Canadian Review of Sociology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie最新文献

In Canada, a majority of federal constituency offices deal primarily with immigration files. The few qualitative studies on the subject show that the resources dedicated to these files and the type of work carried out on the immigration files handled vary between offices, thus contributing to disparities in service between federal electoral districts. How can such variation be explained? Based on the quantitative analysis of unpublished administrative data, this article first highlights the diversity of files handled by constituency offices, as well as the types of intervention carried out by constituency assistants. It then aims to explain the variations in case processing according to the type of case and the volume of requests handled. Studies of constituentsʼ files received and processed at constituency office level have argued that the political ideology, gender and ethnicity of the deputy as well as the demographics of the constituency are explanatory factors. This analysis shows that in the case of immigration files, constituency demography is the most important factor, while the MP's political affiliation plays a very limited role. These results shed new light on the factors involved in the processing of immigration cases at constituency level, and add nuance to previous, mainly qualitative analyses. Our results also contribute to understanding the work of constituency offices for constituents, which appears to be far less partisan than in other countries where similar offices exist.

This article connects Viviana Zelizer's theory of the social meaning of money to family studies, using the case of American parents’ spending on children. We investigate how money spent on the youngest children—babies and toddlers—reflects the growing expert emphasis on the importance of parental investment in the critical early period for child development. First, we review literature on expert knowledge to trace the shift in increasing emphasis on the importance of building children's cognitive skills through formal education beginning in infancy, offered in center-based care, moving from spaces of “childcare” to “early childhood education” centers. Second, we use quantitative data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey (1995–2017) to show that parents have increasingly spent money, and an increasing share of their income, on center-based care for babies and toddlers but not on other child items. Additionally, lower income families have been spending a greater share of their income on center-based care for their infants than other families. We interpret our findings using Zelizer's theory about the cultural influences on the meaning of money, showing how these can be expert-led and persist even when families are faced with structural economic constraints.

What further evidence is needed to effectively address the unsatisfactory schooling experiences and educational trajectory of Black youth to help shape their path toward more successful social outcomes? I return to this persistent question in my research to reflect on how I have used sociological research in prior observations, and to build on earlier studies. I show how following research participants over a period of time, and with attention to how they relate to and are nested in community, family and peers, has enabled me to more effectively document their experiences, imaginations, and ambitions from adolescence to adulthood. I contend that longitudinal studies, framed by a community referenced approach, best ensure that we attend to the complex, diverse, and transitional lives of Black youth, and the social, cultural, educational, economic, and political contexts they navigate. At this time of equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) initiatives, sociology could help to advance education about, and initiate action for, Black people so that the equity promised by Canadian multiculturalism might be realized.

Despite excelling at recruiting Black players, studies have repeatedly produced evidence of racial discrimination in the National Basketball Association (NBA). Through this study, we re-examine the topic of racial discrimination within the NBA through an analysis of the Association's annual entry draft. Using a novel dataset, we statistically model the relationship between player race and draft pick number using pooled data from 1980 to 2021. Overall, we find only limited evidence of racial discrimination. These findings are generally robust to sub-sample analyses, alternative specifications of our race variable, and alternate statistical modeling techniques. However, analyses performed on sub-samples of draft picks that participated in the NBA combine—and for whom we have measurements of player athleticism—produce some evidence of racial discrimination. Through such models we estimate that Black players are picked roughly three picks later in the draft. We consider the implications of these findings for contemporary theorizing about racial discrimination in the NBA and more mainstream labor markets.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) persons tend to be geographically concentrated in larger metropolitan areas and research persistently observes LGB persons as a disadvantaged population for mental health outcomes when compared to their heterosexual counterparts. Conflicting evidence suggests that mental health risk exposures are greater for LGB people in rural spaces while other research posits that urban residency is more detrimental for LGB mental health. One positively contributing factor to the mental well-being of LGB persons is their partnership status. To date, no study estimates how partnership may ameliorate unfavourable mental health outcomes for LGB populations in urban and rural areas. Using 10 years of pooled data from the nationally representative Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS), this study examines mental health and the intersection of sexuality, geographic residency, and partnership. Logistic regression models estimate the intersections of sexuality, geography, and partnership status on mental health, stratified by respondents’ gender. Findings show partnered gay men in rural areas experiencing better mental health than their partnered heterosexual counterparts in the largest urban cities. Although not significant, the same pattern is observed for partnered lesbian women who do not experience a significant mental health disadvantage at any geographic level. Regardless of partnership and geographic space, bisexual men, and especially bisexual women, exhibit worse mental health outcomes compared to their heterosexual counterparts.

Indigenous communities in Canada continue to feel the ongoing impacts of colonialism, including socio-economic disadvantage, high rates of violent victimization, systemic racism and discrimination, overrepresentation in the criminal justice system, and intergenerational trauma. Based on in-depth interviews with 10 gang-involved Indigenous young adults, using attachment theory as a guiding framework, we explore how colonialism continues to negatively impact the attachment these young people have to their families, communities, and social institutions, and leads to their gang involvement which perpetuates violence and trauma. Yet, they exhibit hope for a better future. Drawing on participant experiences we suggest key points at which provision of supports and resources can assist with increasing attachments and facilitating gang desistance. We share these insights while acknowledging the continued structural, embedded violence many Indigenous youth experience today that necessitates a commitment to decolonization at all levels of Canadian society.

This paper provides a longitudinal social network and content analysis of Canadian think tanks affiliated with the Atlas network, analyzing their efforts to obstruct climate action over the last two decades. Network analysis reveals extensive and deepening board interlocks and joint memberships between these think tanks and the fossil fuel industry, other policy-planning organizations within and beyond Canada, and academic institutions. Consistent with and rooted in network ties, Atlas members produce a large and growing volume of climate-related content, including content that denies the reality and impacts of climate change, promotes and defends the fossil fuel sector, and opposes climate policy and action. Atlas affiliates are argued to be at the core of a reactionary segment of Canada's elite policy-planning network opposed to virtually all forms of climate action, while the frames and campaigns they deploy are seen as a force obstructing progress on climate change.

This study sought to explore the uses meanings and negotiation that female heads of household from low-income areas gave to the transferred money in the COVID health emergency period. Our specific interest is in the withdrawal of 10% of pension funds and the Emergency Family Income (IFE) due to the monetary relevance of both programs. Based on a 10th-month follow-up of 14 female heads of household from low-income areas of Santiago, Chile, this qualitative study examines how the participating women “mark,” in Zelizer's sense, the money they received. Thus, we seek to account for how, based on the source of money, its forms of access and the amounts received, women determine how to use it and assign meaning to its value.

Historically, a scarcity of comprehensive longitudinal microdata has affected comparative research on the interplay between self-identified race, immigrant status, and educational attainment. Thus, this study utilizes ethnic capital theory and harmonized data from Toronto, Canada, and Sydney, Australia, to scrutinize the success of ethnolinguistically diverse immigrants in accessing university education. While students from certain East Asian countries enter universities at higher rates in both cities, dissecting the intricacies of ethnic capital's operation proves challenging. Notably, first- and second-generation migrants who speak Chinese, Japanese, or Korean outdo their peers in university admissions by a larger margin in Toronto than in Sydney. However, the shortcomings of the administrative data in Toronto and the survey data in Sydney limit how we can interpret this finding. We postulate expanding existing data collections to enable insightful research on how the educational trajectories of Canadian students compare to those elsewhere with respect to immigration experiences, race, and ethnicity.