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Bodies in Public Spaces: Questioning the Boundary Between the Public and the Private 公共空间中的身体:对公共与私人边界的质疑
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-07 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2104081
Vicky Roupa
ABSTRACT This paper examines the connection between politics and public space at a time when photography and the new media have put the classical distinction between the public and the private into question. My focus is on the body which, according to Hannah Arendt and the classical philosophers, is the most private thing there is. Drawing on the work of Weimar photojournalist Erich Salomon – who was among the first to infiltrate the spaces where political talks were held and decisions taken – I argue for an understanding of the body as an aesthetic object and a site where public and private criss-cross and intersect. The body in photography leads me to the final part of the paper where I trace the figuring of the body in the texts of Plato, Aristotle and the Stoics, and argue that far from being a recent phenomenon, the aestheticisation of politics is already at work in the tradition that celebrates deliberation and the public use of reason.
摘要:在摄影和新媒体对公共和私人之间的经典区别提出质疑之际,本文探讨了政治与公共空间之间的联系。我关注的是身体,根据汉娜·阿伦特和古典哲学家的说法,这是最私人的东西。根据魏玛摄影记者Erich Salomon的作品,我主张将身体理解为一种审美对象,一个公共和私人纵横交错的场所。摄影中的身体让我进入了论文的最后一部分,在那里我追溯了柏拉图、亚里士多德和斯多葛学派的文本中的身体形象,并认为政治的审美化远不是最近的现象,在崇尚深思熟虑和公开使用理性的传统中已经在起作用。
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引用次数: 0
Vox populi, vox neminis: Crowds, Interactivity and the Fate of Communication Vox populi,Vox neminis:人群、互动与传播的命运
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2104080
Bernardo Ferro
ABSTRACT Philosophy’s engagement with mass media has often been ambiguous: many critical theorists, from Benjamin to Bourdieu, recognised the emancipatory potential of modern communication technologies, but they also denounced the economic, political and ideological forces at work in the creation and dissemination of public opinion. Looking at different media, these authors emphasised the dialectical tension between the plurality of the public sphere and different forms of control and manipulation. In the present paper, I argue that this line of criticism, albeit important, is no longer sufficient. I claim that contemporary forms of communication, defined by a unique emphasis on interactivity, cannot be analysed simply in terms of the opposition between dominant and marginalised agents or discourses. In its most extreme form, interactivity leads to an implosion of the distinction between the sources and the targets of the information flow, which calls into question the very possibility of a meaningful communicative exchange. To clarify the nature of this phenomenon, I retrace the evolution of modern political communication, from live speeches to digital platforms and social networks, and discuss its implications for recent debates on political authority, participation and representation.
哲学与大众传媒的接触往往是模棱两可的:许多批判理论家,从本雅明到布迪厄,都认识到现代传播技术的解放潜力,但他们也谴责在公众舆论的创造和传播中起作用的经济、政治和意识形态力量。在审视不同的媒介时,这些作者强调了公共领域的多元性与不同形式的控制和操纵之间的辩证张力。在本文中,我认为,这种批评路线,虽然重要,不再是充分的。我认为,当代的交流形式,由对互动性的独特强调所定义,不能简单地根据主导和边缘化代理人或话语之间的对立来分析。在其最极端的形式下,互动性导致信息流的来源和目标之间的区别的内爆,这就对有意义的交流的可能性提出了质疑。为了澄清这一现象的本质,我追溯了现代政治传播的演变,从现场演讲到数字平台和社交网络,并讨论了它对最近关于政治权威、参与和代表的辩论的影响。
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引用次数: 0
What is Fascism Without a State?: Countering Claims of Bataille’s Left Fascism 没有国家的法西斯主义是什么?:反驳巴塔耶左翼法西斯主义的主张
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2104082
P. Miller
ABSTRACT The recent increased prominence of far-right movements and nationalism has led to a renewed focus on the political thought of the early twentieth century. This era is defined by large strands of anti-liberalism, fascism, communism, and other political inclinations and practices that have largely fallen out of favour. Nevertheless, there are a multitude of thinkers that occupy unique niches that avoid these classifications but are associated with these movements to categorise and minimise their heterogeneous thoughts. This paper counters arguments that claim that Georges Bataille is a fascist or left-fascist thinker. Specifically, these arguments claim that his “anarchism” is founded on a valorisation of violence and reckless usage of social effectivities. However, these arguments often misinterpret his writings or force his thought into easily understandable categories in which it does not fit.
摘要最近,极右翼运动和民族主义的日益突出,使人们重新关注20世纪初的政治思想。这个时代由大量反自由主义、法西斯主义、共产主义和其他基本上失宠的政治倾向和做法所定义。尽管如此,仍有许多思想家占据着独特的位置,他们避开了这些分类,但与这些运动联系在一起,对他们的异质思想进行分类并将其最小化。本文反驳了乔治·巴塔耶是法西斯或左翼法西斯思想家的说法。具体来说,这些论点声称他的“无政府主义”是建立在对暴力的重视和对社会有效性的鲁莽使用之上的。然而,这些论点往往误解了他的著作,或者迫使他的思想进入易于理解的范畴,而这些范畴并不适合他的思想。
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引用次数: 1
Barricades: Between Resistance and Revolution 路障:在抵抗和革命之间
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2100977
O. Rotlevy
ABSTRACT In a reflection on his Marxist past, J. F. Lyotard described a différend between himself and the revolutionary discourse. This might also represent the relations between the latter and the contemporary discourse of resistance, with its characteristic fascination with non-teleological political action. The disdain for teleology apparently justifies the incommensurability of these discourses, thus disabling any inheritance of elements of the revolutionary tradition. This essay challenges the unbridgeable nature of this gap and explores alternative relations between the two discourses, such as mimetic ones, by reading Walter Benjamin's somewhat neglected fragments on barricades in his Arcades Project. Benjamin's concept of interruption – celebrated by contemporary theorists of resistance – alongside his non-teleological concept of revolution, provides the theoretical armature for this task. Thus, I use barricades, commonly conceived as the emblem of the revolutionary tradition, in order to reconsider the possibility of inheriting aspects of this tradition in times in which the predominant discourse is that of resistance.
利奥塔在反思自己的马克思主义生涯时,描述了自己与革命话语之间的一种差异。这也可能代表了后者与当代抵抗话语之间的关系,其特征是对非目的论政治行动的迷恋。对目的论的蔑视显然证明了这些话语的不可通约性,从而使革命传统的任何元素的继承失效。这篇文章挑战了这一鸿沟不可逾越的本质,并通过阅读沃尔特·本雅明在他的拱廊计划中有些被忽视的关于街垒的片段,探索了两种话语之间的替代关系,比如模仿关系。本雅明的中断概念——受到当代抵抗理论家的推崇——与他的非目的论革命概念一起,为这项任务提供了理论框架。因此,我使用通常被认为是革命传统象征的街垒,是为了重新考虑在以抵抗为主导话语的时代继承这一传统各个方面的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Contempt, Respect, and Recognition 蔑视、尊重和认可
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2100975
B. Lueck
ABSTRACT Since the early modern period, the vast majority of philosophers who have written on contempt have understood it as a denial of respect. But there has been considerable disagreement about precisely what kind of respect we deny people when we contemn them. Contemporary philosophers who defend contempt as a morally appropriate attitude tend to understand it as a denial of what Stephen Darwall calls appraisal respect, while early modern writers, who all believe that contemning others constitutes a serious moral wrong, seem to understand it more as a denial of recognition respect. In this paper, I argue that neither of these understandings of contempt hits the mark and that we do better to conceptualize it as a denial of recognition in the sense articulated by Axel Honneth and by other critical theorists who have been influenced by his work.
摘要自近代早期以来,绝大多数写过蔑视论的哲学家都将其理解为对尊重的否定。但是,当我们蔑视别人时,我们究竟拒绝给予他们什么样的尊重,这一点一直存在相当大的分歧。当代哲学家将蔑视视为一种道德上适当的态度,他们倾向于将其理解为对斯蒂芬·达沃尔所说的评价尊重的否认,而早期现代作家都认为质疑他人构成了严重的道德错误,他们似乎更将其理解成对承认尊重的否认。在这篇论文中,我认为,这两种对蔑视的理解都没有切中要害,我们最好将其概念化为阿克塞尔·洪内斯和其他受其作品影响的批判理论家所阐述的否认承认。
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引用次数: 1
Unifying, Comparative, Critical and Metacritical: Domenico Losurdo’s Nietzsche as Aristocratic Rebel 统一、比较、批判与元批判:多梅尼科·洛苏多笔下的尼采作为贵族反叛者
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2100978
M. Sharpe
ABSTRACT This review essay responds critically to the English translation of Domenico Losurdo’s monumental Friedrich Nietzsche: Aristocratic Rebel. It sets out to clearly identify and examine Losurdo’s two tasks in Nietzsche: firstly, his reconstruction of Nietzsche’s intellectual itinerary, from his earliest works until his descent into madness, in the context of later nineteenth-century social, political, philosophical, and eugenic sources; and secondly, to “interpret the interpretations”, and understand how Nietzsche’s avowed “aristocratic radicalism” could have informed thinkers from across the political spectrum, at the same time as Losurdo contests the cogency of “progressive” readings of Nietzsche as based upon a selective “hermeneutics of innocence” which involves suppressing the recurrent, darker registers of his texts. The essay also unpacks Losurdo’s two hermeneutic strategies in this magnum opus. Firstly, we examine his “unifying” claim that Nietzsche, as a great thinker, had a coherent but evolving vision, from Birth of Tragedy through to his final works, unified by his metapolitical intention to overcome democratic, liberal and socialist modern egalitarianisms, by tracking them back to their roots in the Old Testament and classical antiquity. Secondly, we critique his contextualizing methodology which resituates the author of the “untimely meditations” within the debates of his day concerning modernity, slavery, liberalism, socialism, massification, Darwinism, and eugenics. To close, I proffer some brief comments concerning the significance of Losurdo’s work in the present moment, as the Far Right globally reasserts itself.
摘要本文对多梅尼科·洛苏多的不朽著作《弗里德里希·尼采:贵族反叛》的英译本进行了批判性的回应。它试图明确地识别和审视洛苏多在尼采身上的两项任务:首先,在19世纪后期的社会、政治、哲学和优生学来源的背景下,他重建了尼采的思想历程,从他最早的作品到他陷入疯狂;其次,“解释这些解释”,并理解尼采公开宣称的“贵族激进主义”是如何为来自各个政治派别的思想家提供信息的,与此同时,洛苏多质疑尼采“进步”解读的说服力,认为这是基于一种选择性的“纯真解释学”,他文本中较为阴暗的部分。文章还对这部巨著中罗的两种解释学策略进行了解读。首先,我们考察了他的“统一”主张,即尼采作为一位伟大的思想家,从《悲剧的诞生》到他的最后作品,都有一个连贯但不断发展的愿景,他的元政治意图是克服民主、自由和社会主义的现代平等主义,将其追溯到旧约和古代。其次,我们批评了他的语境化方法论,该方法论使作者在他那个时代关于现代性、奴隶制、自由主义、社会主义、大众化、达尔文主义和优生学的辩论中“不合时宜的沉思”。最后,随着极右翼在全球范围内重新确立自己的地位,我对洛苏多作品在当下的意义发表了一些简短的评论。
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引用次数: 0
Critical Theory Between Klein and Lacan: A Dialogue 克莱因与拉康的批判理论对话
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2100979
S. Robinson
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引用次数: 6
“Utopianism in Pianissimo”: Adorno and Bloch on Utopia and Critique “皮亚尼西主义中的乌托邦主义”:阿多诺与布洛赫谈乌托邦与批判
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2100976
Jonathan Roessler
ABSTRACT Adorno’s subtle utopianism is often overshadowed by the sombreness of his work. In this article, I explore Adorno’s concept of utopia by reading him alongside Ernst Bloch, whose The Spirit of Utopia (1918) had a lasting influence on Adorno. Not least due to the unsteady nature of their friendship, the intellectual relationship between Bloch and Adorno has often been overlooked. I propose that Bloch’s utopianism can help us make sense of Adorno’s rare but distinct remarks on utopia and argue that instead of being a pure negativist, Adorno entertains a “minimal utopianism” that is constitutive to his notion of critique. I conclude that reading Adorno with Bloch reveals utopia as an ineliminable focal point in Adorno’s work and urges us to rethink the importance of utopianism for any critical project.
摘要阿多诺微妙的乌托邦主义常常被其作品的阴郁所掩盖。在这篇文章中,我通过阅读阿多诺和恩斯特·布洛赫的作品来探讨他的乌托邦概念,他的《乌托邦精神》(1918)对阿多诺产生了持久的影响。尤其是由于他们友谊的不稳定,布洛赫和阿多诺之间的智力关系经常被忽视。我认为布洛赫的乌托邦主义可以帮助我们理解阿多诺关于乌托邦的罕见但独特的言论,并认为阿多诺不是一个纯粹的否定主义者,而是一种“最小乌托邦主义”,这是他批判概念的组成部分。我的结论是,与布洛赫一起阅读《阿多诺》揭示了乌托邦是阿多诺作品中一个不可避免的焦点,并敦促我们重新思考乌托邦主义对任何关键项目的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Tenses of the Present 现在时态
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2081413
Peter Morgan
ABSTRACT David Roberts’ History of the Present asks what comes after the grand narratives of European modernity. Progress is over, but without a past and with no assured future, the present remains in conceptual limbo. For Roberts, we are entering a new stage of a global cultural modernity marked by the end of European modernism. Taking a fresh look at the contested endings of the modern, Roberts suggests that an extended concept of contemporaneity might replace the problematic dualism of past and present, modernity and post-modernity at the end of the twentieth century. This review article discusses Roberts’ argument with reference to the work of Budapest School members, Ágnes Heller and György Markus, with reference more broadly to seminal theorists such as Georg Lukács, Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, Alain Touraine and Guy Debord, and to writers including Marcel Proust, Heinrich Mann, Aldous Huxley and Michel Houellebecq, in relation to the questions of cultural modernity.
摘要大卫·罗伯茨的《当代史》提出,欧洲现代性的宏大叙事之后会发生什么。进步已经结束,但没有过去,也没有确定的未来,现在仍然处于概念上的不确定状态。对罗伯茨来说,我们正进入一个以欧洲现代主义终结为标志的全球文化现代性的新阶段。罗伯茨重新审视了现代有争议的结局,他认为,一个扩展的当代性概念可能会取代20世纪末有问题的过去和现在、现代性和后现代性的二元论。这篇综述文章讨论了罗伯茨的论点,并参考了布达佩斯学派成员阿涅斯·海勒和吉尔吉·马库斯的作品,更广泛地参考了乔治·卢卡斯、沃尔特·本杰明、西奥多·阿多诺、阿兰·图林和盖伊·德博德等开创性理论家,以及包括马塞尔·普鲁斯特、海因里希·曼、奥尔德斯·赫胥黎和米歇尔·胡埃勒贝克在内的作家,关于文化现代性的问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Cruel and Benevolent Knife: Hannah Arendt’s Critique of Compassion in Politics 残忍而仁慈的刀:汉娜·阿伦特的政治同情批判
IF 0.4 Q3 SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/14409917.2022.2081411
Allegra Reinalda
ABSTRACT What is the place of compassion in politics? For Hannah Arendt, compassion – a natural fellow-feeling for a suffering other – cannot be brought into politics without damaging both the feeling and the political realm. Arendt develops this analysis in the context of her critique of the French revolution, particularly its Jacobin episode. According to Arendt, the Jacobins attempted to keep the revolution’s compass fixed on unanimity and social cohesion by deploying a discourse of compassion. My reconstruction of Arendt’s argument in On Revolution looks at how the Jacobins’ moralisation and politicisation of compassion not only destroyed the nascent space of politics in the revolution but introduced new ways of justifying cruelty. I go on to show the role that Jacobin compassion has played in the revolutionary tradition more broadly. Read thus, Arendt’s critique is not limited to the French revolution but targets a possibility that is present within the political culture of modernity – one that is activated whenever public action becomes equated with displaying virtuous pity for suffering groups.
同情在政治中的地位是什么?对汉娜·阿伦特来说,同情心——一种对受苦的他人的自然的同道之情——不可能在不损害情感和政治领域的情况下被带入政治。阿伦特在她对法国大革命的批判中发展了这种分析,尤其是在雅各宾派时期。根据阿伦特的说法,雅各宾派试图通过部署同情的话语,将革命的指南针固定在一致和社会凝聚力上。我在《论革命》中对阿伦特的论述进行了重构,探讨了雅各宾派对同情的道德化和政治化如何不仅摧毁了革命中政治的新生空间,而且引入了为残忍辩护的新方法。我将继续展示雅各宾派的同情心在革命传统中所扮演的角色。因此,阿伦特的批判并不局限于法国大革命,而是瞄准了现代性政治文化中存在的一种可能性——只要公共行动等同于对受苦群体表现出善良的同情,这种可能性就会被激活。
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引用次数: 0
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