Canadian Review of Sociology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie最新文献

I narrate a historical sociology of extension work undertaken at Queen's University, McMaster University, and the University of Toronto from the late 1800s through the early 1960s. University administrators positioned extension work as dedicated to the democratization of higher education. However, a critical analysis of archival data reveals that the rise and fall of extension reflected these universities’ material interests and organizational goals relating to public relations, government relations, and enrollment growth. Further, extension programs at these universities were primarily oriented to providing alternative credential pathways to those seeking professional status as schoolteachers, accountants, bankers, and business managers. Indeed, extension leaders demonstrated substantial agency in the professionalization of these fields. Contributing to the historical sociology of higher education and the professions, I argue that the extension era in Ontario resulted in partial democratization of higher education whilst helping to construct mechanisms of social closure rooted in credentialism and professionalization.

We use correspondence analysis to look at the changing nature of political debates in the Canadian House of Commons concerning immigration over a five-decade period. Using data drawn from the Linked Parliamentary Data (LiPaD) project we assess the way in which immigration policy and issues are discussed by different political parties from September of 1968 to June of 2019. We look at debates in five of the longest Prime Ministers’ mandates. In doing so, we trace changes in both emphasis and rhetoric by political party. We find that party political views on immigration became more polarized with the breakup of the Progressive Conservative party in the early 1990s. Liberal party views moved toward to the left of the spectrum while the Reform/Alliance/Conservative Party of Canada parties moved toward the right and became increasingly entrenched until 2015. After that, the Conservatives and the Liberals moved closer to the centre. The New Democratic Party was the most consistent in its views over time, focusing on issues of humanitarianism as well as broad policy issues.

Physical activity improves health and well-being, but not everyone can be equally active. Previous research has suggested that racial minorities are less active than their white counterparts and immigrants are less active than their native-born counterparts. In this article, we adopt an intersectional and life course approach to consider how race and immigrant status may intersect to affect physical activity across the life span. This new approach also allows us to test the long-standing habitual versus structural debate in physical activity. Analysing data from two recent cycles of the Canadian Community Health Survey (CCHS, 2015–2016 & 2017–2018), we find that physical activity is only lower among immigrants who are also racial minorities and that the gap is most significant during adulthood, but rather insignificant during adolescence and late life. The findings that inequality in physical activity is more apparent among the most disadvantaged racialised immigrants and among working-age adults when structural influences are greater suggest that inequality in physical activity is rooted in structural inequalities, rather than habitual differences. Finally, we demonstrate that the widely observed ‘healthy (racialised) immigrant effect’ can be underestimated if inequality in physical activity is not considered.

Employee monitoring apps (i.e., 'bossware') have become increasingly affordable and accessible on the open market. Apps such as Interguard and Teramind provide companies with a powerful degree of surveillance about workers, including keystroke logging, location and browser monitoring, and even webcam usage. However, as homes have become offices, and laptops and smartphones are used for business, school, and entertainment, the increasing surveillance of ‘remote work’ blurs the boundaries between work and personal spaces. Drawing from an interdisciplinary study on the proliferation of employee monitoring applications (EMAs) in a nascent era of ‘remote work’, this paper presents findings from a survey examining Canadian companies’ adoption of EMAs. The findings identify the most prevalent economic sectors that 'bossware' is currently being used within, the rationalities that underpin the ongoing use of EMAs in Canada (such as COVID-19, ‘productivity/efficiency’, ‘cybersecurity’, and ‘health/wellness’), and the features of the most sought after 'bossware' apps for Canadian companies (such as time tracking, website tracking, and keystroke logging). We conclude with an analysis of how dominant surveillance discourses drive the adoption of monitoring practices, including how they inform the anticipated benefits of surveillance for the management of remote work and digital labour.

This article analyzes the educational pathways of Black Canadian immigrant students in Québec with Sub-Saharan African and Caribbean backgrounds. Both racialized groups have been targets of educational and social discrimination and segregation, which compromise their educational pathways. The results obtained from the longitudinal data however, show that some of these students are able to overcome such obstacles. Although they are more susceptible to experiencing major academic difficulties and lag due to grade repetition, and less likely to attend private institutions or to be admitted to enriched programs in public schools, these students have access to college in a proportion comparable to that of their peers whose parents are non-immigrants. This supports the hypothesis of resilience put forward by some authors such as Krahn and Taylor (2005) regarding Canadian students from Sub-Saharan African and Caribbean immigrant families. However, the situation is somewhat reversed with regard to obtaining a college diploma and access to university. They are less likely to have entered university and obtained a postsecondary diploma 10 years after entering secondary school. From this perspective, the resilience hypothesis should be nuanced. In short, their educational pathways are characterized by a dynamic of interaction between the cumulative disadvantage of belonging to a racialized minority and the compensatory benefit of resilience.

In Canada, immigrants are more likely to migrate within the country—interprovincial migration, for example—than Canadian-born individuals. This is particularly true of Muslim immigrants. In this article, we seek to identify the characteristics that determine the second migrations undertaken by these immigrants. To do so, we have focused on (1) the socio-demographic characteristics specific to this community (language in particular) and (2) the socio-political context of the various provinces welcoming these immigrants. The results lead us to relativize the hypothesis of a tension between living in a French-speaking environment with a tense socio-political context for the Muslim community, and an English-speaking environment where the socio-political issues specific to this community are less present. Beyond strictly economic considerations, Muslim immigrants must also negotiate their integration by taking into account the language and the environment where certain socio-political issues concerning them are more or less debated and/or where their official language of choice is not spoken.

Examinations of migrants’ experiences have traditionally been confined to host country experiences. More recent studies consider the homeland-hostland relationship as a dynamic one, while also paying attention to the impact of events that happen outside these two landscapes. This article seeks to build on these latter works by considering the homeland-hostland connection from a different angle and argues that, when it happens, the post-migration discovery of homeland communal and personal histories results in salient personal transformations. Moreover, these hostland experiences are largely facilitated by encounters with the larger ethnic community. The examination draws upon data collected on Armenian migrants from Turkey to Canada.

In defining social class, researchers often rely on measures of objective class position, even though subjective perceptions of social class identity can better account for the creation of social class boundaries. We explore the relationship between measures of objective class position and subjective class identity using data from an online survey of 1155 residents in Alberta, Canada, a conservative province dependent on a fluctuating energy sector. We find that although most Albertans identified as middle class, the strength of class identity and views regarding linked social class fates varied across categories with poverty class and uppermiddleclass respondents standing out. In reporting class identity, respondents considered measures related to objective class position, especially their income and economic security levels, but gaps still remained. We then use the results of this exploratory study to advocate for more comprehensive measures of social class.

In our effort to study women's experiences of participating in the #MeToo social movement and the effects it has had on their lives, we employed YouTube vlogs posted under that hashtag, instead of interviews, as our source of experiential data. Few scholars have engaged in detailed reflections on vlogs as a source of qualitative data. Even fewer evaluate vlogs in relation to studying sexual violence, particularly women's experiences of participating in #MeToo. In this paper we contribute to these methodological discussions by reflecting on our use of vlogs in such a study, appraising the productive potentials and concerns related to qualitative vlog data. They afforded us several methodological benefits, but also entailed ethical and analytical challenges.

This paper focuses on the engineering profession in Canada, a regulated field with a large proportion of internationally trained professionals. Using Canadian census data, this study addresses two main questions. First, I ask whether immigrant engineers who were trained abroad are at increased disadvantage in gaining access (1) to employment in general, (2) to the engineering field, and (3) to professional and managerial employment within the field. Second, I ask how immigration status and the origin of training intersect with gender and visible minority status to shape immigrant engineers’ occupational outcomes. The results reveal that immigrant engineers who were trained abroad are at increased risk of occupational mismatch and this risk is two-fold and intersectional. First, they are at a disadvantage to enter the engineering field. Second, those employed in the engineering field are more likely to occupy technical positions. These forms of disadvantage intensify and diversify for women and racial/ethnic minority immigrants. The paper concludes with a discussion of immigrants’ skills transferability in regulated fields from an intersectional perspective.