Abstract Cinque (2010, 2014) shows that in English and Italian, adjectives have two syntactic sources, each with different interpretive properties; one source corresponding to predicative adjectives; the other to non-predicative adjectives. This study examines adjectives in Mandarin Chinese with the goal of finding out whether Chinese displays the same pattern. The data shows that Chinese behaves similarly to English and Italian; adjectives that are derived from relative clauses are semantically different from those that directly modify nouns. In addition, Chinese displays the correspondence that predicative adjectives are derived from reduced RC, while nonpredicative adjectives participate in direct modification. However, this parallelism is only possible if we modify the line drawn between “predicative” and “nonpredicative” assumed by Chinese grammarians. 提要 Cinque (2010, 2014) 認為作定語的形容詞有兩個句法來源，並為英語和義大利語提 供證據指出不同來源之形容詞帶有不同的語義，句法來源的不同最終歸究於形容詞 是否用作謂語。本文探討漢語形容詞的句法來源，證據顯示漢語形容詞同樣有兩個 來源：直接修飾以及關係小句，前者與後者顯現不同語義。形容詞是否用作謂語在 漢語也發揮同樣作用，對形容詞的句法來源有決定性因素。但漢語和英語，義大利 語的相似之處只有在以下情況才能呈現出來：漢語“謂語性形容詞”與“非謂語性 形容詞”的區分必須重新規劃，所有不加“的”的形名詞組中的形容詞皆應納入非 謂語性形容詞中。
{"title":"Syntactic Sources of Adjectives in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Feng-hsi Liu","doi":"10.1515/scl-2016-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2016-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Cinque (2010, 2014) shows that in English and Italian, adjectives have two syntactic sources, each with different interpretive properties; one source corresponding to predicative adjectives; the other to non-predicative adjectives. This study examines adjectives in Mandarin Chinese with the goal of finding out whether Chinese displays the same pattern. The data shows that Chinese behaves similarly to English and Italian; adjectives that are derived from relative clauses are semantically different from those that directly modify nouns. In addition, Chinese displays the correspondence that predicative adjectives are derived from reduced RC, while nonpredicative adjectives participate in direct modification. However, this parallelism is only possible if we modify the line drawn between “predicative” and “nonpredicative” assumed by Chinese grammarians. 提要 Cinque (2010, 2014) 認為作定語的形容詞有兩個句法來源，並為英語和義大利語提 供證據指出不同來源之形容詞帶有不同的語義，句法來源的不同最終歸究於形容詞 是否用作謂語。本文探討漢語形容詞的句法來源，證據顯示漢語形容詞同樣有兩個 來源：直接修飾以及關係小句，前者與後者顯現不同語義。形容詞是否用作謂語在 漢語也發揮同樣作用，對形容詞的句法來源有決定性因素。但漢語和英語，義大利 語的相似之處只有在以下情況才能呈現出來：漢語“謂語性形容詞”與“非謂語性 形容詞”的區分必須重新規劃，所有不加“的”的形名詞組中的形容詞皆應納入非 謂語性形容詞中。","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"37 1","pages":"38 - 55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67005279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract I report a few study notes of semantic selection in this paper. First, if derivational affixes s-select roots, which have no categorial features, s-selection may be implemented independently of c-selection. Second, in certain constructions, it seems that s-selected features do not take part in the syntactic operations that establish syntactic dependencies, and thus the inspection of s-selection seems to be local to the merge domain. I also examine s-selection between phrases, showing that it follows the same projection principle as seen in the c-selection between phrases. 提要 詞語間的語意選擇有可能獨立於詞類選擇。如果詞根沒有詞類，那麼派生詞綴對詞 根的語意選擇就獨立於詞類選擇。其次，在某些句式中，兩個成分之間的句法依賴 關係也有可能獨立於語意特徵的選擇。因此，對語意選擇的檢驗可以是局部的。本 文亦討論兩個短語之間的語意選擇關係，發現短語之間的語意選擇關係跟短語之間 的詞類選擇關係遵守同樣的投射原則。
Abstract I report a few study notes of semantic selection in this paper. First, if derivational affixes s-select roots, which have no categorial features, s-selection may be implemented independently of c-selection. Second, in certain constructions, it seems that s-selected features do not take part in the syntactic operations that establish syntactic dependencies, and thus the inspection of s-selection seems to be local to the merge domain. I also examine s-selection between phrases, showing that it follows the same projection principle as seen in the c-selection between phrases. 提要 词语间的语意选择有可能独立于词类选择。如果词根没有词类，那么派生词缀对词 根的语意选择就独立于词类选择。其次，在某些句式中，两个成分之间的句法依赖 关系也有可能独立于语意特征的选择。因此，对语意选择的检验可以是局部的。本 文亦讨论两个短语之间的语意选择关系，发现短语之间的语意选择关系跟短语之间 的词类选择关系遵守同样的投射原则。
{"title":"Understanding S-Selection","authors":"N. Zhang","doi":"10.1515/scl-2016-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2016-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract I report a few study notes of semantic selection in this paper. First, if derivational affixes s-select roots, which have no categorial features, s-selection may be implemented independently of c-selection. Second, in certain constructions, it seems that s-selected features do not take part in the syntactic operations that establish syntactic dependencies, and thus the inspection of s-selection seems to be local to the merge domain. I also examine s-selection between phrases, showing that it follows the same projection principle as seen in the c-selection between phrases. 提要 詞語間的語意選擇有可能獨立於詞類選擇。如果詞根沒有詞類，那麼派生詞綴對詞 根的語意選擇就獨立於詞類選擇。其次，在某些句式中，兩個成分之間的句法依賴 關係也有可能獨立於語意特徵的選擇。因此，對語意選擇的檢驗可以是局部的。本 文亦討論兩個短語之間的語意選擇關係，發現短語之間的語意選擇關係跟短語之間 的詞類選擇關係遵守同樣的投射原則。","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"37 1","pages":"56 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67005361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract On the basis of considerations involving complementizers, sentence-final particles, need, aspect, tense, focus and topic, agreement morphemes, determiners, verbrelated particles and adpositions, I reach the conclusion that many more heads in the sentential projection line (and elsewhere) must be taken to be silent than is usually thought. I then argue that this state of affairs ultimately reflects the fact that every projecting head is silent. 提要 本文探討的對象包括標句詞、句末助詞、“need”、體、時、焦點與話題、一致關係 語素、限定詞、與動詞有關的助詞、介詞，得出的結論是：在句子投射系列及其他 位置上，無聲中心語的數目應該遠多於過去所理解。本文進而指出，以上的情況都 說明一個事實，那就是中心語都是無聲的成分。
Abstract On the basis of considerations involving complementizers, sentence-final particles, need, aspect, tense, focus and topic, agreement morphemes, determiners, verbrelated particles and adpositions, I reach the conclusion that many more heads in the sentential projection line (and elsewhere) must be taken to be silent than is usually thought. I then argue that this state of affairs ultimately reflects the fact that every projecting head is silent. 提要 本文探讨的对象包括标句词、句末助词、“need”、体、时、焦点与话题、一致关系 语素、限定词、与动词有关的助词、介词，得出的结论是：在句子投射系列及其他 位置上，无声中心语的数目应该远多于过去所理解。本文进而指出，以上的情况都 说明一个事实，那就是中心语都是无声的成分。
{"title":"The Silence of Heads","authors":"Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.1515/scl-2016-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2016-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract On the basis of considerations involving complementizers, sentence-final particles, need, aspect, tense, focus and topic, agreement morphemes, determiners, verbrelated particles and adpositions, I reach the conclusion that many more heads in the sentential projection line (and elsewhere) must be taken to be silent than is usually thought. I then argue that this state of affairs ultimately reflects the fact that every projecting head is silent. 提要 本文探討的對象包括標句詞、句末助詞、“need”、體、時、焦點與話題、一致關係 語素、限定詞、與動詞有關的助詞、介詞，得出的結論是：在句子投射系列及其他 位置上，無聲中心語的數目應該遠多於過去所理解。本文進而指出，以上的情況都 說明一個事實，那就是中心語都是無聲的成分。","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"159 1","pages":"1 - 37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/scl-2016-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper argues against Yue’s (1999) view that complements to verbs of commands (jiao ‘to ask/to tell,’ qing ‘to request,’ quan ‘to persuade,’ etc.) are embedded imperatives with a covert [+second person] subject pronoun. Evidence against the embedded imperative analysis include the presence of partial control, the absence of blocking effect in long-distance binding, the incompatibility between these complement clauses and the polite imperative marker qing, and the fact that Yue’s proposed covert [+second person] pronoun cannot be made overt. Since verbs of commands participate in object control, the present proposal agrees with Zhu’s (1982) treatment of verbs of command as pivotal verbs. Finally, complement clauses of verbs of command are not embedded imperatives as bie can also appear with third person subjects, which shows that the negator does not mark imperative but irrealis and deontic modality. Hence, its presence in complements of verbs of command does not lead to an embedded imperative analysis.
{"title":"Verbs of Command and the Status of Their Embedded Complements in Chinese","authors":"Chak-Lam Colum Yip","doi":"10.1515/scl-2016-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2016-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues against Yue’s (1999) view that complements to verbs of commands (jiao ‘to ask/to tell,’ qing ‘to request,’ quan ‘to persuade,’ etc.) are embedded imperatives with a covert [+second person] subject pronoun. Evidence against the embedded imperative analysis include the presence of partial control, the absence of blocking effect in long-distance binding, the incompatibility between these complement clauses and the polite imperative marker qing, and the fact that Yue’s proposed covert [+second person] pronoun cannot be made overt. Since verbs of commands participate in object control, the present proposal agrees with Zhu’s (1982) treatment of verbs of command as pivotal verbs. Finally, complement clauses of verbs of command are not embedded imperatives as bie can also appear with third person subjects, which shows that the negator does not mark imperative but irrealis and deontic modality. Hence, its presence in complements of verbs of command does not lead to an embedded imperative analysis.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"37 1","pages":"130 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67005535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper argues that various important results of formal language theory (e.g., the so-called Chomsky Hierarchy) may in fact be illusory as far as the human language faculty is concerned, as has been repeatedly emphasized by Chomsky himself. The paper takes up nested dependencies and cross-serial dependencies, the two important dependencies that typically show up in the discussion of the central classes of grammars and languages, and specifically shows that the fact that nested dependencies abound in human language while cross-serial dependencies are rather limited in human language can be naturally explained if we shift our attention from dependencies defined on terminal strings to abstract structures behind them. The paper then shows that nested dependencies are readily obtained by Merge, applying phase-by-phase, whereas cross-serial dependencies are available only as a result of copying Merge, which requires a constituency of the relevant strings. These results strongly suggest that dependencies are possible in human language only to the extent that they are the results from the structures that can be generated by Merge, leading to the conclusion that it is Merge-generability that determines various dependencies in human language, and that dependencies defined on the terminal strings are indeed illusory. A possible brain science experiment to demonstrate this point is also suggested.
{"title":"A Note on Weak vs. Strong Generation in Human Language","authors":"Naoki Fukui","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that various important results of formal language theory (e.g., the so-called Chomsky Hierarchy) may in fact be illusory as far as the human language faculty is concerned, as has been repeatedly emphasized by Chomsky himself. The paper takes up nested dependencies and cross-serial dependencies, the two important dependencies that typically show up in the discussion of the central classes of grammars and languages, and specifically shows that the fact that nested dependencies abound in human language while cross-serial dependencies are rather limited in human language can be naturally explained if we shift our attention from dependencies defined on terminal strings to abstract structures behind them. The paper then shows that nested dependencies are readily obtained by Merge, applying phase-by-phase, whereas cross-serial dependencies are available only as a result of copying Merge, which requires a constituency of the relevant strings. These results strongly suggest that dependencies are possible in human language only to the extent that they are the results from the structures that can be generated by Merge, leading to the conclusion that it is Merge-generability that determines various dependencies in human language, and that dependencies defined on the terminal strings are indeed illusory. A possible brain science experiment to demonstrate this point is also suggested.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"59 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/scl-2015-0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.
{"title":"A Case of V2 in Chinese","authors":"Wei-tien Dylan Tsai","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory wh-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"108 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/scl-2015-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This commentary relates Fukui’s (2015) note on weak vs. strong generation to two aspects of quantification in Chinese: quantifier scope and the syntactic licensing conditions of noninterrogative wh-expressions. It is shown that the phenomena under discussion echo Fukui’s (2015) view that only strong generation allows for a deeper understanding of natural language and that dependencies are to be distinguished structurally.
{"title":"A note on Fukui’s note","authors":"C. Tsai","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This commentary relates Fukui’s (2015) note on weak vs. strong generation to two aspects of quantification in Chinese: quantifier scope and the syntactic licensing conditions of noninterrogative wh-expressions. It is shown that the phenomena under discussion echo Fukui’s (2015) view that only strong generation allows for a deeper understanding of natural language and that dependencies are to be distinguished structurally.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"69 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this paper, I explore the components of the sideward movement involved in the verb copying construction proposed by Cheng (2007). I first present some facts of the resultative de-clause of the verb copying construction which seems to be puzzling under Cheng’s analysis. An extended analysis is then proposed. Under the extended analysis, I propose that the sideward movement mechanism involved in the resultative de-clause can be further analyzed as internal topicalization plus differential object marking. This analysis of sideward movement is also attested in the manner de-clause of the verb copying construction. The proposed components relate the sideward movement in the verb copying construction to the syntactic mechanisms which are also observed widely in Mandarin Chinese and other languages.
{"title":"The Components of Sideward Movement in the Verb Copying Construction in Mandarin Chinese","authors":"Pei-Jung Kuo","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper, I explore the components of the sideward movement involved in the verb copying construction proposed by Cheng (2007). I first present some facts of the resultative de-clause of the verb copying construction which seems to be puzzling under Cheng’s analysis. An extended analysis is then proposed. Under the extended analysis, I propose that the sideward movement mechanism involved in the resultative de-clause can be further analyzed as internal topicalization plus differential object marking. This analysis of sideward movement is also attested in the manner de-clause of the verb copying construction. The proposed components relate the sideward movement in the verb copying construction to the syntactic mechanisms which are also observed widely in Mandarin Chinese and other languages.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"35 - 58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In view of Kayne’s (2014) analysis, the English expressions of once, twice, and #-times are compared with the corresponding Chinese expression, #-ci. This paper shows that data from Chinese not only support Kayne’s analysis that treats the silent TIME as classifier, but they also suggest that the frequentative phrase may involve a silent NP and/or PP. The latter provides some possible modifications to Kayne’s original analysis of the suffix -ce.
{"title":"Once upon an invisible TIME: On Frequentative Phrases in Chinese","authors":"W. Liao","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In view of Kayne’s (2014) analysis, the English expressions of once, twice, and #-times are compared with the corresponding Chinese expression, #-ci. This paper shows that data from Chinese not only support Kayne’s analysis that treats the silent TIME as classifier, but they also suggest that the frequentative phrase may involve a silent NP and/or PP. The latter provides some possible modifications to Kayne’s original analysis of the suffix -ce.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"21 - 33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/scl-2015-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The study of English once and twice yields evidence that each of them is actually a complex phrase containing two visible morphemes and one silent one. Neither is a simple lexical item. The -ce morpheme is akin to a postposition, despite English being primarily prepositional. The silent element associated with once and twice is a silent counterpart of time, represented as TIME. This instance of TIME is singular, even in the case of twice. There appears to be a link between TIME and the syntax of classifiers. The presence of silent TIME with once and twice indirectly provides evidence for the presence in the human language faculty of other antecedentless silent nominal elements such as NUMBER. Silent elements of this sort are not visible (even via an antecedent) in the primary data available to the learner. Their properties, for example, their singularity or plurality and their licensing conditions, therefore provide us with a privileged window onto the invariant core of the language faculty itself. The presence of silent elements such as TIME and NUMBER can, in part, be traced back to a principle of decompositionality, to the effect that the human language faculty imposes a maximum of one interpretable syntactic feature per lexical item.
{"title":"Once and Twice","authors":"Kayne Richard S.","doi":"10.1515/scl-2015-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/scl-2015-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study of English once and twice yields evidence that each of them is actually a complex phrase containing two visible morphemes and one silent one. Neither is a simple lexical item. The -ce morpheme is akin to a postposition, despite English being primarily prepositional. The silent element associated with once and twice is a silent counterpart of time, represented as TIME. This instance of TIME is singular, even in the case of twice. There appears to be a link between TIME and the syntax of classifiers. The presence of silent TIME with once and twice indirectly provides evidence for the presence in the human language faculty of other antecedentless silent nominal elements such as NUMBER. Silent elements of this sort are not visible (even via an antecedent) in the primary data available to the learner. Their properties, for example, their singularity or plurality and their licensing conditions, therefore provide us with a privileged window onto the invariant core of the language faculty itself. The presence of silent elements such as TIME and NUMBER can, in part, be traced back to a principle of decompositionality, to the effect that the human language faculty imposes a maximum of one interpretable syntactic feature per lexical item.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/scl-2015-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67004312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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