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The Instruments of Evolution: Herbert Spencer's Influence on William Stanley Jevons' Political Thought 进化的工具赫伯特-斯宾塞对威廉-斯坦利-杰文斯政治思想的影响
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.4.705
Eleonora Buono
This paper investigates Herbert Spencer's influence on William Stanley Jevons' political thought. Jevons' thought was shaped by three ideas, which can be traced back to Spencer: the idea that individuals were no tabula rasa ; the belief that evolution was a beneficent process; and the idea that moral sentiment evolved towards perfection. I will also show why Jevons supported the idea of interventionist social reform, which Spencer rejected, and I will argue that this disagreement stemmed from Jevons' commitment to Jeremy Bentham's utilitarianism.
本文探讨赫伯特-斯宾塞对威廉-斯坦利-杰文斯政治思想的影响。塑造杰文斯思想的三个观点可以追溯到斯宾塞:个人不是白板;相信进化是一个有益的过程;道德情感朝着完美的方向发展。我还将说明为什么杰文斯支持斯宾塞反对的干预性社会改革思想,并将论证这一分歧源于杰文斯对杰里米-边沁的功利主义的承诺。
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引用次数: 0
The Humanity of Plato's Eleatic Science of Politics 柏拉图《伊利亚特政治学》的人文精神
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.4.631
John Boersma
In the first section of Plato's Statesman, the Eleatic Stranger uses two methods to try to uncover the science of politics. The first method is that of diairesis — a dialectical method of division and classification. This method ultimately ends in failure and, in turn, the Stranger adopts a second method, which consists of an elaborate myth. In this article, I provide an account of the relationship between the diairesis and the myth and posit that together they teach that a humane account of the whole is required in order to understand the nature of politics.
在柏拉图《政治家》的第一节中,"埃利亚特异乡人 "用两种方法试图揭示政治科学。第一种方法是diairesis--一种划分和分类的辩证方法。这种方法最终以失败告终,反过来,陌客采用了第二种方法,其中包括一个精心设计的神话。在本文中,我阐述了 "辩证法 "与 "神话 "之间的关系,并认为它们共同告诉我们,要理解政治的本质,就必须对整体进行人性化的描述。
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引用次数: 0
Aristotle on Political Friendship and Equality 亚里士多德论政治友谊与平等
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.4.655
Eero Arum
Recent scholarship has placed the concept of friendship at the centre of Aristotle's political thought. However, relatively little attention has been given to Aristotle's claim that political friendship is 'based on equality'. This article first explicates this claim as it appears in the Eudemian Ethics, where Aristotle asserts that the paradigmatic form of political friendship is based on 'arithmetic' rather than 'proportional' equality. Second, it shows that this 'egalitarian' conception of political friendship is fully consistent with theNicomachean Ethics and Politics — and in doing so, challenges a recent argument that the Eudemian Ethics was not genuinely written by Aristotle. Third, it argues that Aristotle's 'egalitarian' conception of political friendship motivates his advocacy of various economic arrangements and practices throughout the Politics, including but not limited to the 'common use' of property.
最近的学术研究将友谊的概念置于亚里士多德政治思想的中心。然而,人们对亚里士多德关于政治友谊 "基于平等 "的主张关注相对较少。本文首先阐释了《优德米安伦理学》中的这一主张,亚里士多德在该书中断言,政治友谊的典范形式是基于 "算术 "而非 "比例 "上的平等。其次,该书表明这种 "平等主义 "的政治友谊概念与《尼各马可伦理学》和《政治学》完全一致,从而对最近关于《优德米安伦理学》并非亚里士多德所著的论点提出了质疑。第三,该书论证了亚里士多德的 "平等主义 "政治友谊观促使他在《政治学》中倡导各种经济安排和实践,包括但不限于财产的 "共同使用"。
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引用次数: 0
Liu Bei, Plato et al. on Kingship: A Microhistory of Seventeenth-Century Globalization and Political Thought 刘备、柏拉图等人论王权:十七世纪全球化与政治思想的微观历史
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.4.676
Shoufu Yin
This paper is a microhistory of a seventeenth-century approach to global political thought, one that seeks to theorize globally shared conditions beyond the East/West divide. It focuses on the Spanish thinker Domingo Fernández Navarrete, who, after his global travels, offered a unique account of a king's dual pains by comparing Liu Bei, a Chinese emperor, to Plato, Seneca, Aquinas, etc. It contends that Navarrete's embodied theory of kingship deepens the Thomist conception of the body politic and forms a part of the global re-reading of Liu Bei. In so doing, this paper also seeks to clarify different senses of globality and further the dialogue between global history and comparative political theory.
本文是十七世纪全球政治思想方法的微观史,这种方法试图从理论上阐明东西方分歧之外的全球共同状况。本文以西班牙思想家多明戈-费尔南德斯-纳瓦雷特(Domingo Fernández Navarrete)为中心,通过将中国皇帝刘备与柏拉图、塞内加、阿奎那等人进行比较,对国王的双重痛苦进行了独特的阐述。本文认为,纳瓦雷特的王权体现论深化了托马斯主义的政治体概念,是全球重读刘备的一部分。在此过程中,本文还试图澄清不同意义上的全球性,并进一步推动全球史与比较政治理论之间的对话。
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引用次数: 0
Anarchy, People and Terror: Alessandro Manzoni on the French Revolution 无政府状态、人民与恐怖:Alessandro Manzoni谈法国大革命
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.555
Mario Tesini, L. Zambernardi
Alessandro Manzoni is chiefly known for The Betrothed. What is less well-known is Manzoni's interest in writing history which in later life would bend his literary talent to reconstructing and analysing the French Revolution. Incomplete and published posthumously in 1889, Manzoni's last text appeared as The French Revolution of 1789 and the Italian Revolution of 1859: Comparative Observations. While Manzoni's literary and poetic works won him the reputation of being among the greatest writers of the nineteenth century, the posthumous book on the French Revolution sank rapidly into oblivion. This article, while pointing out certain shortcomings in Manzoni's interpretation, argues that his analysis is to be taken seriously by all scholars interested in the thorny history of the French Revolution. In particular, Manzoni's narration concentrates on unveiling the political mechanics that link delegitimization of the old monarchical order with the ensuing power vacuum and, eventually, with anarchy and the Terror. In his opinion the latter was no accident of history, but the outcome of previous events, especially the political void created by destroying the government without managing to set up a new political order. Finally, the article presents Manzoni's analysis of the relationship between the people and the Terror, focusing on mass society with its collective delirium, and how it fared under a new dread form of despotism.
亚历山德罗·曼佐尼主要以《背叛者》而闻名。不太为人所知的是曼佐尼对历史写作的兴趣,这将使他在晚年的文学天赋转向重建和分析法国大革命。曼佐尼的最后一本著作《1789年法国大革命和1859年意大利大革命:比较观察》(The French Revolution of 1789 and The Italian Revolution:Comparative Observations)不完整,于1889年死后出版。虽然曼佐尼的文学和诗歌作品为他赢得了19世纪最伟大作家的声誉,但这本关于法国大革命的遗书却迅速被遗忘。这篇文章指出了曼佐尼的解释中的某些不足,认为所有对法国大革命这段棘手历史感兴趣的学者都应该认真对待他的分析。特别是,曼佐尼的叙述集中于揭示将旧君主制秩序的非合法性与随之而来的权力真空联系起来的政治机制,并最终与无政府状态和恐怖联系起来。在他看来,后者并非历史偶然,而是先前事件的结果,尤其是在没有建立新政治秩序的情况下摧毁政府所造成的政治空白。最后,文章介绍了曼佐尼对人民与恐怖之间关系的分析,重点是具有集体精神错乱的大众社会,以及它在新的专制恐惧形式下的表现。
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引用次数: 0
Restructured Legacies: Rebuking Popper's Autarkic Tradition by Unearthing Plato's Cosmopolitan Preferences 重组的遗产:通过揭示柏拉图的世界主义偏好来批判波普尔的自给自足传统
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.427
Alexandra Grey
In 2019, Victor Davis Hason revived Popper's autarkic reading of Plato to justify the foreign policy of President Donald Trump, suggesting Trumpism aligns with Plato's project. This modern application compelled our re-examination of the autarkic tradition. Yet, the issues surrounding this false tradition did not end with Trump's 2021 unseating; this use of Plato reveals broader, perennial questions around abusing philosophy for electoral ends. Building on the work of Carol Atack and Allan Bloom, we unearth a tradition of moderate cosmopolitanism and suggest this cosmopolitan trend is the more accurate tradition of Plato and thus should be his enduring legacy.
2019年,维克多·戴维斯·哈森(Victor Davis Hason)重新引用了波普尔对柏拉图的自给自足的解读,为唐纳德·特朗普总统的外交政策辩护,表明特朗普主义与柏拉图的计划是一致的。这种现代应用迫使我们重新审视自给自足的传统。然而,围绕这一错误传统的问题并没有随着特朗普在2021年的下台而结束;柏拉图的这种用法揭示了围绕滥用哲学来达到选举目的的更广泛的、长期存在的问题。在Carol Atack和Allan Bloom的著作基础上,我们发现了一种温和的世界主义传统,并认为这种世界主义趋势是柏拉图更准确的传统,因此应该是他不朽的遗产。
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引用次数: 0
Aristotle on Moneymaking: The Roads not Taken 亚里士多德谈货币制造:未走的路
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.452
J. Thakkar
This paper considers the relationship between the critique of moneymaking that Aristotle develops in Book I of the Politics and the rest of his social and political theory. I argue that there are several places where Aristotle ought to have drawn out the consequences of the former for the latter, and that his failure to do so reveals something about the deep structure of his way of thinking about political life. In short, Aristotle's account of economic life is constrained by his political ontology, according to which a polity consists in a particular arrangement and distribution of offices.
本文探讨了亚里士多德在《政治学第一卷》中对赚钱的批判和他其他社会政治理论之间的关系。我认为,亚里士多德本应在几个地方阐述前者对后者的影响,而他未能做到这一点,揭示了他思考政治生活方式的深层结构。简言之,亚里士多德对经济生活的描述受到其政治本体论的约束,根据该本体论,政体包括特定的办公室安排和分配。
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引用次数: 0
Territories of War: A Spatial Reading of Grotius' Ius Belli 战争的疆域:格劳秀斯《战争》的空间解读
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.503
A. Vecchio
This article considers how Grotius' ideas on war have mirrored the nexus between the construction of a territorialized order of sovereign states, the emergence of a world-wide system of exchange and accumulation, and the dynamics of imperial expansion. It will be argued that in order to understand the scope and the ambivalences of the jurist's multifaceted account of the laws of war and his dealings with the traditional literature on just war, it is necessary to elucidate the spatial frameworks underlying his theory, as well as the complex and global geography of power existing in the early seventeenth century.
本文探讨了格劳秀斯的战争思想如何反映了主权国家领土化秩序的构建、全球交换和积累体系的出现以及帝国扩张的动态之间的联系。我们认为,为了理解法学家对战争法的多方面描述以及他对正义战争的传统文献的处理的范围和矛盾,有必要阐明他的理论背后的空间框架,以及17世纪早期存在的复杂的全球权力地理。
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引用次数: 0
History, Filmerian Patriarchalism and Exclusion Royalism 历史、电影人的父权主义和排他的保皇制
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.530
W. Little
There is an assumption in scholarship focused on seventeenth-century English political thought that the political ideology constructed by royalists writing during the Exclusion Crisis was similar to Robert Filmer's patriarchalism. This paper contests this assumption by focusing on the inconsistencies between Filmer's view of history and that of the Exclusion royalists. Filmer's Adamic history necessitated a static conception of sovereignty that placed virtually no limits on the monarch. Exclusion royalists, however, adopted a fluid and changing view of sovereignty that placed limitations on monarchical power and was motivated by histories grounded in the ancient constitution or the conquest of 1066.
在关注17世纪英国政治思想的学术界,有一种假设是,在排斥危机期间,保皇党人所构建的政治意识形态与罗伯特·菲尔默的父权制相似。本文通过关注菲尔默的历史观和排外保皇党的历史观之间的不一致来反驳这一假设。菲尔默的阿达姆历史需要一个静态的主权概念,对君主几乎没有任何限制。然而,被排斥的保皇党人对主权采取了一种不稳定且不断变化的观点,对君权施加了限制,其动机是基于古代宪法或1066年征服的历史。
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引用次数: 0
The Rhetorical Roots of Du Bois's Double Consciousness 杜波依斯双重意识的修辞根源
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-31 DOI: 10.53765/20512988.44.3.577
Robert Goodman
Drawing on evidence from W. E. B. Du Bois's education, I argue that rhetoric is an important, yet overlooked, source of his concept of double consciousness. Du Bois transposed ideas of a divided self as a source of both power and anguish from classical rhetoric to the experience of racial oppression. I show how rhetoric supplies the 'causal mechanism' of double consciousness; readThe Souls of Black Folk as superimposed addresses to doubly- and singly-conscious audiences; and argue that Du Bois's 1930s turn to black-separatist cooperativism represents an attempted escape from double consciousness — and a recognition of rhetoric's limits under systemic injustice.
根据杜波依斯所受教育的证据,我认为修辞学是杜波依斯双重意识概念的一个重要而又被忽视的来源。杜波依斯将分裂的自我作为力量和痛苦的源泉从古典修辞转变为种族压迫的经历。我展示了修辞如何提供双重意识的“因果机制”;把《黑人的灵魂》看作是对双重意识和单一意识的观众的叠加演讲;并认为杜波依斯在20世纪30年代转向黑人分离主义合作主义代表了一种对双重意识的逃避,以及对修辞在系统性不公正下的局限性的承认。
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引用次数: 0
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HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT
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