Abstract This article examines the syntactic structure of long gei passives in Mandarin Chinese and argues against the prepositional analysis of gei in long passives. Refining the ditransitive verb analysis of Lin and Huang (2015), we propose that gei is an object-control verb which selects a vP complement rather than a CP or IP complement. By providing supporting evidence for the vP analysis through drawing a parallel from object preposing, we show that long gei passives behave on a par with sentences with verbs involving vP complementation like changshi ‘try’, not with those involving IP complementation like jihua ‘plan’. We also show that the ditransitive analysis is supported by syntactic parallels between long gei passives and typical ditransitive sentences in terms of transformation into pseudo-clefts and topicalization of the outer object. The result of this research suggests that two types of object-control structures should be distinguished. One of them involves an IP complement taken by verbs like qiangpo ‘force’, while the other involves a vP complement taken by gei/bei in long passives.
{"title":"The Syntax of Mandarin Long Gei Passives Revisited","authors":"R. Huang","doi":"10.2478/scl-2023-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2023-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the syntactic structure of long gei passives in Mandarin Chinese and argues against the prepositional analysis of gei in long passives. Refining the ditransitive verb analysis of Lin and Huang (2015), we propose that gei is an object-control verb which selects a vP complement rather than a CP or IP complement. By providing supporting evidence for the vP analysis through drawing a parallel from object preposing, we show that long gei passives behave on a par with sentences with verbs involving vP complementation like changshi ‘try’, not with those involving IP complementation like jihua ‘plan’. We also show that the ditransitive analysis is supported by syntactic parallels between long gei passives and typical ditransitive sentences in terms of transformation into pseudo-clefts and topicalization of the outer object. The result of this research suggests that two types of object-control structures should be distinguished. One of them involves an IP complement taken by verbs like qiangpo ‘force’, while the other involves a vP complement taken by gei/bei in long passives.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47780442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.
{"title":"Towards a Theory of Morphology as Syntax","authors":"Chris Collins, Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.2478/scl-2023-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2023-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46299099","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Kayne (2022) has proposed that the asymmetry of syntax be built into the fundamental operation of Merge itself. This squib reviews some of his proposals and supporting evidence. Departing from Kayne, this squib hypothesized that the asymmetric patterns mainly lie in the functional domain of syntax, and the lexical domain may remain symmetric either within a language or cross-linguistically. The Functional Asymmetry Hypothesis (FAH) is supported by the global symmetry of the VO/OV word order, the commutative conjunction structures in the lexical domain, and the free ordering of event-internal adverbs. If the observation is on the right track, it suggests that the asymmetry of syntax, while empirically robust, cannot be entirely reduced to the operation Merge.
{"title":"Symmetry in the Asymmetric Universe: Remarks on Kayne (2022)","authors":"W. Liao","doi":"10.2478/scl-2023-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2023-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Kayne (2022) has proposed that the asymmetry of syntax be built into the fundamental operation of Merge itself. This squib reviews some of his proposals and supporting evidence. Departing from Kayne, this squib hypothesized that the asymmetric patterns mainly lie in the functional domain of syntax, and the lexical domain may remain symmetric either within a language or cross-linguistically. The Functional Asymmetry Hypothesis (FAH) is supported by the global symmetry of the VO/OV word order, the commutative conjunction structures in the lexical domain, and the free ordering of event-internal adverbs. If the observation is on the right track, it suggests that the asymmetry of syntax, while empirically robust, cannot be entirely reduced to the operation Merge.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49222428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper investigates an understudied topic in adverbial clauses, converbs, which are verb forms that mark adverbial subordination. Focusing on converbal clauses in Cantonese, I show that they do not share a uniform syntax and should be divided into two classes, formed by central converbs (such as conditional clauses formed by V-can1) and peripheral converbs (such as inferential clauses formed by V-dak1) respectively. The central class adjoins low to the event/proposition level projections of the main clauses and has an impoverished internal structure, whereas the peripheral class attaches high to the discourse level projections of the main clauses and has an articulated internal structure. The distinction displays remarkable parallelism with the central-peripheral dichotomy of adverbial clauses proposed by Haegeman (2003a, 2003b, 2010), calling for a unified syntax of adverbial clauses formed by converbs and by subordinators, which is achievable under an agreement analysis of converbs.
{"title":"Converbs and Adverbial Clauses: A Case Study in Cantonese","authors":"Ka-Fai Yip","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates an understudied topic in adverbial clauses, converbs, which are verb forms that mark adverbial subordination. Focusing on converbal clauses in Cantonese, I show that they do not share a uniform syntax and should be divided into two classes, formed by central converbs (such as conditional clauses formed by V-can1) and peripheral converbs (such as inferential clauses formed by V-dak1) respectively. The central class adjoins low to the event/proposition level projections of the main clauses and has an impoverished internal structure, whereas the peripheral class attaches high to the discourse level projections of the main clauses and has an articulated internal structure. The distinction displays remarkable parallelism with the central-peripheral dichotomy of adverbial clauses proposed by Haegeman (2003a, 2003b, 2010), calling for a unified syntax of adverbial clauses formed by converbs and by subordinators, which is achievable under an agreement analysis of converbs.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47594644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper investigates the deontic modal sai2 in Cantonese. I argue that sai2 is an NPI and a negative operator is induced at the sentence-initial position by the SFPs me1 or aa4 in rhetorical questions. In SAI sentence, sai2 must syntactically agree with the negative operator for licensing, and minimality and locality effects are found in such agreement. This study may provide evidence of a syntactic approach to NPI licensing and rhetorical questions.
{"title":"Rhetorical Questions and Polarity Licensing: On Cantonese Modal Sai2","authors":"Tsun Hei Choi","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates the deontic modal sai2 in Cantonese. I argue that sai2 is an NPI and a negative operator is induced at the sentence-initial position by the SFPs me1 or aa4 in rhetorical questions. In SAI sentence, sai2 must syntactically agree with the negative operator for licensing, and minimality and locality effects are found in such agreement. This study may provide evidence of a syntactic approach to NPI licensing and rhetorical questions.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43533717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper studies echo answers to yes-no questions in Chinese with respect to their distributions, derivations, and typological patterns. We reconsider Simpson’s (2015) verb-raising analyses of verb echo answers (VEAs), finding that his analysis is inspiring in describing the significant properties of VEAs but that he has not discussed issues pertinent to the role of le in VEAs, adverbial echo answers, and multiple verb echo answers. This paper proposes that the derivation of short echo answers in Chinese is two-fold: the verb echo answer involves V-to-v movement, pro-drop, and VP-deletion; and the adverbial short answer involves focus movement and TP deletion. The aspectual markers, the post-verbal le1 denoting perfective and the sentence-final le2 encoding a change of state in Chinese, play a crucial role in determining the grammaticality of certain verb-echo answers via aspectual anchoring. This analysis avoids analytical problems posed by V-to-C (domain) (Holmberg 2016; Simpson 2015, etc.). Evidence from information focus and negative scope reversal supports this two-track analysis of echo answers in Chinese. Finally, we conclude that typologically, Chinese, a language using verb-echo answers, is close to Vietnamese and Finnish in allowing adverbial short answers and akin to Thai and Finnish in allowing multiple verb echo answers.
{"title":"Echo Answers in Chinese","authors":"Ting-Chi Wei","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper studies echo answers to yes-no questions in Chinese with respect to their distributions, derivations, and typological patterns. We reconsider Simpson’s (2015) verb-raising analyses of verb echo answers (VEAs), finding that his analysis is inspiring in describing the significant properties of VEAs but that he has not discussed issues pertinent to the role of le in VEAs, adverbial echo answers, and multiple verb echo answers. This paper proposes that the derivation of short echo answers in Chinese is two-fold: the verb echo answer involves V-to-v movement, pro-drop, and VP-deletion; and the adverbial short answer involves focus movement and TP deletion. The aspectual markers, the post-verbal le1 denoting perfective and the sentence-final le2 encoding a change of state in Chinese, play a crucial role in determining the grammaticality of certain verb-echo answers via aspectual anchoring. This analysis avoids analytical problems posed by V-to-C (domain) (Holmberg 2016; Simpson 2015, etc.). Evidence from information focus and negative scope reversal supports this two-track analysis of echo answers in Chinese. Finally, we conclude that typologically, Chinese, a language using verb-echo answers, is close to Vietnamese and Finnish in allowing adverbial short answers and akin to Thai and Finnish in allowing multiple verb echo answers.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46323270","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Subject raising in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions can be either A-movement or A′-movement. Modal auxiliary verbs such as hui and yao can take a nonfinite TP complement which cannot value the abstract case of the embedded subject. Hence the embedded subject must get its case valued by the matrix T and is raised to the Spec-TP of the matrix clause. This kind of raising is A-movement and is obligatory. Modal auxiliary verbs such as keneng and yinggai take a finite CP complement that can be assigned tense value by the broader context. The embedded subject can get its case valued and stay in situ. It can also be raised to the sentence-initial position by topicalization. This kind of raising is A′-movement. The A-movement and A′-movement contrast accounts for the minimal link condition in object raising, weak and strong quantificational NPs, topic stacking, and resumptive pronouns in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions.
{"title":"Subject Raising in Chinese Modal Auxiliary Verb Constructions: A-movement or A′-movement?","authors":"Bo Hu, Hong Chen","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Subject raising in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions can be either A-movement or A′-movement. Modal auxiliary verbs such as hui and yao can take a nonfinite TP complement which cannot value the abstract case of the embedded subject. Hence the embedded subject must get its case valued by the matrix T and is raised to the Spec-TP of the matrix clause. This kind of raising is A-movement and is obligatory. Modal auxiliary verbs such as keneng and yinggai take a finite CP complement that can be assigned tense value by the broader context. The embedded subject can get its case valued and stay in situ. It can also be raised to the sentence-initial position by topicalization. This kind of raising is A′-movement. The A-movement and A′-movement contrast accounts for the minimal link condition in object raising, weak and strong quantificational NPs, topic stacking, and resumptive pronouns in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46042669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract There are no mirror-image pairs of languages. This restriction on the otherwise vast set of possible languages must be accounted for, and puts boundary conditions on any theory of the human language faculty. There are implications for externalization and in the longer run for the evolution of the language faculty. Antisymmetric linear/temporal order is part of core syntax. Temporal order is partly (though not fully) integrated into core syntax via Merge itself. When two elements X and Y are merged, a relative linear/temporal order is assigned to them. At the same time, that instance of Merge assigns no relative order to the subparts of X and Y. Core syntax can explicitly have X precede Y without having any subpart of X precede any subpart of Y.
{"title":"Antisymmetry and Externalization","authors":"Richard S. Kayne","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are no mirror-image pairs of languages. This restriction on the otherwise vast set of possible languages must be accounted for, and puts boundary conditions on any theory of the human language faculty. There are implications for externalization and in the longer run for the evolution of the language faculty. Antisymmetric linear/temporal order is part of core syntax. Temporal order is partly (though not fully) integrated into core syntax via Merge itself. When two elements X and Y are merged, a relative linear/temporal order is assigned to them. At the same time, that instance of Merge assigns no relative order to the subparts of X and Y. Core syntax can explicitly have X precede Y without having any subpart of X precede any subpart of Y.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42183067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper investigates the less discussed null argument – the null clausal complement in Taiwan Southern Min (TSM). The discussion issues include the derivation, status, and replacement of null clausal complements in TSM. This paper applies four tests to prove that the null clausal complement in TSM is a type of deep anaphora, which has no internal structure and is not derived through deletion. Moreover, possessing features such as not being A-bound, and possibly being but not required to be A-bar-bound, the null clausal complement in TSM is argued to have the status of a null epithet. As null clausal complements are not allowed with all kinds of verbs, in some cases where clausal complements cannot be null, an obligatory pro-S an-ne ‘so’ is then required.
摘要本文研究了台湾《南民》中较少讨论的零论点——零从句补语。讨论的问题包括TSM中零子句补语的派生、状态和替换。本文通过四个测试来证明TSM中的零从句补语是一种深层回指，它没有内部结构，也不是通过删除而产生的。此外，TSM中的零从句补语具有不受A限制的特征，并且可能是但不被要求是A-bar-bound，因此被认为具有零形容词的地位。由于所有类型的动词都不允许使用null子句补语，在某些情况下，如果子句补语不能为null，则需要一个强制性的pro-S an ne'so'。
{"title":"On the Syntax of Null Clausal Complements in Taiwan Southern Min","authors":"Huei-Ling Lin","doi":"10.2478/scl-2022-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2022-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates the less discussed null argument – the null clausal complement in Taiwan Southern Min (TSM). The discussion issues include the derivation, status, and replacement of null clausal complements in TSM. This paper applies four tests to prove that the null clausal complement in TSM is a type of deep anaphora, which has no internal structure and is not derived through deletion. Moreover, possessing features such as not being A-bound, and possibly being but not required to be A-bar-bound, the null clausal complement in TSM is argued to have the status of a null epithet. As null clausal complements are not allowed with all kinds of verbs, in some cases where clausal complements cannot be null, an obligatory pro-S an-ne ‘so’ is then required.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43482013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Mandarin, if two-degree wh-question-like clauses are combined, the wh-phrases do not have a question reading. This paper argues that such a paired-wh declarative is an equative comparison construction, like the as…as equative in English, and the first clause denotes the standard of the comparison. Such declaratives, like a degree comparison construction, are derived by the occurrence of a comparison quantifier, and predicate abstraction applies to each clause. The paired wh-forms are the variables. This research shows that Mandarin does have degree quantificational comparison constructions, and it is possible for both clauses of a comparison construction to have a wh-form.
{"title":"Pairing Degree-WH Clauses in Mandarin","authors":"N. Zhang","doi":"10.2478/scl-2021-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2478/scl-2021-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Mandarin, if two-degree wh-question-like clauses are combined, the wh-phrases do not have a question reading. This paper argues that such a paired-wh declarative is an equative comparison construction, like the as…as equative in English, and the first clause denotes the standard of the comparison. Such declaratives, like a degree comparison construction, are derived by the occurrence of a comparison quantifier, and predicate abstraction applies to each clause. The paired wh-forms are the variables. This research shows that Mandarin does have degree quantificational comparison constructions, and it is possible for both clauses of a comparison construction to have a wh-form.","PeriodicalId":52094,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Chinese Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47950955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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