasized the need to document the truth of domestic human rights abuses not in the land of the Cold War adversary but in their own. In the process, they contested the dominant misrepresentations of Soviet citizens and African Americans that obscured those routine human rights abuses. Members of both groups conceived of documenting this truth as essential to ultimately eliminating these domestic forms of state-sanctioned violence. They also spoke of the act of speaking the truth in word and deed as facilitating their own liberation from what they similarly identified as a devastating Soviet and American spiritual death in countries that were officially represented in the Cold War universe as the moral antithesis. The ‘woke’ or liberated individual was no longer a subservient, mask-wearing ‘Homo Sovieticus’ or ‘Negro’ who mouthed the lies of unbounded Soviet democracy and American freedom, but a genuine citizen and full human being who demanded respect for their human rights.
{"title":"Documenting Cold War Truth: Human Rights Abuses and Spiritual Death in the USSR and the US","authors":"M. Roman","doi":"10.1177/00220094231220956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231220956","url":null,"abstract":"In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Soviet activists in the USSR and members of the Black Panther Party in the United States emphasized the need to document the truth of domestic human rights abuses not in the land of the Cold War adversary but in their own. In the process, they contested the dominant misrepresentations of Soviet citizens and African Americans that obscured those routine human rights abuses. Members of both groups conceived of documenting this truth as essential to ultimately eliminating these domestic forms of state-sanctioned violence. They also spoke of the act of speaking the truth in word and deed as facilitating their own liberation from what they similarly identified as a devastating Soviet and American spiritual death in countries that were officially represented in the Cold War universe as the moral antithesis. The ‘woke’ or liberated individual was no longer a subservient, mask-wearing ‘Homo Sovieticus’ or ‘Negro’ who mouthed the lies of unbounded Soviet democracy and American freedom, but a genuine citizen and full human being who demanded respect for their human rights.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"92 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139154344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-25DOI: 10.1177/00220094231219273
Daniel Kupfert Heller
This study interrogates the historical methodology that underpins research undertaken by historians writing about mental health in the postwar world. I question their near-exclusive reliance on medical elites’ studies, correspondence and reports, and call instead for a closer analysis of the experiences of front-line workers, including social workers and nurses, to better understand the social, political, cultural, economic and gender dynamics that shape the diagnosis and treatment of civilian wartime trauma. Drawing upon the case reports and correspondence of a psychiatric social worker who counselled Holocaust survivors in a Displaced Persons camp in the American Zone of Allied-occupied Germany, I use this article as an opportunity to rethink how we write about the history of trauma and mental health.
{"title":"Mental Health in the Shadow of the Holocaust: Psychological Interventions in Jewish Displaced Persons Camps","authors":"Daniel Kupfert Heller","doi":"10.1177/00220094231219273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231219273","url":null,"abstract":"This study interrogates the historical methodology that underpins research undertaken by historians writing about mental health in the postwar world. I question their near-exclusive reliance on medical elites’ studies, correspondence and reports, and call instead for a closer analysis of the experiences of front-line workers, including social workers and nurses, to better understand the social, political, cultural, economic and gender dynamics that shape the diagnosis and treatment of civilian wartime trauma. Drawing upon the case reports and correspondence of a psychiatric social worker who counselled Holocaust survivors in a Displaced Persons camp in the American Zone of Allied-occupied Germany, I use this article as an opportunity to rethink how we write about the history of trauma and mental health.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139159722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-06DOI: 10.1177/00220094231218572
Clare Copley, Nick Carter
{"title":"The Difficult Heritage of Dictatorship in Europe","authors":"Clare Copley, Nick Carter","doi":"10.1177/00220094231218572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231218572","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"2 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138595723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-28DOI: 10.1177/00220094231210717
Johanna Lehr
The dépôt of the Police Prefecture of Paris, in the heart of the city, was one of the most important places of anti-Jewish repression in France during the Occupation. It was the hub for the deportation of almost a third of the 38,500 deportees domiciled in Paris who were not arrested by the French police during the round-ups, but even more Jews passed through the dépôt without eventually being deported. These arrests were mostly based on the justification of offences committed by Jews against French laws and German orders. From mid-1942, the dépôt gradually evolved from a platform for sorting those arrested with a view to bringing them before a French judge to the main concentration and transfer point for Jews arrested individually to the Drancy internment camp. Yet, despite its importance, the dépôt remains completely unknown. The aim of this article is to present the central role played by the dépôt in the daily anti-Jewish repression that sealed French collaboration with Nazi genocidal policies until the Liberation.
{"title":"The dépôt of the Police Prefecture of Paris During the Occupation: French Collaboration in the Nazi Genocidal Policy","authors":"Johanna Lehr","doi":"10.1177/00220094231210717","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231210717","url":null,"abstract":"The dépôt of the Police Prefecture of Paris, in the heart of the city, was one of the most important places of anti-Jewish repression in France during the Occupation. It was the hub for the deportation of almost a third of the 38,500 deportees domiciled in Paris who were not arrested by the French police during the round-ups, but even more Jews passed through the dépôt without eventually being deported. These arrests were mostly based on the justification of offences committed by Jews against French laws and German orders. From mid-1942, the dépôt gradually evolved from a platform for sorting those arrested with a view to bringing them before a French judge to the main concentration and transfer point for Jews arrested individually to the Drancy internment camp. Yet, despite its importance, the dépôt remains completely unknown. The aim of this article is to present the central role played by the dépôt in the daily anti-Jewish repression that sealed French collaboration with Nazi genocidal policies until the Liberation.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"80 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139222283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1177/00220094231209246
Daniel Siemens
This article analyses the British perspectives on the Luxembourg Reparations Agreement between Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany from 1952. Short-term economic interests were of central importance when it came to assessing the consequences of this deal for the United Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government welcomed West German reparations as a means of securing Israel's ability to pay for oil supplied by British companies, but at the same time saw them as a threat to its economic and political interests in the Middle East. British diplomats underestimated the long-term political value of the Luxembourg Agreement precisely because they read it verbatim. They recognized the reservations on both sides but did not expect that working relations between Israel and the Federal Republic would improve rapidly after the Agreement was ratified, limiting in turn the UK's political and economic room for manoeuvre in the region. By examining a hitherto little-noticed chapter of British foreign policy in the postwar years, the article foregrounds the commercial aspects of diplomacy in the early 1950s and contributes to a better understanding of international relations in the Cold War.
{"title":"Reparations and Oil in the Cold War: British Perspectives on the Luxembourg Agreement of 1952","authors":"Daniel Siemens","doi":"10.1177/00220094231209246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231209246","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the British perspectives on the Luxembourg Reparations Agreement between Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany from 1952. Short-term economic interests were of central importance when it came to assessing the consequences of this deal for the United Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government welcomed West German reparations as a means of securing Israel's ability to pay for oil supplied by British companies, but at the same time saw them as a threat to its economic and political interests in the Middle East. British diplomats underestimated the long-term political value of the Luxembourg Agreement precisely because they read it verbatim. They recognized the reservations on both sides but did not expect that working relations between Israel and the Federal Republic would improve rapidly after the Agreement was ratified, limiting in turn the UK's political and economic room for manoeuvre in the region. By examining a hitherto little-noticed chapter of British foreign policy in the postwar years, the article foregrounds the commercial aspects of diplomacy in the early 1950s and contributes to a better understanding of international relations in the Cold War.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"130 24","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136352117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-13DOI: 10.1177/00220094231210783
Gruia Bădescu
Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, various governments supported the creation of memorial museums of political violence during state socialism. While much scholarly attention has been given to Hungary’s House of Terror and the Baltic museums of occupations, this article examines the contrasting situation in Southeastern Europe, where state actors were generally absent and which witnessed relatively belated and overwhelmingly bottom-up processes. The article analyses the particularity of political prisons as ‘difficult heritage’. It scrutinizes the commonalities and entanglements between the memorialization of political prisons in three Southeastern European countries marked by distinctive trajectories both during and after communism: Albania (Spaç), Romania (Sighet and Piteşti), and Croatia (Goli Otok). The article shows how in the absence of state-level policies to address transitional justice, activism surrounding difficult heritage memorialization has aimed to fill the gap. It also argues that the relationship between site memorialization in Southeastern Europe and the wider European models is doubly constitutive: first, the memorialization of Sighet in 1990s Romania borrowed approaches from Western European Holocaust memorialization, then shaped a European wide set of best practices; second, a wave of new memorial initiatives after 2010 in Southeastern Europe was connected to the Europeanization of memory and transnational engagements.
{"title":"Difficult Heritage in Southeastern Europe: Local and Transnational Entanglements in Memorializing Political Prisons after Socialism","authors":"Gruia Bădescu","doi":"10.1177/00220094231210783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231210783","url":null,"abstract":"Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, various governments supported the creation of memorial museums of political violence during state socialism. While much scholarly attention has been given to Hungary’s House of Terror and the Baltic museums of occupations, this article examines the contrasting situation in Southeastern Europe, where state actors were generally absent and which witnessed relatively belated and overwhelmingly bottom-up processes. The article analyses the particularity of political prisons as ‘difficult heritage’. It scrutinizes the commonalities and entanglements between the memorialization of political prisons in three Southeastern European countries marked by distinctive trajectories both during and after communism: Albania (Spaç), Romania (Sighet and Piteşti), and Croatia (Goli Otok). The article shows how in the absence of state-level policies to address transitional justice, activism surrounding difficult heritage memorialization has aimed to fill the gap. It also argues that the relationship between site memorialization in Southeastern Europe and the wider European models is doubly constitutive: first, the memorialization of Sighet in 1990s Romania borrowed approaches from Western European Holocaust memorialization, then shaped a European wide set of best practices; second, a wave of new memorial initiatives after 2010 in Southeastern Europe was connected to the Europeanization of memory and transnational engagements.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"30 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136282196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-31DOI: 10.1177/00220094231209191
Iris Borowy
Increasing production and wealth in industrialized countries led to an increase in waste production, part of which was clearly harmful to human and non-human health. Out of several intergovernmental organizations that addressed related questions, the NATO Commission on Challenges of Modern Society (CCMS) was the first to organize a specific project dedicated to the topic. Between 1973 and 1981, delegates from nine NATO countries studies aspects ranging from the organization and recommended procedures of waste management to landfills, transportation, various ways of disposal and chromium recycling. Thereby, the CCMS got to set the agenda for problematic wastes, effectively establishing ‘hazardous waste’ as a recognized category. It also framed the challenge as one of ‘disposal,’ discouraging systemic socio-economic reviews. Overall, this framing drew attention to the potential dangers of some forms of waste to human health and to the environment and the need for special protective measures, while normalizing and potentially diverting attention away from other forms of waste. At the same time, CCMS activities provided an important push towards international guidelines and regulations of hazardous waste management and trade.
{"title":"How NATO Influenced International Governance in Hazardous Waste","authors":"Iris Borowy","doi":"10.1177/00220094231209191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231209191","url":null,"abstract":"Increasing production and wealth in industrialized countries led to an increase in waste production, part of which was clearly harmful to human and non-human health. Out of several intergovernmental organizations that addressed related questions, the NATO Commission on Challenges of Modern Society (CCMS) was the first to organize a specific project dedicated to the topic. Between 1973 and 1981, delegates from nine NATO countries studies aspects ranging from the organization and recommended procedures of waste management to landfills, transportation, various ways of disposal and chromium recycling. Thereby, the CCMS got to set the agenda for problematic wastes, effectively establishing ‘hazardous waste’ as a recognized category. It also framed the challenge as one of ‘disposal,’ discouraging systemic socio-economic reviews. Overall, this framing drew attention to the potential dangers of some forms of waste to human health and to the environment and the need for special protective measures, while normalizing and potentially diverting attention away from other forms of waste. At the same time, CCMS activities provided an important push towards international guidelines and regulations of hazardous waste management and trade.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"43 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135929265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1177/00220094231209239
Shalala Mammadova
The data collected during the author's ‘History of Azerbaijan’ class at Baku State University in 2014 showed that both the young and old generations felt great sympathy for the Soviet polity. Social life after Stalin was seen as a period of political stability and social prosperity. However, the official party and government documentation as well as individual memory reject this understanding. This article examines the collective and individual memory of Azerbaijani society in the post-Stalin period to understand why the social grievances and dissatisfaction of the time are discounted by modern-day Azerbaijanis, who see the time as one of social prosperity. The research is based on various primary sources from the Azerbaijan and Russian Federation archives. Data from surveys of 796 respondents, as well as ten interviews, were involved in the research. Mixed methods, a combination of descriptive qualitative and quantitative methods, were used for this research.
{"title":"Remembering Lived Past: History and Memory in Post-Stalin Azerbaijan","authors":"Shalala Mammadova","doi":"10.1177/00220094231209239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231209239","url":null,"abstract":"The data collected during the author's ‘History of Azerbaijan’ class at Baku State University in 2014 showed that both the young and old generations felt great sympathy for the Soviet polity. Social life after Stalin was seen as a period of political stability and social prosperity. However, the official party and government documentation as well as individual memory reject this understanding. This article examines the collective and individual memory of Azerbaijani society in the post-Stalin period to understand why the social grievances and dissatisfaction of the time are discounted by modern-day Azerbaijanis, who see the time as one of social prosperity. The research is based on various primary sources from the Azerbaijan and Russian Federation archives. Data from surveys of 796 respondents, as well as ten interviews, were involved in the research. Mixed methods, a combination of descriptive qualitative and quantitative methods, were used for this research.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"176 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136069677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-29DOI: 10.1177/00220094231209223
Aleksandar Ignjatović, Danica Milan Stojiljković
This article examines relationships between architecture and ideology in socialist Yugoslavia by exploring the cultural interpretation and appropriation of the Balkan house in achieving modern, specifically Yugoslav architectural expression. Through the contextualization of the period's different narratives on the Ottoman vernacular and various architectural designs related to it, the aim is to demonstrate how Yugoslav architects relied on Marxism to appropriate vernacular architecture into the modernist discourses. Dialectical materialism was used as a key for the interpretation of the opposition between what was seen as the negative and positive elements of the Balkan house, which challenged banal polarization between the traditional and modern and led to a more nuanced understanding of backwardness and progress in vernacular architecture. The idea of architectural metamorphoses of vernacular to modern forms was justified by evolution and revolution, the basic concepts of the Marxist understanding of processes in society and culture. The Yugoslav interest in the Balkan house represented a living, perceivable example of how the relationships between tradition and modernity, the past and the present, as well as men and their environment, became incorporated into new architecture of ‘socialism with a humane face’, which stood at the heart of Yugoslav social and political experiment.
{"title":"Practising Dialectical Materialism: The Balkan House and Architecture in Socialist Yugoslavia","authors":"Aleksandar Ignjatović, Danica Milan Stojiljković","doi":"10.1177/00220094231209223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231209223","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines relationships between architecture and ideology in socialist Yugoslavia by exploring the cultural interpretation and appropriation of the Balkan house in achieving modern, specifically Yugoslav architectural expression. Through the contextualization of the period's different narratives on the Ottoman vernacular and various architectural designs related to it, the aim is to demonstrate how Yugoslav architects relied on Marxism to appropriate vernacular architecture into the modernist discourses. Dialectical materialism was used as a key for the interpretation of the opposition between what was seen as the negative and positive elements of the Balkan house, which challenged banal polarization between the traditional and modern and led to a more nuanced understanding of backwardness and progress in vernacular architecture. The idea of architectural metamorphoses of vernacular to modern forms was justified by evolution and revolution, the basic concepts of the Marxist understanding of processes in society and culture. The Yugoslav interest in the Balkan house represented a living, perceivable example of how the relationships between tradition and modernity, the past and the present, as well as men and their environment, became incorporated into new architecture of ‘socialism with a humane face’, which stood at the heart of Yugoslav social and political experiment.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136136350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1177/00220094231209186
Tomasz Korban
During the Second World War, the Axis states looted a great deal of gold in various forms, both from individuals and countries. Following that war, the western allies established the Tripartite Gold Commission (TGC) to organize the restitution of monetary gold that had belonged to central banks in occupied Europe. One of the claimant countries was Yugoslavia. Drawing upon hitherto unused TGC records, the article examines the looting of Yugoslav monetary gold and its restitution via the TGC, which is a little-known episode in postwar history. Of the four Yugoslav claims submitted to the TGC in 1947, the majority were recognized as valid, yet the final adjudication was not published until 1958. The reasons for this protracted process of restitution and for the rejection of some of the Yugoslav claims are set out and note is made of the issue's recrudescence in the 1990s, when the TGC sought to distribute the final Yugoslav share. The break-up of Yugoslavia made this concluding allocation of gold a demanding task, and it did not end until 2004. By comparing it with other claimant countries, the article demonstrates that in some ways Yugoslavia was in a better position than the states behind the Iron Curtain.
{"title":"Yugoslavia and the Restitution of Monetary Gold After the Second World War","authors":"Tomasz Korban","doi":"10.1177/00220094231209186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00220094231209186","url":null,"abstract":"During the Second World War, the Axis states looted a great deal of gold in various forms, both from individuals and countries. Following that war, the western allies established the Tripartite Gold Commission (TGC) to organize the restitution of monetary gold that had belonged to central banks in occupied Europe. One of the claimant countries was Yugoslavia. Drawing upon hitherto unused TGC records, the article examines the looting of Yugoslav monetary gold and its restitution via the TGC, which is a little-known episode in postwar history. Of the four Yugoslav claims submitted to the TGC in 1947, the majority were recognized as valid, yet the final adjudication was not published until 1958. The reasons for this protracted process of restitution and for the rejection of some of the Yugoslav claims are set out and note is made of the issue's recrudescence in the 1990s, when the TGC sought to distribute the final Yugoslav share. The break-up of Yugoslavia made this concluding allocation of gold a demanding task, and it did not end until 2004. By comparing it with other claimant countries, the article demonstrates that in some ways Yugoslavia was in a better position than the states behind the Iron Curtain.","PeriodicalId":51640,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary History","volume":"5 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135322835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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