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Impartial representation and the extended republic: towards a comprehensive and balanced reading of the tenth federalist paper 公正代表制和扩展共和国:走向对联邦党人第十篇论文的全面和平衡的解读
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781351155168-8
A. Gibson
Since Charles Beard first focused attention upon it in 1913, the Tenth Federalist Paper has been at the centre of the debate concerning the foundations of the American republic. Specifically, there have been three primary interpretations of this document. Each corresponds to one of the three major traditions of interpretation that have dominated the study of American political thought in the twentieth century. Each also points towards and has been evoked in the service of drastically different political philosophies.
自从查尔斯·比尔德(Charles Beard)在1913年首次关注《联邦党人文集第十篇》以来,它一直是有关美国共和国基础的辩论的中心。具体来说,对这份文件有三种主要的解释。每一种都对应于主导二十世纪美国政治思想研究的三大解释传统之一。每一个都指向并被唤起为截然不同的政治哲学服务。
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引用次数: 34
Marx, Engels and the Administration of Nature 马克思、恩格斯与自然管理
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781351325646-1
J. Stanley
After viewing the various criticisms of Engels and the attempts to separate him from Marx, one is left with the suspicion that in the texts of Marx there is a close connection rather than a consistent separation among the terms positivism, naturalism, Prometheanism and praxis. Thomas's attempt to separate them on a different axis only leads him to a softening of the supposedly precise distinctions existing among them. While Thomas's views largely typify the New Orthodoxy among Engels critics, his departures from that orthodoxy serve more to illuminate its problems than to solve them. In what follows I argue that Thomas, along with Kolakowski, Schmidt, Carver, Ball and the various Engels critics, despite their differences, have all been unconvincing in their attempts to show consistent distinctions among the four terms in the Marxian texts. Put another way, Marx's references to nature cannot be read as giving precise twentieth-century definitions to the four terms. On the contrary, in Marx's (and Engels') texts, these terms have an ambiguity which leads us to interpret Marx as linking the four terms as much as separating them.
在观察了对恩格斯的各种批评和将恩格斯与马克思分开的尝试之后,人们会怀疑,在马克思的文本中,实证主义、自然主义、普罗米修斯主义和实践主义这些术语之间存在着密切的联系,而不是一致的分离。托马斯试图在不同的轴上分开它们,只会让他软化它们之间存在的所谓精确的区别。虽然托马斯的观点在很大程度上代表了恩格斯批评者中的新正统,但他对正统的背离更多地是为了阐明其问题,而不是解决问题。在接下来的文章中,我认为托马斯,以及科拉科夫斯基、施密特、卡弗、鲍尔和各种恩格斯的批评者,尽管他们之间存在差异,但他们在试图显示马克思文本中四个术语之间的一致区别方面都没有令人信服。换句话说,马克思对自然的引用不能被解读为对这四个术语给出了二十世纪的精确定义。相反,在马克思(和恩格斯)的文本中,这些术语有一种模糊性,导致我们在马克思的解释中把这四个术语联系起来,而不是分开。
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引用次数: 4
The feminism of T.H. Green: a late-Victorian success story? T.H.格林的女权主义:维多利亚晚期的成功故事?
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781351148245-21
O. Anderson
Rather surprisingly, T.H.Green's ideas on women and the family are as neglected today as they were immediately after his death in 1882, when his thought was first interpreted for a wider public by his colleagues and friends.1 Silence on such matters in the 1880s is not remarkable. It is odd, however, that it persists today, despite recent intense concern with the history of women and the family, including their place in political thought, and despite reviving philosophical interest in the British Idealists and readiness to credit them with a significant impact on politics, education and social work. It has often been remarked that Green's political ideas have much in common superficially with those of John Stuart Mill, since their values and precepts are very similar, although the substructure of their thought is utterly different. Nevertheless it has altogether escaped notice that this is equally true of their ideas on women, marriage and family relationships. Today Mill's fabled feminism easily appears limited and imperceptive, and the priority he gave to the parliamentary vote strangely simplistic. Did Green show any greater realism and understanding? Did he practise as well as preach real equality between men and women, in private as well as public life? In short, what precisely was Green's position on 'the woman question'�?
相当令人惊讶的是,t.h.格林关于妇女和家庭的观点在今天和在他1882年去世后一样被忽视,当时他的思想第一次被他的同事和朋友向更广泛的公众解释在19世纪80年代,对这些问题的沉默并不引人注目。然而,奇怪的是,尽管最近人们对妇女和家庭的历史,包括她们在政治思想中的地位非常关注,尽管人们重新对英国理想主义者产生了哲学上的兴趣,并准备把他们对政治、教育和社会工作的重大影响归功于他们,但这种观点今天仍然存在。人们经常说,格林的政治思想表面上与约翰·斯图亚特·密尔的政治思想有许多共同之处,因为他们的价值观和戒律非常相似,尽管他们的思想的底层结构完全不同。然而,人们完全没有注意到,他们对妇女、婚姻和家庭关系的看法也是如此。今天,密尔传说中的女权主义很容易显得有限和缺乏远见,他给予议会投票的优先权也奇怪地简单化了。格林表现出了更大的现实主义和理解力吗?无论是在私人生活还是在公共生活中,他是否既宣扬又实践了真正的男女平等?简而言之,格林在“女性问题”上的立场究竟是什么?
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引用次数: 16
Hume's critique of the contract theory 休谟对契约理论的批判
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1991-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781315258492-23
S. Buckle, D. Castiglione
The object of this paper is to put Hume's criticism of the �fashionable theory� of the original contract within its proper contexts. This will enable us to show the inner coherence of Hume's arguments, but also their pronounced difference from those characteristically modern versions of contract theory which, like Rawls's, appeal to the notion of a hypothetical contract. We begin, however, with a few observations on the history of contract theories.
本文的目的是将休谟对“时髦的原始契约理论”的批评置于适当的语境中。这将使我们能够展示休谟论证的内在连贯性,但也表明他们与那些典型的现代契约理论版本的明显区别,如罗尔斯的,呼吁一个假设契约的概念。然而,我们首先对契约理论的历史进行一些观察。
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引用次数: 20
The place of the tyrant in Machiavelli's political thought and the literary genre of The prince 暴君在马基雅维利政治思想中的地位与《君主论》的文学体裁
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.7916/D8Z3250K
Giovanni Giorgini
Contrary to the common interpretation, Machiavelli's notion of tyranny is quite elusive, for it is not based on moral or legal considerations. Machiavelli does not obliterate the difference between tyranny and principality, but he judges regimes and political behaviour according to the circumstances and to the end pursued by the statesman. His major political writings can be construed as aiming at the permanent education of the real statesman, to furnish him with a vision of the correct aim to pursue and, at the same time, to enable him to master 'the quality of the times'. Machiavelli's political works thus belong to the classic tradition of political treatises in the fashion of Aristotle's Politics and Cicero's De Officiis.
与通常的解释相反,马基雅维利的暴政概念相当难以捉摸,因为它不是基于道德或法律考虑。马基雅维利并没有抹杀暴政和公国之间的区别,但他根据环境和政治家追求的目标来判断政权和政治行为。他的主要政治著作可以被理解为旨在对真正的政治家进行永久的教育,为他提供追求正确目标的愿景,同时使他能够掌握“时代品质”。因此,马基雅维利的政治著作属于经典的政治论文传统,类似于亚里士多德的《政治学》和西塞罗的《官论》。
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引用次数: 10
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HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT
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