El concepto del imperio ha sido objeto de gran interés en fechas recientes. Algunos historiadores y historiadoras enfatizan la naturaleza cambiante de los imperios ibéricos, mientras que otros llaman la atención sobre sus estructuras omnipresentes y duraderas. Los artículos de este dosier argumentan desde distintas perspectivas que la Corona poco a poco consiguió cambios a su favor, aunque fuera en aspectos limitados. La Corona negoció con grupos o corporaciones locales y apremió a vasallos leales, pero también amenazó y castigó a los opositores recalcitrantes. Según los textos de este dosier, ese proceso estaba ocurriendo a finales del siglo XVI, es decir, antes que las conocidas reformas del siglo XVIII. El dosier reúne contribuciones de especialistas de México, Colombia, Chile, Portugal y EE. UU. para ofrecer una nueva mirada a los desafíos del imperio.
{"title":"Introducción: Los imperios ibéricos. Cambios, negociaciones desiguales y autoridad","authors":"Christoph Rosenmüller","doi":"10.15460/jbla.57.194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.57.194","url":null,"abstract":"El concepto del imperio ha sido objeto de gran interés en fechas recientes. Algunos historiadores y historiadoras enfatizan la naturaleza cambiante de los imperios ibéricos, mientras que otros llaman la atención sobre sus estructuras omnipresentes y duraderas. Los artículos de este dosier argumentan desde distintas perspectivas que la Corona poco a poco consiguió cambios a su favor, aunque fuera en aspectos limitados. La Corona negoció con grupos o corporaciones locales y apremió a vasallos leales, pero también amenazó y castigó a los opositores recalcitrantes. Según los textos de este dosier, ese proceso estaba ocurriendo a finales del siglo XVI, es decir, antes que las conocidas reformas del siglo XVIII. El dosier reúne contribuciones de especialistas de México, Colombia, Chile, Portugal y EE. UU. para ofrecer una nueva mirada a los desafíos del imperio.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76996904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En la presente investigación se realiza una reconstrucción de la estructura tributaria de Santa Fe entre fines de la colonia y los primeros años independientes, procurando identificar cambios y continuidades en el funcionamiento de la fiscalidad regional. Se examina la evolución de los ingresos y egresos, identificando los cambios en las recaudaciones de los principales gravámenes y atendiendo a las modificaciones sufridas por las erogaciones más relevantes, clasificadas según su destino (militares, frontera, administración). Se brinda especial atención a la presión fiscal ejercida por la tesorería regional y las relaciones establecidas entre ésta y otras jurisdicciones fiscales, como la municipal (Cabildo de la ciudad de Santa Fe) y la administración central de hacienda de Buenos Aires, antes y después de 1810. Las fuentes utilizadas para la reconstrucción de las cuentas correspondientes a recaudaciones y gastos son los libros mayores y manuales de contaduría.
{"title":"De caja real a hacienda provincial. Cambios y continuidades en la jurisdicción fiscal de Santa Fe (Río de la Plata) entre 1805 y 1815","authors":"Antonio Galarza","doi":"10.15460/jbla.57.193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.57.193","url":null,"abstract":"En la presente investigación se realiza una reconstrucción de la estructura tributaria de Santa Fe entre fines de la colonia y los primeros años independientes, procurando identificar cambios y continuidades en el funcionamiento de la fiscalidad regional. Se examina la evolución de los ingresos y egresos, identificando los cambios en las recaudaciones de los principales gravámenes y atendiendo a las modificaciones sufridas por las erogaciones más relevantes, clasificadas según su destino (militares, frontera, administración). Se brinda especial atención a la presión fiscal ejercida por la tesorería regional y las relaciones establecidas entre ésta y otras jurisdicciones fiscales, como la municipal (Cabildo de la ciudad de Santa Fe) y la administración central de hacienda de Buenos Aires, antes y después de 1810. Las fuentes utilizadas para la reconstrucción de las cuentas correspondientes a recaudaciones y gastos son los libros mayores y manuales de contaduría.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81528720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper revisits the understanding of the “public sphere” of civil society, including Harbermas’s original formulation and those of various other historians, even Latinamericanists. It argues that it is necessary to supplement some of these views, adding a historical component related to this important concept. It consists of popular political pressure in the form of bodily presence and active participation through shouts, physical gestures toward, and threats directed to state agents. Many of those political expressions regularly targeted deliberating state officials and representatives, in particular legislatures, during critical moments in their functioning. They intended to force members of congress to decide in favor of popular preferences. This would mean that, apart from literary and journalistic production and polemics, intellectual debates and the like, aimed at influencing public policies, a perhaps less glamorous, but quite important and effective expression of popular politics, not precisely a plebeian public sphere, took place in a more informal way. This significant modality, probably better explained through Chares Tilly’s notions of contentious politics and repertories of contention rather than Habermas’s “public sphere”, may have accomplished, in a blunt manner, substantial changes in public policy or in the decisions made by legislators and presumably other state officials. The case of nineteenth-century New Granada congressional politics will serve to illustrate this meaningful historical process.
{"title":"Presión de las barras sobre el Congreso en la Nueva Granada en el siglo XIX: ¿una esfera pública plebeya o simplemente “política contenciosa” y expresión de un “repertorio de confrontación”?","authors":"Víctor M. Uribe-Urán","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.139","url":null,"abstract":"This paper revisits the understanding of the “public sphere” of civil society, including Harbermas’s original formulation and those of various other historians, even Latinamericanists. It argues that it is necessary to supplement some of these views, adding a historical component related to this important concept. It consists of popular political pressure in the form of bodily presence and active participation through shouts, physical gestures toward, and threats directed to state agents. Many of those political expressions regularly targeted deliberating state officials and representatives, in particular legislatures, during critical moments in their functioning. They intended to force members of congress to decide in favor of popular preferences. This would mean that, apart from literary and journalistic production and polemics, intellectual debates and the like, aimed at influencing public policies, a perhaps less glamorous, but quite important and effective expression of popular politics, not precisely a plebeian public sphere, took place in a more informal way. This significant modality, probably better explained through Chares Tilly’s notions of contentious politics and repertories of contention rather than Habermas’s “public sphere”, may have accomplished, in a blunt manner, substantial changes in public policy or in the decisions made by legislators and presumably other state officials. The case of nineteenth-century New Granada congressional politics will serve to illustrate this meaningful historical process.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"100 1","pages":"122-147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78771907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Between 1914 and 1919 many of the episcopal sees of Mexico were abandoned by their respective bishops and were in the hands of different vicars. Antonio J. Paredes, vicar-general for the archdiocese of Mexico, in a pragmatic way knew how to guide the Catholic Church in the midst of turbulent circumstances, although for his pragmatism and his closeness to the revolutionaries, at various times he seemed to betray the principles of the Church that he represented. The Catholic prelates in exile frequently expressed before the Holy See their misgivings about Paredes. However, for almost five years he was sustained in his position and, in the end, the results of his management at the head of the Catholic institution reveal that his performance was highly satisfactory. The study of this figure allows us to approach an unexplored page of the State-Church relations in Mexico: that of ecclesiastical cooperation with the revolutionary regime during the Paredes period; though that performance has been frequently attacked. The purpose of this article is to study these attacks and present some apologies that allow for a more balanced judgment on this general-vicar of the metropolitan archdiocese.
在1914年到1919年之间，墨西哥的许多主教团被各自的主教抛弃，由不同的牧师掌管。墨西哥总教区的副主教安东尼奥·j·帕雷德斯(Antonio J. Paredes)以一种务实的方式知道如何在动荡的环境中指导天主教会，尽管由于他的实用主义和与革命者的亲密关系，他在不同的时候似乎背叛了他所代表的教会的原则。流亡在外的天主教教士经常在教廷面前表达他们对家长的担忧。然而，在将近五年的时间里，他一直担任这个职位，最终，他作为天主教机构负责人的管理结果表明，他的表现非常令人满意。对这一数字的研究使我们能够接近墨西哥国家与教会关系中未被探索的一页:在Paredes时期，教会与革命政权的合作;尽管这种表现经常受到攻击。本文的目的是研究这些攻击，并提出一些道歉，以便对这位大都会总教区的总教区牧师作出更平衡的判断。
{"title":"¿Un liberal al frente de la Iglesia católica en México? Antonio J. Paredes: tres apologías","authors":"Juan González Morfín","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.150","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1914 and 1919 many of the episcopal sees of Mexico were abandoned by their respective bishops and were in the hands of different vicars. Antonio J. Paredes, vicar-general for the archdiocese of Mexico, in a pragmatic way knew how to guide the Catholic Church in the midst of turbulent circumstances, although for his pragmatism and his closeness to the revolutionaries, at various times he seemed to betray the principles of the Church that he represented. The Catholic prelates in exile frequently expressed before the Holy See their misgivings about Paredes. However, for almost five years he was sustained in his position and, in the end, the results of his management at the head of the Catholic institution reveal that his performance was highly satisfactory. The study of this figure allows us to approach an unexplored page of the State-Church relations in Mexico: that of ecclesiastical cooperation with the revolutionary regime during the Paredes period; though that performance has been frequently attacked. The purpose of this article is to study these attacks and present some apologies that allow for a more balanced judgment on this general-vicar of the metropolitan archdiocese.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"108 1","pages":"344-368"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79401785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the role that ‘barras’ (public galleries) played in Congress in nineteenth-century Colombia, including comparative references to other Latin American countries, especially to Chile. After some introductory remarks, different aspects of the ‘barras’ are analysed. The first section offers a general characterization of the level of attendance to the galleries and of the people attending them, by focusing on its popular background. The second section explores the ‘barras’ political practices and motives driving their actions. By doing so, it tries to establish its possible impact on parliamentary business. The evidence provided allows us to offer some concluding remarks and to put forward the following argument: the ‘barras’ were a fundamental component of the political culture that developed in a few Latin American countries following their independence from Spain.
{"title":"La “Barra” en los congresos de Colombia y Chile, siglo XIX","authors":"Luis Gabriel Galán-Guerrero, Eduardo Posada-Carbó","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.145","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the role that ‘barras’ (public galleries) played in Congress in nineteenth-century Colombia, including comparative references to other Latin American countries, especially to Chile. After some introductory remarks, different aspects of the ‘barras’ are analysed. The first section offers a general characterization of the level of attendance to the galleries and of the people attending them, by focusing on its popular background. The second section explores the ‘barras’ political practices and motives driving their actions. By doing so, it tries to establish its possible impact on parliamentary business. The evidence provided allows us to offer some concluding remarks and to put forward the following argument: the ‘barras’ were a fundamental component of the political culture that developed in a few Latin American countries following their independence from Spain.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"38 1","pages":"171-195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73618436","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Latin America, as in Europe, parliamentary activity was accompanied by satirical criticisms of the poor performance of inefficient assemblies or the privileged nature of the legislature. This negative view of legislative activity did not share homogeneous criteria that would bring together sarcastic editorials, caricatures or portraits of parliamentarians. Particularly from the 1890s to the outbreak of the Great War, criticism of parliament as was shown in irreverent editorials expressed both a regenerationist tone as well as a broader rejection of the parliamentary regime. In Argentina, with the federalisation of the city of Buenos Aires and the establishment of a new Congress after the defeat of porteno forces, an intense debate took shape about the place of the parliamentary institution in the imagination of the conservative republic that was to be built, in part as a result of the relevance of the legislative debates in the 1880s. This article seeks to analyse the criticisms and the images of parliamentary activity, with a focus on the publication of caricatures and essays about the Argentine Congress between 1880 and 1912. It studies the participation of writers and artists who created numerous chronicles and caricatures that displayed sarcasm or criticism of the legitimacy of the parliamentarians, their performance and the impact of personalism on the Argentine political regime. This work also analyses some examples of the satirical press (El Mosquito, Don Quijote, and Caras y Caretas), exploring both their illustrations related to parliamentary activity and their questioning approaches to the contribution of Argentine legislators to the reformist policies at the beginning of the twentieth century.
{"title":"Escepticismo, irreverencia y reformismo. Las imágenes del parlamento argentino en la caricatura y el ensayismo (1880-1912)","authors":"M. O. Castro","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.148","url":null,"abstract":"In Latin America, as in Europe, parliamentary activity was accompanied by satirical criticisms of the poor performance of inefficient assemblies or the privileged nature of the legislature. This negative view of legislative activity did not share homogeneous criteria that would bring together sarcastic editorials, caricatures or portraits of parliamentarians. Particularly from the 1890s to the outbreak of the Great War, criticism of parliament as was shown in irreverent editorials expressed both a regenerationist tone as well as a broader rejection of the parliamentary regime. In Argentina, with the federalisation of the city of Buenos Aires and the establishment of a new Congress after the defeat of porteno forces, an intense debate took shape about the place of the parliamentary institution in the imagination of the conservative republic that was to be built, in part as a result of the relevance of the legislative debates in the 1880s. This article seeks to analyse the criticisms and the images of parliamentary activity, with a focus on the publication of caricatures and essays about the Argentine Congress between 1880 and 1912. It studies the participation of writers and artists who created numerous chronicles and caricatures that displayed sarcasm or criticism of the legitimacy of the parliamentarians, their performance and the impact of personalism on the Argentine political regime. This work also analyses some examples of the satirical press (El Mosquito, Don Quijote, and Caras y Caretas), exploring both their illustrations related to parliamentary activity and their questioning approaches to the contribution of Argentine legislators to the reformist policies at the beginning of the twentieth century.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"85 1","pages":"255-285"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73763630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the 70s, Iran and several countries of Latin America consolidated their diplomatic relations. Most of the Latin American embassies opened their doors in Tehran those years, and likewise Iran established its representations in Venezuela and Mexico. The Shah had important personal connections with the presidents Carlos Andres Perez, with whom he engaged in developing cooperation projects, and Luis Echeverria, designing together commercial strategies within the framework of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). This article presents and analyzes some of the most significant episodes of this period, taking into consideration aspects such as the opening of Latin American embassies in Tehran, Iran foreign relations with Venezuela, Chile and Mexico, the Cuban support for the opposition groups, the Shah’s exile in Cuernavaca and Panama and, lastly, the effect of the 1979 revolution on the Iranian relations with these states.
70年代，伊朗与拉美多个国家巩固了外交关系。那些年，大多数拉丁美洲大使馆在德黑兰敞开了大门，伊朗同样在委内瑞拉和墨西哥设立了代表机构。国王与总统卡洛斯·安德烈斯·佩雷斯(Carlos Andres Perez)和路易斯·埃切维里亚(Luis Echeverria)有着重要的私人关系，他与佩雷斯共同开发合作项目，并在石油输出国组织(OPEC)框架内共同设计商业战略。本文介绍并分析了这一时期的一些最重要的事件，考虑到诸如在德黑兰开设拉丁美洲大使馆，伊朗与委内瑞拉，智利和墨西哥的外交关系，古巴对反对派团体的支持，沙阿流亡Cuernavaca和巴拿马，最后，1979年革命对伊朗与这些国家关系的影响。
{"title":"Las relaciones entre Latinoamérica e Irán durante la última década de la dinastía Pahleví","authors":"F. Padilla","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.133","url":null,"abstract":"During the 70s, Iran and several countries of Latin America consolidated their diplomatic relations. Most of the Latin American embassies opened their doors in Tehran those years, and likewise Iran established its representations in Venezuela and Mexico. The Shah had important personal connections with the presidents Carlos Andres Perez, with whom he engaged in developing cooperation projects, and Luis Echeverria, designing together commercial strategies within the framework of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). This article presents and analyzes some of the most significant episodes of this period, taking into consideration aspects such as the opening of Latin American embassies in Tehran, Iran foreign relations with Venezuela, Chile and Mexico, the Cuban support for the opposition groups, the Shah’s exile in Cuernavaca and Panama and, lastly, the effect of the 1979 revolution on the Iranian relations with these states.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"3 1","pages":"66-96"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79651618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article considers the role of the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) in championing a Latin American, tricontinentalist vision of Third World solidarity between these regions. It argues that Cuba used visual and media arts to frame and reframe historical evets, utilizing OSPAAAL as a conduit of pro-Cuba revolutionary ideas, as it circulated updates on national liberation struggles and calls to action for internationalist solidarity. OSPAAAL produced visual art in solidarity campaigns that allowed Cuba to promote a particular interpretation of the Cold War as ongoing colonialism to generate transnational support for national liberation struggles in the Middle East and Africa, as well as to promote the Cuban revolution itself. In particular, it examines the way that the visual approach used by the artists working with OSPAAAL intersected with other modes of transnational solidarity activism to promote revolutionary ideals and commonalities between distant participants and specifically in order to influence international cooperation at the United Nations and in advancing Castro’s profile within the Non-Aligned Movement.
{"title":"Rendering Armed Struggle: OSPAAAL, Cuban Poster Art, and South-South Solidarity at the United Nations","authors":"Jessica Stites Mor","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.132","url":null,"abstract":"This article considers the role of the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) in championing a Latin American, tricontinentalist vision of Third World solidarity between these regions. It argues that Cuba used visual and media arts to frame and reframe historical evets, utilizing OSPAAAL as a conduit of pro-Cuba revolutionary ideas, as it circulated updates on national liberation struggles and calls to action for internationalist solidarity. OSPAAAL produced visual art in solidarity campaigns that allowed Cuba to promote a particular interpretation of the Cold War as ongoing colonialism to generate transnational support for national liberation struggles in the Middle East and Africa, as well as to promote the Cuban revolution itself. In particular, it examines the way that the visual approach used by the artists working with OSPAAAL intersected with other modes of transnational solidarity activism to promote revolutionary ideals and commonalities between distant participants and specifically in order to influence international cooperation at the United Nations and in advancing Castro’s profile within the Non-Aligned Movement.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"27 1","pages":"42-65"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78755587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The June 1967 war between Israel and the armies of Egypt, Syria and Jordan had an important impact on the Argentine left, which sided with the Arab countries. The Communist Party of Argentina (PCA), which had a significant influence on the Jewish community, defended the policy of the Soviet Union, while Politica Obrera (PO) and the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), two Trotskyist currents, were critical of the Soviet policy and saw in the political process of the Middle East an ongoing national revolution that could develop into a socialist revolution. Even though the three parties openly repudiated anti-Semitism and denounced the calls to expel the Jewish population from Israel/Palestine, they were not exempt of the use of anti-Semitic (and Orientalist) tropes. They described Israel as a mere ‘pawn of US Imperialism’ devoid of agency and, with the exception of the PCA, ignored the existence of the Palestinians as a distinct national group. The debate of the Israel/Palestine question at the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana in 1966 influenced the left as a whole, and seems to have informed the positions of PO, organization that became the first Marxist party in the world to have called for the political destruction of the State of Israel, which was to have been carried out by the revolutionary alliance of the Arab and Jewish masses of the Middle East. Both the PCA and PRT defended Israel’s right to exist instead.
{"title":"Argentine Left Parties and the 1967 Six-Day War through the Prism of Global Networks and South-South Connections","authors":"M. Jozami","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.125","url":null,"abstract":"The June 1967 war between Israel and the armies of Egypt, Syria and Jordan had an important impact on the Argentine left, which sided with the Arab countries. The Communist Party of Argentina (PCA), which had a significant influence on the Jewish community, defended the policy of the Soviet Union, while Politica Obrera (PO) and the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), two Trotskyist currents, were critical of the Soviet policy and saw in the political process of the Middle East an ongoing national revolution that could develop into a socialist revolution. Even though the three parties openly repudiated anti-Semitism and denounced the calls to expel the Jewish population from Israel/Palestine, they were not exempt of the use of anti-Semitic (and Orientalist) tropes. They described Israel as a mere ‘pawn of US Imperialism’ devoid of agency and, with the exception of the PCA, ignored the existence of the Palestinians as a distinct national group. The debate of the Israel/Palestine question at the Tricontinental Conference held in Havana in 1966 influenced the left as a whole, and seems to have informed the positions of PO, organization that became the first Marxist party in the world to have called for the political destruction of the State of Israel, which was to have been carried out by the revolutionary alliance of the Arab and Jewish masses of the Middle East. Both the PCA and PRT defended Israel’s right to exist instead.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"1 1","pages":"15-41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86527179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
J. Luengo, Eduardo Posada-Carbó, Víctor M. Uribe-Urán
Los seis ensayos que forman parte de este dossier examinan un tema que, a pesar de algunos importantes avances, sigue siendo poco estudiado en la literatura: la historia de los Congresos en Latinoamerica durante el primer siglo de independencia. Con frecuencia, el papel historico de las legislaturas de esta region ha sido visto en la literatura como limitado a servir de meros apendices de ejecutivos todopoderosos, en especial los famosos caudillos. En particular, proponemos analizar algunos, solo algunos, aspectos de como los congresos se relacionaron con el publico a traves de dos manifestaciones que, casi desde su establecimiento, sirvieron para “democratizar” sus actividades: las galerias en su mismo seno, y las criticas satirizantes en la prensa. El dossier abre con dos ensayos de Victor Uribe-Uran y Jorge Luengo que reexaminan el entendimiento de la “esfera publica” y sus relaciones con los congresos. Uribe-Uran sugiere complementar las formulaciones habermasianas de la esfera publica con perspectivas que incorporen la presion politica popular en forma de presencia corporal y participacion activa a traves de gritos, gestos fisicos y amenazas dirigidas desde las “barras”, como se llamaron las galerias del publico en el Congreso, contra los cuerpos legislativos, durante momentos criticos del funcionamiento de las legislaturas. Estas expresiones de la politica popular, segun Uribe-Uran, se explicarian mejor a traves de las nociones de politica contenciosa y “repertorios de confrontacion” propuestas por Charles Tilly mas bien que de la nocion de “esfera publica” de Habermas. El caso de la politica legislativa de la Nueva Granada durante una porcion del siglo XIX le sirve para ilustrar este significativo proceso historico. Por su parte, Jorge Luengo analiza los parlamentos de Espana y Nueva Granada entre 1810 y 1830 para mostrar que los Congresos funcionaron como cuerpos articuladores de la dimension publica de la politica. Esto requiere considerar tanto el espacio parlamentario interior (galerias, periodistas y diputados), como el espacio exterior al parlamento (plazas y cafes), donde tambien se dirimieron cuestiones centrales de la soberania. El ensayo de Luis Gabriel Galan Guerrero y Eduardo Posada Carbo sigue elaborando el tema de las “barras”. A partir de la experiencia colombiana, y en menor medida de la chilena, exploran la composicion social de las galerias, su comportamiento y motivos, asi como su posible impacto en la tarea de los legisladores. Se argumenta alli que las “barras” fueron un importante componente de la cultura politica desarrollada por algunos paises latinoamericanos despues de su independencia de Espana. Los siguientes tres ensayos se ocupan de algunas de las diversas formas como, a traves de la prensa, las tareas de los Congresos trascendian sus recintos. Israel Arroyo examina el vinculo entre las percepciones de la prensa de oposicion frente a las autoridades en funciones durante la administracion de Benito Juarez (18
本档案中的六篇文章考察了一个主题，尽管有一些重要的进展，但在文学中仍然很少被研究:独立第一个世纪拉丁美洲国会的历史。在文献中，这一地区立法机构的历史作用常常被视为仅仅是无所不能的行政人员的附属物，尤其是著名的军阀。在这篇文章中，我们提出了一种方法，在这种方法中，我们分析了国会是如何与公众联系在一起的，通过两种表现形式，几乎从它的建立起，就帮助“民主化”了它的活动:画廊本身，以及媒体上的讽刺批评。该档案以Victor Uribe-Uran和Jorge Luengo的两篇文章开始，重新审视对“公共领域”的理解及其与国会的关系。Uribe-Uran建议补充配方的habermasianas领域出版前景纳入人民政治上的压力,身体存在和participacion积极地通过大声呼喊,fisicos手势和威胁,旨在从“条形码”,俗话叫画廊的公众反对国会,立法机构立法、期间时刻criticos运作。乌里韦-乌兰认为，这些大众政治的表达最好用查尔斯·蒂利提出的有争议的政治概念和“对抗的保留”来解释，而不是哈贝马斯的“公共领域”的危害。19世纪新格拉纳达立法政策的例子说明了这一重要的历史进程。另一方面，Jorge Luengo分析了1810年至1830年间西班牙和新格拉纳达的议会，以表明国会是政治公共层面的表达机构。这需要考虑议会内部空间(画廊、记者和议员)和议会外部空间(广场和咖啡馆)，在那里主权的核心问题也得到解决。Luis Gabriel Galan Guerrero和Eduardo Posada Carbo的文章继续阐述“酒吧”的主题。他们从哥伦比亚和智利的经验出发，探索画廊的社会构成、它们的行为和动机，以及它们对立法者工作的可能影响。在这篇文章中，作者提出了一种观点，认为酒吧是一些拉丁美洲国家从西班牙独立后发展起来的政治文化的重要组成部分。以下三篇文章探讨了通过媒体，国会的任务超越其场所的各种方式中的一些。以色列·阿罗约(Israel Arroyo)研究了贝尼托·华雷斯(Benito Juarez, 1861-1872)执政期间，反对媒体对当局的看法之间的联系。它聚焦于两家具有讽刺意义的报纸:la Orquesta和El Padre Cobos，提出反对派媒体应该被理解为集体想象的创造者，在当时的新闻精英和政治阶层中影响有限。安娜·罗梅罗(Ana Romero)在胡里奥·a·罗卡(Julio A. Roca)第二任总统的背景下，分析了丑闻作为公开谴责阿根廷政治体系缺陷的机制的作用。e.s.腐败起诉司法部长和Instruccion出版Osvaldo Magnasco 1901年6月,其临床试验检查polemicas部署在公众辩论地点,国会和总统担任这些质疑和角色扮演的形式的道德caracteristicas政客们。档案的结尾是马丁·卡斯特罗关于1880年至1912年间阿根廷讽刺媒体的一篇文章。卡斯特罗研究了议会记者的编年史和插图，表达了对议员起源合法性的讽刺或谴责，以及他们在20世纪初改革政治中的角色和作用。本档案中的文章是近年来对拉丁美洲议会研究感兴趣的更广泛的同事小组努力的一部分。在拉丁美洲研究协会(LASA)、欧洲拉丁美洲历史学家协会(AHILA)和国际代表和议会机构研究委员会(ICHRPI)的大会上举行的各种会议帮助我们讨论了我们的工作进展。我们感谢Jahrbuch邀请我们在这个档案中发表一个样本，我们相信这是一个新的学科议程。
{"title":"Entre barras y caricaturas: Los congresos hispanoamericanos en la esfera pública, 1810-1916","authors":"J. Luengo, Eduardo Posada-Carbó, Víctor M. Uribe-Urán","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.56.138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.56.138","url":null,"abstract":"Los seis ensayos que forman parte de este dossier examinan un tema que, a pesar de algunos importantes avances, sigue siendo poco estudiado en la literatura: la historia de los Congresos en Latinoamerica durante el primer siglo de independencia. Con frecuencia, el papel historico de las legislaturas de esta region ha sido visto en la literatura como limitado a servir de meros apendices de ejecutivos todopoderosos, en especial los famosos caudillos. En particular, proponemos analizar algunos, solo algunos, aspectos de como los congresos se relacionaron con el publico a traves de dos manifestaciones que, casi desde su establecimiento, sirvieron para “democratizar” sus actividades: las galerias en su mismo seno, y las criticas satirizantes en la prensa. El dossier abre con dos ensayos de Victor Uribe-Uran y Jorge Luengo que reexaminan el entendimiento de la “esfera publica” y sus relaciones con los congresos. Uribe-Uran sugiere complementar las formulaciones habermasianas de la esfera publica con perspectivas que incorporen la presion politica popular en forma de presencia corporal y participacion activa a traves de gritos, gestos fisicos y amenazas dirigidas desde las “barras”, como se llamaron las galerias del publico en el Congreso, contra los cuerpos legislativos, durante momentos criticos del funcionamiento de las legislaturas. Estas expresiones de la politica popular, segun Uribe-Uran, se explicarian mejor a traves de las nociones de politica contenciosa y “repertorios de confrontacion” propuestas por Charles Tilly mas bien que de la nocion de “esfera publica” de Habermas. El caso de la politica legislativa de la Nueva Granada durante una porcion del siglo XIX le sirve para ilustrar este significativo proceso historico. Por su parte, Jorge Luengo analiza los parlamentos de Espana y Nueva Granada entre 1810 y 1830 para mostrar que los Congresos funcionaron como cuerpos articuladores de la dimension publica de la politica. Esto requiere considerar tanto el espacio parlamentario interior (galerias, periodistas y diputados), como el espacio exterior al parlamento (plazas y cafes), donde tambien se dirimieron cuestiones centrales de la soberania. El ensayo de Luis Gabriel Galan Guerrero y Eduardo Posada Carbo sigue elaborando el tema de las “barras”. A partir de la experiencia colombiana, y en menor medida de la chilena, exploran la composicion social de las galerias, su comportamiento y motivos, asi como su posible impacto en la tarea de los legisladores. Se argumenta alli que las “barras” fueron un importante componente de la cultura politica desarrollada por algunos paises latinoamericanos despues de su independencia de Espana. Los siguientes tres ensayos se ocupan de algunas de las diversas formas como, a traves de la prensa, las tareas de los Congresos trascendian sus recintos. Israel Arroyo examina el vinculo entre las percepciones de la prensa de oposicion frente a las autoridades en funciones durante la administracion de Benito Juarez (18","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79026660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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