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Václav Havel’s Search for Emancipatory Governmentality Václav哈维尔对解放式治理的探索
Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2262342
Václav Rut
ABSTRACTThis paper deals with the political philosophy of Václav Havel, mainly its relation to ethics and what Michel Foucault called governmentality. Besides using his analytical framework, Foucault’s politics are engaged with to highlight similar trajectories of two intellectuals dealing with related dilemmas of ethics and politics. As a dissident of communist Czechoslovakia Havel, developed a profound critique of modernity, but also discovered technologies of the self, exclusive to dissidents, which empowered them in their moral struggle against the regime. The Velvet Revolution in 1989 ascended Havel to the presidency of the republic, a position from which he quickly embraced and disseminated neoliberal governmentality. The final section deals with Havel’s use of human rights in the later years of his presidency, being a justification for military interventions and comparing them to Foucault’s conceptualisation of rights. Human rights discourse is the culmination of Havel’s lifelong quest for the ethical foundation of politics and it is the source of most difficulties and potentialities associated with this project.KEYWORDS: HavelFoucaultgovernmentalitydissidenceneoliberalism Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Bělohradský, “Od Havla k havlismu a zpět.”2 Havel, Dálkový výslech, 133–44.3 Brennan, The Political Thought of Václav Havel; Gümplová, “Rethinking Resistance with Václav Havel”; Tucker, The Philosophy and Politics of Czech Dissidence.4 Brennan, The Political Thought of Václav Havel, 171–8.5 Eyal, “Anti-Politics and the Spirit of Capitalism.”6 Cf. Keane, Vaclav Havel.7 For a discussion on Foucault’s alleged affinity to neoliberalism see Becker, Ewald, and Harcourt, “Becker on Ewald on Foucault on Becker”; Dean and Zamora, The Last Man Takes LSD; Sawyer and Steinmetz-Jenkins, Foucault, Neoliberalism, and Beyond.8 Lemke, “The Birth of Bio-Politics,” 202.9 Vighi and Feldner, Žižek: Beyond Foucault, 77–8.10 Foucault in: Dean and Zamora, The Last Man Takes LSD, 46.11 Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 108.12 Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics, 2.13 Foucault, “Technologies of the Self,” 19.14 Foucault, The Use of Pleasure, 10–11.15 Foucault, “Interview with Michel Foucault,” 295–6.16 Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics, 91–2. In a lecture, Foucault said: “what socialism lacks is not so much a theory of the state as a governmental reason, the definition of what a governmental rationality would be in socialism, that is to say, a reasonable and calculable measure of the extent, modes, and objectives of governmental action.”17 Havel, Do různých stran, 57.18 Ibid.19 Steger and Replogle, “Václav Havel’s Postmodernism.”20 Havel, ’94, 105–6.21 Havel, Dopisy Olze, 134.22 Bělohradský, “Dva odkazy Václava Havla”; Brennan, The Political Thought of Václav Havel, 14–15.23 Havel, Dopisy Olze, 315–7.24 Ibid., 283–4.25 Foucault in: Dean and Zamora, The Last Man Takes LSD, 82–3.26 Havel, Moc bezmocn
回到天主教会的改革家Jan Hus所做的牺牲,他在1415年的康斯坦茨会议上拒绝放弃他的教义。因此,他在议会面前被活活烧死了哈维尔,Dopisy Olze, 294.50哈维尔,Dálkový výslech, 120.51哈维尔,Moc bezmocných, 39.52塔克,捷克持不同政见者的哲学和政治,116.53 Bělohradský,“Od Havla k havlismu a zpz。””“不同意见给社会带来了反政治冲突,因为它把整个社会拉进了一场争取另一个社会中心的斗争,为了不同的价值观,它把社会分裂成两个实体,每个实体都有其中心和外围。54哈维尔,Dopisy Olze, 341.55哈维尔,Do různých stran, 57.56福柯,《生命政治学的诞生》,92.57哈维尔,Převzetí estn<s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1> <s:1>)巴黎政治学院,Institutu politických v<e:1>。哈维尔自己承认,持不同政见者的“努力似乎是徒劳的,因为它没有得到任何权力工具的支持,也没有得到任何社会有效部分的明显支持。”58福柯:《生命政治学的诞生》,第218.59页,同上,第216-33页。根据福柯的说法,经济人是18世纪自由主义思想中出现的理性行为者的典范,其行为服从于效用理论,是交换的理想伙伴。新自由主义将这种模式转变为经济人,经济人主要是自己的企业家,利用自己的工作和身体作为资本同上,269.61同上,32.62汉利,新欧洲的新右派,171.63权力和Weinfurter, Thatcherismus v českých zemích, 112.64哈维尔,Moc bezmocných, 56.65塔克,捷克持不同政见者的哲学和政治,164.66迪恩和萨莫拉,最后一个人吃LSD, 133-44.67哈维尔,Dopisy Olze, 356-7.68 Lemke,“生命政治的诞生”,202.69沙米尔,“责任的时代”,7.70哈维尔,97,86-90.71哈维尔,Vážení ob<s:1> an<e:1>, 47-8.72布朗,《撤销Demos》,210-8.73哈维尔,《牺牲的呼唤》,4。这篇文章发表在《外交事务》杂志上,由保罗·威尔逊翻译成英文。特别的是,引用的句子继续“甚至包括对越来越大的国内生产和消费的追求”。这不是在捷克语原稿的情况下,句子结束在这篇文章中引用。原稿见Havel, 1992 & 1993, 168-75。以及Václav哈维尔图书馆的档案《反政治与资本主义精神》。75同上,78-85.76哈维尔,项目,166;哈维尔,Vážení ob<s:1> an<e:1>, 161.77哈维尔,Vážení ob<s:1> an<e:1>, 167.78贝克尔,埃瓦尔德和哈考特,“贝克尔论埃瓦尔德论福柯论贝克尔”,6.79哈维尔,1996,32-3.80莫恩,《最后的乌托邦》,81同上,224.82奥德修斯,“人权,自由个体发生和自由”,766.83哈维尔,Letní přemítání, 74.84威廉姆斯和哈维尔,《批判的生活》,175.85哈维尔,“主权的约束”。86同上。87主要是1975年在欧洲安全与合作会议上签署的赫尔辛基协定。88哈维尔,“主权约束”。“89 Bělohradský”,“Dva Odkazy Václava Havla”;Žižek,“试图逃避资本主义的逻辑”。”90莱姆克,福柯,《治理与批判》,67。福柯“经常介入,要求尊重既定的权利:堕胎的权利,庇护权,由律师代表的权利。在某些场合,福柯甚至援引了新的权利。在几次关于同性恋权利和性自决的采访中,他要求法律承认同性关系。91同上,92福柯,《两节课》,108.93见巴顿,《福柯,批判与权利》;皮克特,《福柯式权利?》94福柯,《主体与权力》,785.95同上,781.96福柯,《性意志的社会胜利》,159-60.97 Žižek,《试图逃避资本主义的逻辑》,6.98奥法雷尔,米歇尔·福柯,131.99迪恩和萨莫拉,《最后一个人服用LSD》,149。本文由查尔斯大学资助基金SVV-260727(“当代政治中的冲突、交流与合作”)资助。
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引用次数: 0
Václav Havel’s Legacy: Politics as Morality Václav哈维尔的遗产:作为道德的政治
Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2262343
Daniel Brennan
ABSTRACTThe paper considers the legacy of Václav Havel in regard to civil disobedience and dissident action. The paper frames its analysis on the long-standing debate Havel undertook with the Czech author Milan Kundera. Ultimately the paper argues that the nuance to Havel’s optimism, as it emerges against Kundera’s more pessimistic position, regarding dissident action is a timely and important response with great value for contemporary global challenges.KEYWORDS: Václav HavelMilan Kunderadissidencecivil disobedience Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Havel, Letters to Olga.2 Havel, “Power of the Powerless.”3 Havel, Disturbing the Peace, 173.4 Said, “On Lost Causes,” 428.
摘要本文考虑Václav哈维尔在公民不服从和持不同政见者行动方面的遗产。本文分析了哈维尔与捷克作家米兰·昆德拉(Milan Kundera)长期以来的争论。最后,本文认为,哈维尔的乐观主义与昆德拉更为悲观的立场之间的细微差别,对持不同政见者的行动做出了及时而重要的回应,对当代全球挑战具有重大价值。关键词:Václav哈维尔米兰·昆德拉异议公民抗命披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突。3哈维尔,《扰乱和平》,173.4 Said,“论失败的原因”,428。
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引用次数: 0
Merleau-Ponty and “Dirty Hands”: Political Phronesis and Virtù Between Marxism and Machiavelli 梅洛-庞蒂与“脏手”:政治理论与Virtù马克思主义与马基雅维利之间
Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2262341
Jack Reynolds
Despite rarely explicitly thematizing the problem of dirty hands, this essay argues that Merleau-Ponty’s political work can nonetheless make some important contributions to the issue, both descriptively and normatively. Although his political writings have been neglected in recent times, his interpretations of Marxism and Machiavelli enabled him to develop an account of political phronesis and virtù that sought to retain the strengths of their respective positions without succumbing to their problems. In the process, he provides grounds for generalizing the problem of “dirty hands” beyond Michael Walzer’s influential understanding that pertains primarily to “emergencies” and singular time-slice actions, and addresses concerns about the coherence of the very idea that there is justified action that one ought to do which remains wrong. Merleau-Ponty does this by emphasizing the diachronic relationship between theoretical principles and concrete political action over a period of time, thus imbuing the problem of dirty hands with a historicity that is not sufficiently recognized in the more static and action-focused discussions.
尽管很少明确地将“脏手”问题作为主题,本文认为梅洛-庞蒂的政治著作仍然可以对这个问题做出一些重要的贡献,无论是在描述上还是在规范上。尽管他的政治著作在最近被忽视了,但他对马克思主义和马基雅维利的解释使他能够发展出一种政治理论和virtù的描述,这种解释试图保留他们各自立场的优势,而不屈服于他们的问题。在这个过程中,他为概括“脏手”问题提供了依据,超越了迈克尔·沃尔泽(Michael Walzer)主要涉及“紧急情况”和单一时间片行动的有影响力的理解,并解决了对一个人应该做的正当行动仍然是错误的想法的一致性的担忧。梅洛-庞蒂通过强调理论原则与一段时间内具体政治行动之间的历时关系来做到这一点,从而使脏手问题具有历史性,而在更静态和以行动为重点的讨论中没有充分认识到这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Deleuze’s and Guattari’s Body Without Organs and Lacan’s Other Jouissance: Bodies Under Capitalism 德勒兹与瓜塔里的无器官身体与拉康的他者欢爽:资本主义下的身体
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2241060
Francisco Conde Soto
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引用次数: 0
Lived Experience: Defined and Critiqued 生活经验:定义和批判
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2241058
P. J. Casey
ABSTRACT From social media to the halls of academia all the way to the White House, everyone is talking about “lived experience”. Yet, there is considerable confusion about what, precisely, the term means. Part of this confusion results from the lack of awareness about the origin of the term and the philosophical need that it was introduced to address. Accordingly, the first aim of this essay is to elucidate the meaning of “lived experience” by teasing out and enumerating its various features as found in the thought of Wilhelm Dilthey, who first developed and popularized it as a philosophical concept. The second goal is to critique the use of “lived experience” in contemporary academic and political discourse. Lived experience is simultaneously denigrated by those who regard it as merely subjective and exalted by those who regard it as epistemically authoritative. A return to Dilthey’s original formulation reveals that both of these attitudes are predicated on misunderstandings of the nature of lived experience.
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引用次数: 0
Mouffe’s Wittgenstein and Contemporary Critical Theory 《维特根斯坦与当代批判理论》
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2241063
Philipp Wagenhals
ABSTRACT This paper advances a novel take on Chantal Mouffe’s appropriation of the late Wittgenstein, arguing that Wittgenstein’s philosophy, at the same time, gives rise to and offers a solution to the relativism problem as it can be found in Mouffe’s radical political thought. Unlike other vindications of Wittgenstein-inspired political thought, I also show at which point Wittgenstein’s support for such an approach comes to an end. I thus acknowledge that the relativism problem – at least to some extent – stems from the ambiguity of Wittgensteinian thought itself. After having outlined these challenges, I suggest turning to alternative approaches from the field of critical social philosophy. In particular, Rahel Jaeggi’s Frankfurt School account of forms of life highlights what such a non-relativist but still context-sensitive approach may look like. By virtue of this last step, this paper contributes to recent engagements by Critical Theorists with the late Wittgenstein.
{"title":"Mouffe’s Wittgenstein and Contemporary Critical Theory","authors":"Philipp Wagenhals","doi":"10.1080/14409917.2023.2241063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14409917.2023.2241063","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This paper advances a novel take on Chantal Mouffe’s appropriation of the late Wittgenstein, arguing that Wittgenstein’s philosophy, at the same time, gives rise to and offers a solution to the relativism problem as it can be found in Mouffe’s radical political thought. Unlike other vindications of Wittgenstein-inspired political thought, I also show at which point Wittgenstein’s support for such an approach comes to an end. I thus acknowledge that the relativism problem – at least to some extent – stems from the ambiguity of Wittgensteinian thought itself. After having outlined these challenges, I suggest turning to alternative approaches from the field of critical social philosophy. In particular, Rahel Jaeggi’s Frankfurt School account of forms of life highlights what such a non-relativist but still context-sensitive approach may look like. By virtue of this last step, this paper contributes to recent engagements by Critical Theorists with the late Wittgenstein.","PeriodicalId":51905,"journal":{"name":"Critical Horizons","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43106193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
“The Letter Kills, but the Spirit Gives Life”: Letters on the Spirit and the Letter of Hegel's Philosophy “文字杀人,但精神赋予生命”:《论精神的书信》和《黑格尔哲学的书信》
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2241061
Robert Lucas Scott
ABSTRACT This essay traces Hegel's conceptualisation of “the spirit and the letter”, from the period of his early theological writings to that of the Science of Logic, with particular reference to his correspondence. This dialectic, for Hegel, concerns the realisation of the truth or “spirit” of something from the specificity and fixity of its particular details – its “letter”. It also concerns, then, the freedom to interpret the spirit of something in spite of the apparent authority of any supposed original meanings or authorial intentions. We find him using the phrase in a variety of contexts, with reference to politics, Biblical hermeneutics, textual criticism, the history of philosophy and education. While originally derived from St Paul's dictum – “the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life” (2 Cor 3:6) – Hegel's early invocations of “the spirit and the letter” are inspired by Fichte, who sought to distinguish the spirit from the letter of Kant's philosophy. However, while Fichte conceives of the “spirit” as an “aesthetic sense” with which to take creative liberties with the letter, the later Hegel finds that it is only by tarrying with the contradictions of the dead letter that the spirit might be brought to life.
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引用次数: 0
Maternal Inclinations, Queer Orientations, Common Occupation 母性倾向、酷儿取向、共同职业
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2233111
Isabell Dahms
ABSTRACT This article explores queer spatial and feminist coalitional practices through Adriana Cavarero's concept of maternal and mimetic “inclinations”, Sara Ahmed's concept of queer “orientations” and a political action by the English Collective of Prostitutes (ECP). It argues that through these paradigms, social histories become central to philosophical thinking about subjectivity. Ahmed and Cavarero conceive of subjectivity through postural and spatial relations. To explore how spatial and postural relations generate subjectivities, I focus on an example of a deliberate political takeover of space. In the article, Ahmed and Cavarero's concepts are explored through a historical analysis of the 1982 takeover of Holy Cross Church (London, UK) by the ECP. This political action offers a different starting point for philosophical inquiry and proposes an additional response by orienting and inclining us towards a feminist coalitional practice and commons that builds support without minimising difference. The paper will show that the conceptual tools of Cavarero, Ahmed and the ECP can be productively brought into conversation and used to conceptualise maternal inclinations through queer spatial relations and feminist coalitional practices.
本文通过Adriana Cavarero的母性和模仿“倾向”概念、Sara Ahmed的酷儿“取向”概念以及英国妓女团体(ECP)的政治行动来探讨酷儿空间和女权主义联盟的实践。它认为,通过这些范式,社会历史成为哲学思考主体性的核心。艾哈迈德和卡瓦雷罗通过姿势和空间关系来构思主体性。为了探索空间和姿势关系是如何产生主体性的,我将重点放在一个故意的政治接管空间的例子上。在这篇文章中,Ahmed和Cavarero的概念是通过对1982年ECP接管圣十字教堂(英国伦敦)的历史分析来探讨的。这一政治行动为哲学探究提供了一个不同的起点,并提出了一种额外的回应,通过将我们导向并倾向于女权主义联盟实践和公地,在不最小化差异的情况下建立支持。本文将表明,Cavarero, Ahmed和ECP的概念工具可以有效地引入对话,并通过酷儿空间关系和女权主义联盟实践用于概念化母性倾向。
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引用次数: 0
Mimetic Inclinations: An Introduction 模仿倾向:导论
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2233108
N. Lawtoo, W. Verkerk, Adriana Cavarero
At first glance, it may appear perplexing to join the ancient concept of “mimesis” with the contemporary concept of “inclinations” via the title of “mimetic inclinations” – and for more than one reason. After all, Plato staged a philosophical critique of mimetic arts in the Republic via the trope of a metaphysical mirror that turns the real world into an appearance, a shadow, or a phantom far removed from reality. As such, the scene was staged for an agonistic confrontation that pits the philosopher against the artist, placing the abstract Forms in the vertical sky of eternal ideas in tension with the horizontally inclined world of aesthetic simulations. From the vertical,meta-physical perspective, the dominant definition of mimesis understood as a mirroring copy or representation of reality that in-forms (gives form to) Western metaphysics is thus at odds with the pluralism internal to an embodied, dramatic, and relationally inclined ontology that, contra Plato, is now reappearing on the contemporary philosophical scene. This relational ontology is constitutive of what the Italian feminist philosopher, classicist, and political theorist Adriana Cavarero has recently grouped under the rubric of “inclinations” (inclinazioni). She provides a different position, or disposition, towards others that troubles the ideal of a self-possessed, autonomous, and solipsistic subject in favour of a magnetic and affective “force”. This force inclines subjectivity towards alterity – thereby proposing a different ontological posture to rethink ethical and political relations constitutive of being in common with others in this world. Adriana Cavarero is one of the most influential contemporary Italian philosophers writing today. A feminist thinker with a pluralist training in classics, political theory, and literary theory, Cavarero is a protean theorist whose work spans the history of Western philosophy – from Plato to Kant, Hannah Arendt to Judith Butler, and beyond. Furthermore, she develops a pluralist thought that goes beyond ancient quarrels between philosophy and literature to rethink the human condition for present and future generations. Cavarero’s influential and now classic works like In Spite of Plato (1995), Relating Narratives (2000), Stately Bodies (2002), For More than one Voice (2005), Horrorism (2008), and, more recently, Inclinations (2014) and Surging Democracy (2021) have rethought the foundations of the subject through a relational ontology attentive to vulnerability, precarity, and care, which she posits at the foundations of an ethics of non-violence. These concepts have been important for influential anglophone theorists like Judith Butler and Bonnie Honig, for instance.
乍一看,将古代的“模仿”概念与当代的“倾向”概念通过“模仿倾向”的标题联系在一起似乎令人费解,原因不止一个。毕竟,柏拉图在《理想国》中对模仿艺术进行了哲学批判,通过形而上学的镜子的比喻,将现实世界变成了远离现实的表象、阴影或幽灵。因此,这一幕上演了一场激烈的对抗,让哲学家与艺术家对立起来,将抽象形式置于永恒思想的垂直天空中,与审美模拟的水平倾斜世界相张力。从垂直的、元物理的角度来看,拟态的主要定义被理解为对现实的镜像复制或再现,这种复制或再现是西方形而上学的形式(给予形式),因此与体现的、戏剧性的、关系倾向的本体论内部的多元主义不一致,与柏拉图相反,现在正在当代哲学舞台上重新出现。这种关系本体论构成了意大利女权主义哲学家、古典主义者和政治理论家阿德里亚娜·卡瓦雷罗(Adriana Cavarero)最近在“倾向”(inclinazioni)的标题下分组的内容。她为他人提供了一种不同的立场或性格,这种立场或性格困扰着一个自我控制的、自主的、唯我论的主体的理想,而支持一种具有磁性和情感的“力量”。这种力量使主体性倾向于另类——从而提出了一种不同的本体论姿态来重新思考构成与这个世界上其他人共同存在的伦理和政治关系。阿德里亚娜·卡瓦雷罗是当代意大利最有影响力的哲学家之一。卡瓦雷罗是一位女权主义思想家,在古典文学、政治理论和文学理论方面接受过多元主义的训练。卡瓦雷罗是一位千变万化的理论家,他的作品跨越了西方哲学史——从柏拉图到康德,从汉娜·阿伦特到朱迪思·巴特勒,等等。此外,她发展了一种超越古代哲学与文学之争的多元主义思想,重新思考当代和后代的人类状况。卡瓦雷罗的影响深远的经典作品,如《尽管柏拉图》(1995)、《相关叙述》(2000)、《威严的身体》(2002)、《不止一种声音》(2005)、《恐怖主义》(2008),以及最近的《倾向》(2014)和《澎湃的民主》(2021),通过关注脆弱性、不稳定性和关怀的关系本体论,重新思考了这一主题的基础,她认为这是非暴力伦理的基础。这些概念对朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)和邦妮·霍尼格(Bonnie Honig)等有影响力的英语理论家很重要。
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引用次数: 0
Critiques of Violence: Arendt, Sedgwick, and Cavarero Respond to Billy Budd’s Stutter 暴力批判:阿伦特、塞奇威克和卡瓦雷罗回应比利·巴德的《口吃》
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2023.2233112
Andrea Timár
ABSTRACT This paper examines how Adriana Cavarero extends and offers an alternative to Hannah Arendt's understanding of speech and its relationship to politics and violence through a re-reading of Herman Melville’s, Billy Budd, Sailor (1891). The novella was examined by Arendt in On Revolution (1963) where she considers the apolitical character of the French Revolutionary Terror and establishes a link between violence, mimetic contagion, and the failure of articulate speech. I suggest that whereas Arendt’s reading only offers two possible responses to violence—forgiveness or punishment (perpetuating violence)—a reading of the novella inspired by Cavarero’s work shows a third alternative, the prevention of violence, while equally revealing the blind spot of Arendt’s argument. The blind spot is Arendt's privileging of articulate speech and her failure to consider the embodied character of human expression. Cavarero’s ethics of inclination, however, allows for a response to, and responsibility for, the uniqueness of the human voice, and for the intention to convey meaning. To mediate between Arendt and Cavarero, the paper also reconsiders Nidesh Lawtoo’s understanding of mimesis, evokes Eve Sedgwick’s paradigm-setting queer reading of Billy Budd, and engages with Walter Benjamin’s and Giorgio Agamben’s contrary takes on the relationship between violence and language.
摘要本文通过重读赫尔曼·梅尔维尔(Herman Melville)的《比利·巴德·赛罗》(Billy Budd,Sailor,1891),探讨了阿德里安娜·卡瓦雷罗(Adriana Cavarero)是如何扩展汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)对言论及其与政治和暴力的关系的理解的,并为其提供了一种替代方案。阿伦特在《论革命》(1963)一书中对这部中篇小说进行了研究,她在书中考虑了法国革命恐怖的非政治性,并在暴力、模仿传染和口齿不清之间建立了联系。我认为,尽管阿伦特的阅读只提供了对暴力的两种可能的回应——宽恕或惩罚(使暴力永久化)——但受卡瓦雷罗作品启发的中篇小说的阅读显示了第三种选择,即预防暴力,同时也揭示了阿伦特论点的盲点。盲点是阿伦特对口齿清晰的话语的特权,以及她没有考虑到人类表达的具体特征。然而,卡瓦雷罗的倾向伦理允许对人类声音的独特性做出回应并承担责任,以及传达意义的意图。为了在阿伦特和卡瓦雷罗之间进行调解,本文还重新思考了奈德什·劳图对模仿的理解,唤起了伊芙·塞奇威克对比利·巴德的范式设置的酷儿阅读,并与沃尔特·本雅明和乔治·阿甘本对暴力与语言关系的相反看法进行了探讨。
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引用次数: 0
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