El poder constituyente se ha solido manejar historiográficamente como un poder monolítico, una especie extraordinaria de poder que capacita para generar un nuevo orden político y social. Siendo esto básicamente cierto, la experiencia del poder constituyente en el primer constitucionalismo hispano permite refinar algo esta percepción. En este texto se muestra cómo ese poder pudo actuar de manera mucho más decidida en el ámbito del ius gentium, es decir, para generar naciones que en el del “derecho público interno”, esto es, para reordenar las sociedades que protagonizaron aquellos trascendentales cambios ocurridos en la monarquía española después de 1808.
{"title":"El poder constituyente en el primer constitucionalismo hispano","authors":"J. Portillo","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.63","url":null,"abstract":"El poder constituyente se ha solido manejar historiográficamente como un poder monolítico, una especie extraordinaria de poder que capacita para generar un nuevo orden político y social. Siendo esto básicamente cierto, la experiencia del poder constituyente en el primer constitucionalismo hispano permite refinar algo esta percepción. En este texto se muestra cómo ese poder pudo actuar de manera mucho más decidida en el ámbito del ius gentium, es decir, para generar naciones que en el del “derecho público interno”, esto es, para reordenar las sociedades que protagonizaron aquellos trascendentales cambios ocurridos en la monarquía española después de 1808.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88449207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article presents a failed plan of emigration of German colonists to Chile during the first half of the 50’s. Previous scholarship has explored the organization and development of this agricultural project. Here we add reflection on the ways in which the post-war upheavals, and the problem of European displacements, affected the relation between Germany and Chile during this period. There has been no previous attempt to explain the impact of the cold war on this remote place, but it is worthy of consideration from both the German and Chilean point of view. The project broke down, though, in light of national interests of both states. Even though the soil was bad, President González Videla held fast to the project, given the prestige involved. On the other hand, the workers that had been elected for this purpose were hardly prepared. Problems with the language, inadequate professions, as well as the conduct of the colonists, made the project enormously difficult. It is hard to resist the impression that the German government intended to get rid of a part of its own population coming from the east-European area, which was considered hard to integrate. The return of the expatriates is a significant illustration of the end of long-term circulation between the eastern-European, the western-European, and the transatlantic world, and also of the end of transatlantic European migration to South America.
{"title":"„Das tragischste Kapitel deutscher Wanderungsgeschichte der Nachkriegszeit“: Das Scheitern des deutschen Migrations- und Siedlungsprojekts bei La Serena, Chile, in den 1950er Jahren","authors":"Tomas Villarroel","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.74","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents a failed plan of emigration of German colonists to Chile during the first half of the 50’s. Previous scholarship has explored the organization and development of this agricultural project. Here we add reflection on the ways in which the post-war upheavals, and the problem of European displacements, affected the relation between Germany and Chile during this period. There has been no previous attempt to explain the impact of the cold war on this remote place, but it is worthy of consideration from both the German and Chilean point of view. The project broke down, though, in light of national interests of both states. Even though the soil was bad, President González Videla held fast to the project, given the prestige involved. On the other hand, the workers that had been elected for this purpose were hardly prepared. Problems with the language, inadequate professions, as well as the conduct of the colonists, made the project enormously difficult. It is hard to resist the impression that the German government intended to get rid of a part of its own population coming from the east-European area, which was considered hard to integrate. The return of the expatriates is a significant illustration of the end of long-term circulation between the eastern-European, the western-European, and the transatlantic world, and also of the end of transatlantic European migration to South America.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82568150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article discusses how the First World War affected the Central American economies mainly dependent on the export of coffee and bananas. As European immigrants played a key role in the coffee business, the article also analyzes changes in their trade networks. During the war years, conflicts existed on three levels: first, the U.S. and European powers struggled for economic influence in the region. Second, diplomats tried to exploit immigrants for their political purposes which led to tensions. Third, the Central American governments attempted to use the global conflict for their own economic interests. However, their scope was small as the Central American countries produced no strategic raw materials for war. Deteriorating coffee prices and local currencies losing value affected the regional economy. After Britain and the U.S. established Black Lists with enemy firms between 1915 and 1917, companies had to (re)define their national belonging. Given the strong presence of immigrants and the international trade networks this was a difficult task. Some firms tried to demonstrate a neutral profile, while others eliminated German partners from their business. Finally, the US expropriated German firms in Guatemala and Honduras. However, most businesses were returned to former owners around 1920. In the following decade, the US and Germany competed again for economic influence in Central America.
{"title":"Umkämpfte Wirtschaften: Kaffeehandel, europäische Einwanderung und die zentralamerikanischen Ökonomien im Ersten Weltkrieg","authors":"C. Berth","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.76","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses how the First World War affected the Central American economies mainly dependent on the export of coffee and bananas. As European immigrants played a key role in the coffee business, the article also analyzes changes in their trade networks. During the war years, conflicts existed on three levels: first, the U.S. and European powers struggled for economic influence in the region. Second, diplomats tried to exploit immigrants for their political purposes which led to tensions. Third, the Central American governments attempted to use the global conflict for their own economic interests. However, their scope was small as the Central American countries produced no strategic raw materials for war. Deteriorating coffee prices and local currencies losing value affected the regional economy. After Britain and the U.S. established Black Lists with enemy firms between 1915 and 1917, companies had to (re)define their national belonging. Given the strong presence of immigrants and the international trade networks this was a difficult task. Some firms tried to demonstrate a neutral profile, while others eliminated German partners from their business. Finally, the US expropriated German firms in Guatemala and Honduras. However, most businesses were returned to former owners around 1920. In the following decade, the US and Germany competed again for economic influence in Central America.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88616376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the 1830 polemic between Benjamin Constant and the Abbé de Pradt over Simón Bolívar’s last dictatorship. I argue that in the debate a key flaw of liberal constitutionalism was evidenced: the lack of a theory of emergency powers. The new nations of Latin America drafted constitutions following Constant’s ideas regarding emergency provisions. Constant had argued forcibly against broad emergency provisions. While Bolívar was an admirer of Constant, he deviated from his constitutional thinking regarding temporary emergency provisions.
{"title":"The Liberal Cloak: The Constant-De Pradt Controversy on Bolívar’s Last Dictatorship","authors":"José Antonio Aguilar Rivera","doi":"10.15460/jbla.55.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.55.67","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the 1830 polemic between Benjamin Constant and the Abbé de Pradt over Simón Bolívar’s last dictatorship. I argue that in the debate a key flaw of liberal constitutionalism was evidenced: the lack of a theory of emergency powers. The new nations of Latin America drafted constitutions following Constant’s ideas regarding emergency provisions. Constant had argued forcibly against broad emergency provisions. While Bolívar was an admirer of Constant, he deviated from his constitutional thinking regarding temporary emergency provisions.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82556361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Este artículo describe y explica la rebelión de los indígenas de San Ignacio de Chiquitos que tuvo lugar el 5 de junio de 1790 cuando un grupo de nativos irrumpió en el colegio eclesial y atacó a huéspedes e invitados del cura del pueblo. El saldo fue de cuatro muertos y ocho heridos graves a manos de los indígenas. Además, expulsaron al cura Simón Vera y Gallo, a su sobrino Juan y a los demás españoles que residían en el pueblo. Para analizar este levantamiento, se toman como referencia metodológica y heurística los estudios sobre las rebeliones indígenas de 1780 en los Andes. Al mismo tiempo, se lo inscribe en la coyuntura y en la dinámica sociocultural y política locales intentando poner el foco en el punto de vista de los sublevados.
这篇文章描述并解释了发生在1790年6月5日的圣伊格纳西奥·德·奇基托斯印第安人起义，当时一群印第安人闯入教会学院，袭击了当地牧师的客人和客人。造成4人死亡，8人重伤。此外，他们还驱逐了牧师simon Vera y Gallo，他的侄子Juan和其他住在镇上的西班牙人。为了分析这一起义，我们采用了1780年安第斯山脉土著起义的研究作为方法论和启发的参考。与此同时，它符合当地的社会文化和政治动态，试图把重点放在叛军的观点上。
{"title":"Rebelión en San Ignacio de Chiquitos (1790)","authors":"C. Martínez","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.73","url":null,"abstract":"Este artículo describe y explica la rebelión de los indígenas de San Ignacio de Chiquitos que tuvo lugar el 5 de junio de 1790 cuando un grupo de nativos irrumpió en el colegio eclesial y atacó a huéspedes e invitados del cura del pueblo. El saldo fue de cuatro muertos y ocho heridos graves a manos de los indígenas. Además, expulsaron al cura Simón Vera y Gallo, a su sobrino Juan y a los demás españoles que residían en el pueblo. Para analizar este levantamiento, se toman como referencia metodológica y heurística los estudios sobre las rebeliones indígenas de 1780 en los Andes. Al mismo tiempo, se lo inscribe en la coyuntura y en la dinámica sociocultural y política locales intentando poner el foco en el punto de vista de los sublevados.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"100 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76083537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During World War I, the geo-political position of the nations which make up the Caribbean-Central-American region was renegotiated. From the point of view of this region, the most important change was the increase in US-interventionism, legitimized by the premises contained in the Monroe Doctrine. Concomitantly to the growth of US influence, the German, but also the British and French economic and cultural presence suffered a period of decline. Following the end of the war, the allied powers wished to implement a new organizational principle i.e. world order. The fundament of said order was the League of Nations whose Covenant was negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference between January and April of 1919. The weak Caribbean and Central American states sought to take advantage of the “Wilsonian Moment” in order to enforce their own visions and ideas. In particular, they addressed the Wilsonian principles of the right to sovereignty and self-determination valid for all states, independently of whether they were great or small, strong or weak. This paper focuses on the Caribbean and Central American delegates’ ideas, the potential and the limits to implement them in diplomatic practice and the differences between the states of the region.
{"title":"Der Ort der Karibik und Zentralamerikas in der Welt – schwache Staaten auf der Pariser Friedenskonferenz","authors":"T. Fischer","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.78","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.78","url":null,"abstract":"During World War I, the geo-political position of the nations which make up the Caribbean-Central-American region was renegotiated. From the point of view of this region, the most important change was the increase in US-interventionism, legitimized by the premises contained in the Monroe Doctrine. Concomitantly to the growth of US influence, the German, but also the British and French economic and cultural presence suffered a period of decline. Following the end of the war, the allied powers wished to implement a new organizational principle i.e. world order. The fundament of said order was the League of Nations whose Covenant was negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference between January and April of 1919. The weak Caribbean and Central American states sought to take advantage of the “Wilsonian Moment” in order to enforce their own visions and ideas. In particular, they addressed the Wilsonian principles of the right to sovereignty and self-determination valid for all states, independently of whether they were great or small, strong or weak. This paper focuses on the Caribbean and Central American delegates’ ideas, the potential and the limits to implement them in diplomatic practice and the differences between the states of the region.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87663737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En el marco de la inestabilidad que caracterizó a la política nacional mexicana en las décadas que siguieron a la independencia, la constitución de 1857 se consolidó, después de diez años de guerra, en un marco jurídico estable. Este texto analiza las críticas que formularon en contra de su supuesto carácter desorganizador e incompatible con la naturaleza de un pueblo católico los políticos y juristas conservadores. Revisa también las propuestas centralizadoras y administrativas que formularon para los regímenes militar y monárquico que gobernaron desde la ciudad de México entre 1858-1860 y 1863-1867.
{"title":"Cuando la ley fundamental desbarata: Los conservadores y la constitución de 1857","authors":"Erika Pani","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.68","url":null,"abstract":"En el marco de la inestabilidad que caracterizó a la política nacional mexicana en las décadas que siguieron a la independencia, la constitución de 1857 se consolidó, después de diez años de guerra, en un marco jurídico estable. Este texto analiza las críticas que formularon en contra de su supuesto carácter desorganizador e incompatible con la naturaleza de un pueblo católico los políticos y juristas conservadores. Revisa también las propuestas centralizadoras y administrativas que formularon para los regímenes militar y monárquico que gobernaron desde la ciudad de México entre 1858-1860 y 1863-1867.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90858235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Einleitung: Lateinamerika und der Erste Weltkrieg - Eine Forschungsbilanz","authors":"F. Schulze","doi":"10.15460/jbla.55.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.55.75","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75693954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Se mantiene en este trabajo que una de las características más significativas de la justicia en el primer constitucionalismo latinoamericano, desarrollado en respuesta a las crisis de las monarquías ibéricas, fue su dimensión popular, que obedecía tanto a las dificultades de organizar una justicia letrada como a la fuerte desconfianza hacia los jueces profesionales. En el marco de la tradición jurídica compartida, muy determinante en este punto, y junto a invocaciones a la centralidad de la ley, se articularon entonces constitucionalmente diversas formas de participación decisoria de los legos en la administración de la justicia, ya sea para determinar judicialmente el derecho, ya sea para elegir o controlar quién determina judicialmente el derecho. Tras reconstruir el discurso normativo sobre la justicia y sus instituciones en este constitucionalismo, se rastrean aquí los trazos de dicha justicia popular.
{"title":"Justicia popular: Sobre la dimensión judicial del primer constitucionalismo iberoamericano","authors":"Andréa Slemian, Carlos Garriga","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.65","url":null,"abstract":"Se mantiene en este trabajo que una de las características más significativas de la justicia en el primer constitucionalismo latinoamericano, desarrollado en respuesta a las crisis de las monarquías ibéricas, fue su dimensión popular, que obedecía tanto a las dificultades de organizar una justicia letrada como a la fuerte desconfianza hacia los jueces profesionales. En el marco de la tradición jurídica compartida, muy determinante en este punto, y junto a invocaciones a la centralidad de la ley, se articularon entonces constitucionalmente diversas formas de participación decisoria de los legos en la administración de la justicia, ya sea para determinar judicialmente el derecho, ya sea para elegir o controlar quién determina judicialmente el derecho. Tras reconstruir el discurso normativo sobre la justicia y sus instituciones en este constitucionalismo, se rastrean aquí los trazos de dicha justicia popular.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88545696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carangas fue uno de los corregimientos de Charcas (actual Bolivia) que más se despobló durante el período colonial, en parte por la obligación que tenía de enviar tributarios para trabajar en las minas e ingenios de Potosí. Esta tendencia demográfica se vio levemente revertida hacia mediados del siglo XVII, cuando se descubrieron en su territorio unas vetas de plata que requirieron trabajadores, aunque en un número relativamente pequeño. En este trabajo se analiza el doble proceso: la salida de mano de obra carangas, destinada a distintos emprendimientos mineros y agrarios, y la llegada de trabajadores así como la redistribución de parte de su población en los asientos mineros locales. Entre los resultados alcanzados destaco que la mitad de la población que había emigrado de Carangas estaba viviendo en algún asiento minero, entre los que sobresale Potosí. Las fuentes presentan algunas dificultades para cuantificar las migraciones, en particular algunas categorías que se utilizaron previamente en estos temas ‑ como la de los forasteros -, aunque incluyen parcialmente el lugar de origen, dato que permite mejorar el análisis.
{"title":"Migración y minería en el corregimiento de Carangas (actual Bolivia), siglo XVII","authors":"Raquel Gil Montero","doi":"10.15460/jbla.55.71","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.55.71","url":null,"abstract":"Carangas fue uno de los corregimientos de Charcas (actual Bolivia) que más se despobló durante el período colonial, en parte por la obligación que tenía de enviar tributarios para trabajar en las minas e ingenios de Potosí. Esta tendencia demográfica se vio levemente revertida hacia mediados del siglo XVII, cuando se descubrieron en su territorio unas vetas de plata que requirieron trabajadores, aunque en un número relativamente pequeño. En este trabajo se analiza el doble proceso: la salida de mano de obra carangas, destinada a distintos emprendimientos mineros y agrarios, y la llegada de trabajadores así como la redistribución de parte de su población en los asientos mineros locales. Entre los resultados alcanzados destaco que la mitad de la población que había emigrado de Carangas estaba viviendo en algún asiento minero, entre los que sobresale Potosí. Las fuentes presentan algunas dificultades para cuantificar las migraciones, en particular algunas categorías que se utilizaron previamente en estos temas ‑ como la de los forasteros -, aunque incluyen parcialmente el lugar de origen, dato que permite mejorar el análisis.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75960282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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