Canadian Review of Sociology-Revue Canadienne De Sociologie最新文献

Housing prices in Canada have increased dramatically, giving rise to a housing affordability crisis. Young adults have been disproportionately affected by this crisis. To cope, many young adults have had to alter their living arrangements, contributing to the diversification of their living arrangements. Young adults’ diverse living arrangements are the product of growing inequalities in young adults’ economic prospects and access to family support. Extant work has yet to document how young adults’ risk of having unaffordable housing varies according to their living arrangements. Our comparison of young adults’ risk of having unaffordable housing according to their living arrangements reveals that co-residence with parents, relatives, or roommates reduces young adults’ risk of having unaffordable housing. This protective effect is smaller for the foreign-born than the Canadian-born. The National Housing Strategy should allocate more resources to increase the supply of affordable housing earmarked for young adults, particularly the foreign-born who live alone or with children.

A robust body of research has documented the representational politics of news coverage in their depiction of HIV-positive people charged for HIV non-disclosure. News media representations of HIV-negative sex partners in cases of HIV non-disclosure have received far less scholarly attention. Adopting a social constructionist perspective, this article identifies how “victims” of HIV non-disclosure are constructed in news media. It is based on a dataset consisting of 341 news articles on HIV non-disclosure from 14 English Canadian newspapers across the political spectrum. Victims of HIV non-disclosure were constructed as: (1) suffering horribly, (2) morally pure and virtuous, (3) vengeful and (4) agentic and responsible for their situation. We consider how such constructions are enmeshed within arguments that establish or reject HIV non-disclosure as a social problem. We then discuss the ways these constructions and the assumptions upon which they are based reflect broader discussions on the severity of HIV, the responsibility for HIV risk and exposure, and the contestations over the very nature of the social problem of HIV non-disclosure. Constructions of victims that uphold HIV criminalisation have relied on assumptions of HIV as a deadly disease but de-emphasise personal responsibility for HIV risk. By contrast, constructions of victims that, in effect, oppose HIV criminalisation have tended to minimise the harms of HIV and invoke personal responsibility for HIV risk. We suggest that both proponents and opponents of HIV criminalisation engage in the “ideology of victimhood” and thus participate in and reinforce what Best (1997) termed, the “victim industry.”

Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, multiple event stressors converged to exacerbate a growing mental health crisis in Canada with differing effects across status groups. However, less is known about changing mental health situations throughout the pandemic, especially among individuals more likely to experience chronic stress because of their disability and health status. Using data from two waves of a targeted online survey of people with disabilities and chronic health conditions in Canada (N = 563 individuals, June 2020 and July 2021), we find that approximately 25% of respondents experienced additional increases in stress and anxiety levels in 2021. These increases were partly explained by worsening perceived financial insecurity and, in the case of stress, additional negative financial effects tied to the pandemic. This paper understands mental health disparities as a function of social status and social group membership. By linking stress process models and a minority stress framework with a social model of disability, we allude to how structural and contextual barriers make functional limitations disabling and in turn, life stressors.

In 1989, Marc Lépine murdered 14 women at L’École Polytechnique de Montréal. We demonstrate how involuntarily celibate (“incel”) men celebrate Lépine and claim him as a member of their community. Our analysis draws on 637 comments made on incels.is, the main English-language incel forum, that explicitly mentions Marc Lépine. We argue that incels use Lépine to situate themselves in relation to masculinity and to justify violence against women. First, incels orient to both hegemonic and subordinate masculinity by arguing that feminists are waging a gender war against men. Second, incels celebrate Lépine as a methodical and efficient murderer, connecting both themselves and Lépine to hegemonic masculinity. Third, incels describe both themselves and Lépine as victims of feminists and use this perceived subordination to justify violence against women. We discuss findings in relation to theories of masculinity and policies regulating online communities.

Faced with the alarming rates of disappearances and murders of Indigenous women, girls and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people in Canada and in response to the demands of victims' families and Indigenous women's associations, the Canadian government set up the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (2016–2019). Its mandate: to identify the systemic causes of violence and produce effective recommendations to remedy them. From its announcement and during the course of its work, the inquiry faced a great deal of criticism, particularly from families and Indigenous women's associations, undermining the trust of many in the commissioners and in the process. It was thus against the backdrop of those brewing tensions that many people affected by the violence came forward to tell their stories at community hearings held across the country. As we consider public testimony to be a vector of social agency for these witnesses, we ask how external critiques conveyed in the media sphere influenced these narrative spaces internal to the inquiry. Through the use of computer-assisted text analysis (based in textometry) applied on a corpus of transcripts from the fifteen community hearings, we were able to identify the presence of certain criticisms, which occupied a relatively small space in the hearings. What's more, our explorations enabled us to reveal that witnesses bore a dual responsibility: to tell their story and to avoid downgrading the investigation in progress.

Trans and nonbinary youth issue a challenge to K-12 schools, which regularly assume gender is binary and immutable. Although scholars have explored how educational institutions are responding to trans and nonbinary students, fewer have examined the assumptions implicit within these responses. By analyzing policy solutions as diagnostics of institutions’ implicit representations of social problems, I examine how educational institutions construct the terms of membership for trans and nonbinary students. This article examines all publicly-available Ontario public school board documents (N = 359) including the terms “gender identity” and/or “gender expression.” The findings show patterns in school board approaches. Roughly 80% of responses focus on a case-by-case, individual-level response. The remaining 20% adopt a systemic approach to trans and nonbinary inclusion. Few responses challenge binary-sorting practices. This article addresses the broader social issue of how public organizations deal with difference and the limits of individual accommodation responses to systemic inequity.

This article draws on data collected from qualitative interviews with 38 recent immigrants in two Ontario cities to provide an overview of recent immigrants’ general dietary acculturation experiences. With insights from both Cockerham's health lifestyle theory and Berry's acculturation model, this article explores how structural inequalities related to integration and settlement may shape recent immigrants’ post-migration food choices and eating practices. The results of this study revealed that immigrants from non-Western countries experienced greater challenges in healthy eating. Findings are in line with Cockerham's health lifestyle theory: immigrants’ post-migration food choices and dietary acculturation strategies were not only bounded by socioeconomic status and cultural differences but were also shaped by various structural inequalities, especially those related to systematic barriers during the integration and settlement process. Overall, this paper provides a more holistic understanding of the multifaceted nature of immigrants’ dietary acculturation experiences.

Significant socio-economic, health, and mental health disparities due to highly entrenched and systemic anti-Black racism in Canadian institutions, policies, and practices are now well documented in research and policy reports. Yet, few in-depth studies have addressed the mental health impacts of anti-Black racism on Canadian populations. This article is rooted in a community-based, qualitative research project with young first and second-generation Black Caribbean-Canadian mothers and is informed by Black Feminist epistemologies and intersectional theories and methodologies. Our research demonstrates how participants’ childhood experiences with xenophobic and racist immigration policies and educational, child welfare, and childcare systems caused their future mental health challenges as young Black mothers, and how these struggles were exacerbated by their encounters with the racist, ageist, xenophobic medical, social, and mental health services they had to access as young mothers. Based on these findings, we recommend enhancements to current social policies to minimize the differential mental health impacts on young Black Canadian mothers.

The civil service examination system emerged to strengthen the emperor's power by recruiting political elites through open examinations. Did it, during the early- and mid-Ming dynasty, facilitate intergenerational mobility? Rather than oversimplifying it as a single-stage system of meritocracy, we propose a two-stage evaluation framework. In the first stage, the Metropolitan Exam featured merit-based evaluations and generated credentials necessary for becoming political elites. The subsequent non-eliminating Palace Exam then functioned to assess the students’ organizational fit in line with an emperor's political calculations. In particular, those whose families served in the bureaucracy were favored, while those from affluent families were discriminated against. We test this two-stage framework using the records of 12,427 students who passed 46 exams between 1400 and 1580, a period characterizing the heyday of this system. Our empirical findings from the mixed-effect regression models confirm this argument and suggest promising directions for future research.