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New frontiers in international human rights: Actionable nonactionables and the (non)performance of perpetual becoming 国际人权的新领域:可采取行动的不可修正案和永久性的(非)表现
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2040357
K. Clarke
Abstract This article explores the emergence of various international justice narratives that operate as legal nonperformatives, making the law and law making seem liberatory. It shows that the ratification of a treaty may not qualify as a form of state expression or a speech act advocating human rights. Instead, it can be interpreted through semiotics as sending a signal about a stance. By examining this proleptic space, we can begin to make sense of what we cannot yet see, and perhaps begin to forecast whether the core tenets of international human rights will soon be reinvented or merely perpetuated.
摘要本文探讨了作为法律非履行行为的各种国际司法叙事的出现,使法律和法律制定似乎具有解放性。它表明,批准一项条约可能不符合国家表达形式或倡导人权的言论行为的条件。相反,它可以通过符号学解释为发送有关立场的信号。通过研究这一预见空间,我们可以开始理解我们尚未看到的东西,也许还可以开始预测国际人权的核心原则是否会很快被重新发明或仅仅是延续下去。
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引用次数: 1
The future of human rights: A research agenda 人权的未来:研究议程
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030209
Alison Brysk
In turbulent times, we stand at the leading edge of human rights. The previous generation of human rights scholarship debated the balance between a rising tide and an end times of human rights. From where we stand, we can discern both directions — and looking ahead, rising issues in the distance. Our research can only glimpse the social problems and power relations emerging at the horizon. These phenomena pose challenges to the continuing construction of human rights as a movement to expand norms and practices of who is human , what is right , and who is responsible . The human rights agenda sits at the crossroads of historic progress and hard times. On the one hand, the arc of history bends through consequential advocacy campaigns — from antislavery to anti-apartheid, expanding rights frames, and a growing interactive regime of global, regional, national, local, and transnational institutions for monitoring, advocacy, socialization, capacity building, and accountabil-ity — that culminates in an unprecedented justice cascade. On the other hand, historic governance gaps threaten the lives, liberties, and well-being of people displaced from their homes, livelihoods, and identi-ties by global forces beyond their control — from conflict to disaster to distorted development — while gender-based violence affects an estimated one of three women and girls worldwide. On every contin-ent, illiberal ethnonationalists degrade democratic institutions, minorities and migrants, women ’ s rights, sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) rights, and global governance, often posing counternorms to rights based in religious or populist claims: notably, in the United States, India, Turkey, Brazil, Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, and Israel. analytic to the This and rights-bearing
在动荡时期,我们站在人权的前沿。上一代人权学者就人权的兴起和终结之间的平衡进行了辩论。从我们的立场来看,我们可以看到两个方向——展望未来,远处不断出现的问题。我们的研究只能窥见地平线上出现的社会问题和权力关系。这些现象对人权的持续建设构成了挑战,这是一场扩大谁是人、什么是权利和谁负责的规范和实践的运动。人权议程正处于历史进步和困难时期的十字路口。一方面,历史的弧线通过相应的宣传运动而弯曲——从反奴隶制到反种族隔离,扩大权利框架,以及由全球、地区、国家、地方和跨国机构组成的日益互动的监督、宣传、社会化、能力建设和问责制度——最终形成了前所未有的司法级联。另一方面,历史性的治理差距威胁着被他们无法控制的全球力量(从冲突到灾难再到扭曲的发展)从家园、生计和身份关系中流离失所的人的生命、自由和福祉,而基于性别的暴力影响着全世界约三分之一的妇女和女孩。在每一个大陆上,不自由的民族主义者都贬低民主制度、少数民族和移民、妇女权利、性取向和性别认同(SOGI)权利以及全球治理,经常对基于宗教或民粹主义主张的权利提出反规范:尤其是在美国、印度、土耳其、巴西、匈牙利、波兰、菲律宾和以色列。对此与权利承担的分析
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引用次数: 1
The evolution of the global movement to end child marriage 全球终止童婚运动的演变
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030208
A. Vilán
Abstract Although international and domestic laws prohibit child marriage, millions of girls are married every year worldwide, a trend only aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the turn of the century, the global advocacy movement to end child marriage has gained momentum by standardizing its framing, using testimonies and symbols to generate empathy and mobilize solidarity, and engaging with policymakers to end the practice. In this article, I draw on newspaper articles, advocacy reports, and interviews with activists in the United States and Latin America to identify the reasons behind its success. I also discuss several challenges activists are grappling with as the movement evolves, including intra-network dynamics regarding the centrality of sexuality and the forms child marriage adopts around the world.
摘要尽管国际和国内法律禁止童婚,但全球每年有数百万女孩结婚,新冠肺炎疫情加剧了这一趋势。自本世纪之交以来,结束童婚的全球倡导运动通过使其框架标准化、使用证词和符号来产生同理心和动员团结,以及与政策制定者接触以结束这种做法而获得了势头。在这篇文章中,我引用了报纸文章、宣传报道以及对美国和拉丁美洲活动家的采访,以确定其成功背后的原因。我还讨论了随着运动的发展,活动家们正在努力应对的几个挑战,包括关于性的中心性和世界各地童婚形式的网络内动态。
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引用次数: 2
The boundaries of religion in international human rights law 国际人权法中的宗教界限
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2040356
S. Corner
Abstract Intergovernmental institutions constitute “ecological” settings in which international human rights laws and norms are developed and shaped over time. Yet understandings of these settings remain limited. Notable feminist scholars of international law have argued that uncritical reliance on gendered dichotomies—such as objective/subjective, legal/political, and binding/nonbinding—has stunted knowledge of these spaces. I extend this critique by arguing reliance on yet another gendered dichotomy—the secular/religious—has further limited knowledge in this area. Moving past this unreflective reliance provides needed space to identify previously unrecognized ways supposedly local and global factors intersect to shape human rights norm-making within intergovernmental legal institutions. I demonstrate this using data collected as part of a qualitative study that examined how UN officials who work with women’s rights conceptualize the meaning of religion and its relationship to the human rights legal standards they work to interpret, monitor, and advance.
政府间机构构成了“生态”环境,国际人权法律和规范在其中逐渐发展和形成。然而,对这些环境的理解仍然有限。著名的国际法女权主义学者认为,不加批判地依赖性别二分法——比如客观/主观、法律/政治、有约束力/无约束力——阻碍了对这些空间的认识。我扩展了这一批评,认为依赖另一种性别二分法——世俗/宗教——进一步限制了这一领域的知识。摆脱这种不经思考的依赖提供了必要的空间,以确定以前未被认识到的方式,据称是当地因素和全球因素交织在一起,影响政府间法律机构内的人权规范制定。我用一项定性研究收集的数据来证明这一点,该研究考察了从事妇女权利工作的联合国官员如何概念化宗教的含义及其与他们努力解释、监督和推进的人权法律标准的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to human rights on the edge: The future of international human rights law and practice 《边缘人权概论:国际人权法与实践的未来》
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030210
T. Hepner, Heather Smith-Cannoy
Abstract We convened a conference funded by the National Science Foundation at Arizona State University in April 2021. The 40 papers presented at the conference, a subset of which form this special issue, together demonstrated that, far from collapsing in the face of duress, law is a malleable tool that is deployed in novel ways to promote human rights. Collectively, the conference participants illustrated that the power of human rights lies not in their essentialized transcendence of time, culture, and context, but in their enduring promise that a more just world can emerge from sustained and creative struggle through, against, and at the margins of states, laws, and institutions. Ultimately, the key questions to emerge are not whether human rights law and practice will survive, but rather, what are the forces that continue to sustain, revitalize, and transform them? And what are human rights in the process of becoming?
我们于2021年4月在亚利桑那州立大学召开了一次由美国国家科学基金会资助的会议。在会议上发表的40篇论文(其中的一部分构成了本期特刊)共同表明,面对胁迫,法律远没有崩溃,而是一种可塑的工具,可以以新颖的方式用于促进人权。与会者共同表明,人权的力量不在于其对时间、文化和背景的本质超越,而在于其持久的承诺,即通过与国家、法律和制度进行、反对或处于边缘的持续和创造性的斗争,可以产生一个更公正的世界。最终,出现的关键问题不是人权法律和实践能否继续存在,而是什么力量继续维持、振兴和改变人权法律和实践?人权正在变成什么?
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引用次数: 0
Epistemes of human rights in Kashmir: Paradoxes of universality and particularity 克什米尔人权事件:普遍性和特殊性的悖论
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030207
Sarbani Sharma
Abstract Human rights violations through militarized control have been the cornerstone of Indian statecraft in Indian-administered Kashmir. This article offers a close reading of the April 2017 episode of using a civilian Kashmiri Muslim man as a human shield by the Indian Army in Indian-administered Kashmir. Whereas the existing scholarship on the relationship between militarization, human rights violations, and Hindutva politics have employed political or feminist analytical frameworks, this article focuses on rereading the episode of human shield usage to analyze how “universality” of human rights in India is being redefined. It reflects on how the ruling right-wing government in India appropriates the language of violations and afflictions to embolden its strategies to alter the grammar of human rights in India. Drawing on a discourse analysis of the human shield event, the article deliberates on how anthropology of Hindutva and right-wing extremism research could pay greater attention to the conversation between Hindutva theology of rights and neoliberal ethics when approaching questions of recurrent human rights violations in Kashmir.
摘要通过军事控制侵犯人权一直是印度在印控克什米尔的治国方略的基石。这篇文章细读了2017年4月印度军队在印控克什米尔使用一名克什米尔穆斯林平民作为人盾的事件。尽管现有的关于军事化、侵犯人权和印度教政治之间关系的研究采用了政治或女权主义的分析框架,但本文侧重于重读人盾使用事件,以分析印度人权的“普遍性”是如何被重新定义的。它反映了印度执政的右翼政府如何利用侵犯和苦难的语言来鼓励其改变印度人权语法的策略。文章通过对人盾事件的话语分析,思考了印度教人类学和右翼极端主义研究如何在处理克什米尔一再发生的侵犯人权问题时,更加关注印度教权利神学与新自由主义伦理之间的对话。
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引用次数: 1
NGO repression as a predictor of worsening human rights abuses 对非政府组织的压制预示着人权侵犯的恶化
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2030205
Suparna Chaudhry, Andrew Heiss
Abstract An increasing number of countries have recently cracked down on non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Much of this crackdown is sanctioned by law and represents a bureaucratic form of repression that could indicate more severe human rights abuses in the future. This is especially the case for democracies, which, unlike autocracies, may not aggressively attack civic space. We explore whether crackdowns on NGOs predict broader human rights repression. Anti-NGO laws are among the most subtle means of repression and attract lesser domestic and international condemnation compared to the use of violence. Using original data on NGO repression, we test whether NGO crackdown is a predictor of political terror and violations of physical integrity rights and civil liberties. We find that although de jure anti-NGO laws provide little information in predicting future repression, their patterns of implementation—or de facto civil society repression—predict worsening respect for physical integrity rights and civil liberties.
摘要最近,越来越多的国家打击非政府组织。这种镇压在很大程度上受到法律的制裁,是一种官僚形式的镇压,可能表明未来会有更严重的侵犯人权行为。民主国家尤其如此,与专制国家不同,民主国家可能不会积极攻击公民空间。我们探讨对非政府组织的镇压是否预示着更广泛的人权镇压。反非政府组织法是最微妙的镇压手段之一,与使用暴力相比,受到的国内和国际谴责较少。利用非政府组织镇压的原始数据,我们测试了非政府组织的镇压是否预示着政治恐怖和侵犯人身完整权利和公民自由。我们发现,尽管法律上的反非政府组织法律几乎没有提供预测未来镇压的信息,但其实施模式——或事实上的民间社会镇压——预测了对人身完整权和公民自由的尊重日益恶化。
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引用次数: 2
Disentangling gendered peace: Observing gendered peace in policy 纠缠性别和平:在政策中观察性别和平
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-15 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2022.2037411
Anntiana Maral Sabeti
Abstract Understanding where and how to bolster human rights is arguably the underlying motivation of most research in human rights and the greater field of political science. Increasingly, an emphasis on gender has been shown to prevent conflict and reinforce peace, thus demonstrating how a reinforcement of women’s rights benefits the sustainment of peace. Despite increasing evidence for this phenomenon, scholars have not fully explored the mechanisms through which a focus on women fosters and preserves peace. Using extant literature on women and peace, I identify two sets of policy instruments that may be more effectual than others in establishing gendered peace and preventing states from relapsing into conflict. I further categorize the policies into high-level and targeted policies and hypothesize that, contrary to intuition, high-level policies could be more effective at generating gendered peace. I test the models for each instrument using an updated version of the PAX-Gender database and find that more high-level gender policies are linked to longer-lasting peace treaties.
理解在哪里以及如何加强人权可以说是大多数人权研究和更大的政治科学领域的潜在动机。越来越多地表明,强调性别可以防止冲突和加强和平,从而表明加强妇女权利如何有利于维持和平。尽管有越来越多的证据表明这一现象,但学者们并没有充分探索关注妇女促进和维护和平的机制。利用现有关于妇女与和平的文献,我确定了两套政策工具,它们在建立性别和平和防止国家陷入冲突方面可能比其他政策工具更有效。我进一步将这些政策分为高级别政策和有针对性的政策,并假设,与直觉相反,高级别政策可能更有效地产生性别和平。我使用PAX-Gender数据库的更新版本测试了每个文书的模型,发现更多高级别性别政策与更持久的和平条约联系在一起。
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引用次数: 0
Criminalization and rhetorical nondiscrimination: Sex work and sexual diversity politics in Rwanda 刑事定罪和修辞上的非歧视:卢旺达的性工作和性多样性政治
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2021.2013174
Emma Paszat
Abstract Sex that is considered nonnormative or undesirable is often subject to state sanction. In Rwanda in 2009 there was an effort to criminalize sex work and same-sex sex, but ultimately only the criminalization of sex work occurred. What explains these different outcomes? Although both groups are at higher risk for HIV transmission because of social stigma, these concerns were not sufficient. The political salience of the human rights argument that nondiscrimination is an essential government commitment in postgenocide Rwanda was used to reject criminalizing same-sex sex. However, neither politicians nor most civil society activists thought this human rights argument was applicable to sex work. Although criminalizing lgbt people was considered socially divisive, criminalizing sex work was considered necessary. Understanding these different outcomes reveals the limitations of human rights arguments on the regulation of sex in East Africa.
被认为不规范或不受欢迎的性行为往往受到国家的制裁。2009年,卢旺达曾试图将性工作和同性性行为定为刑事犯罪,但最终只将性工作定为刑事犯罪。如何解释这些不同的结果呢?尽管由于社会污名,这两个群体都有较高的艾滋病毒传播风险,但这些担忧是不够的。在种族灭绝后的卢旺达,不歧视是一项重要的政府承诺,这一人权论点的政治重要性被用来拒绝将同性性行为定为犯罪。然而,无论是政治家还是大多数公民社会活动家都不认为这种人权论点适用于性工作。虽然将同性恋者定为犯罪被认为是社会分裂,但将性工作定为犯罪被认为是必要的。了解这些不同的结果揭示了东非性监管方面的人权论点的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Children’s and young people’s human rights education in school: Cardinal complications and a middle ground 儿童和青少年在学校的人权教育:主要问题和中间立场
IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-03 DOI: 10.1080/14754835.2021.2014795
Ann Quennerstedt
Abstract This article examines the academic discussion about human rights education for children and young people and argues that the current state of research does not provide sufficient support and guidance to nations, schools, and teachers in the establishment of human rights education in schools. The article’s aim is to add insights into how scholarly work may be contributing to the low uptake of human rights education in formal schooling. By drawing on educational children’s rights research and research on human rights education, three cardinal complications are identified; (1) that the main research fields that address education and rights do not seem to communicate, (2) that it is unclear what are the aims of human rights education are, and (3) that a curriculum for human rights education is missing. The cardinal complications are closely examined and discussed, and a middle ground is explored and progressively visualized.
摘要本文考察了关于儿童和青少年人权教育的学术讨论,并认为目前的研究状况没有为国家、学校和教师在学校开展人权教育提供足够的支持和指导。这篇文章的目的是深入了解学术工作是如何导致正规学校人权教育普及率低的。通过借鉴教育儿童权利研究和人权教育研究,确定了三个主要的复杂性;(1) 涉及教育和权利的主要研究领域似乎没有交流,(2)不清楚人权教育的目的是什么,(3)缺少人权教育课程。对主要并发症进行了仔细的检查和讨论,并探索和逐步可视化了中间地带。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Human Rights
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