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Together Yet Apart. The Institutional Rift Among Lebanese-Muslims in a South American Triple Frontier and Its Origins 在一起却又分开。南美三重边境黎巴嫩-穆斯林之间的制度裂痕及其起源
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.143
Omri Elmaleh
On October 1988, the first mosque in the Triple Frontier between Argentina-Brazil-Paraguay was inaugurated. The name given to the mosque rekindled old and modern disputes amongst local Lebanese-Muslims in the region and led to the creation of parallel religious and cultural institutions. Based on oral history and local press, the article illustrates how the inauguration of the mosque and its aftermath reflected an Islamic dissension and Lebanese inter-religious and ethnic tensions that were "exported" to the Triple Frontier during the 1980s. The article also argues that the sectarian split among the leadership of the organized community, was not shared by the rank and file and did not reflect their daily practices.
1988年10月,阿根廷-巴西-巴拉圭三国边境的第一座清真寺落成。清真寺的名称重新点燃了该地区当地黎巴嫩穆斯林之间的旧的和现代的争端,并导致平行的宗教和文化机构的建立。根据口述历史和当地媒体,这篇文章阐述了清真寺的落成及其后果如何反映了伊斯兰教的分歧和黎巴嫩宗教间和种族间的紧张关系,这些紧张关系在20世纪80年代“出口”到三重边境。这篇文章还认为,有组织的社区领导层之间的宗派分裂并没有得到普通民众的认同,也没有反映出他们的日常做法。
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引用次数: 0
Augusto Conte diputado. Entre la Democracia Cristiana y el Movimiento de Derechos Humanos 奥古斯托·孔特代表。在基督教民主和人权运动之间
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.153
Mariano Fabris, M. Ferrari
The article focusses on the performance of the Christian Democrat Augusto Conte during the first years of democratic reconstruction in Argentina. From a microanalytical perspective on an individual scale, it is possible to shed light on the complex network of political-social actors of the early eighties around two central problems of this particular situation: the revision of the dictatorial past and the prosecution of those responsible for the violations of human rights. The follow-up of this trajectory makes it possible to elucidate the scope and limitations faced by this deputy as representative of the human rights movement in Parliament against the government's strategies, the demands and tensions that human rights organizations went through and the conflicts that arose in the Christian Democratic Party in whose name he assumed the position.
这篇文章关注的是基督教民主党人奥古斯托·孔蒂在阿根廷民主重建的头几年里的表现。从个人层面的微观分析角度来看,有可能阐明八十年代初围绕这一特殊情况的两个中心问题的政治-社会行动者的复杂网络:对独裁过去的修正和对侵犯人权的责任人的起诉。这一轨迹的后续研究使我们有可能阐明这位议员作为人权运动在议会中反对政府战略的代表所面临的范围和限制,人权组织所经历的要求和紧张局势,以及他以基督教民主党的名义担任该职位所产生的冲突。
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引用次数: 1
Embracing Hugh Blair. Rhetoric, Faith and Citizenship in 19th Century Mexico 拥抱休·布莱尔。19世纪墨西哥的修辞、信仰和公民身份
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.149
B. Connaughton
This is a study of the key role of Hugh Blair, a Scottish Enlightened scholar and minister, in the understanding and teaching of rhetoric in a quarrelsome 19th-Century Mexico. His role as a master of multiple rhetorical forms, including legal prose, literary production and the sermon, emphasized effective communication to a broadening public audience in an age of expanding citizenship. First his Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, and then several selections of his sermons, were introduced in Spanish to the Mexican public. Somewhat surprisingly, his works were highly celebrated and widely recommended, by persons on the whole political spectrum, with virtually no discussion of Blair’s political concerns or religious faith. His approach was useful, it was made clear, in a more fluid society aimed at modernization, but simultaneously contained a top-down view of life in society which seriously restricted sensitivity to the voice of common people. This article discusses his general acclaim and those limitations within the context of local and Atlantic history, taking into account the critical views of some of the numerous authors who have studied Blair’s work and his enormous influence during the 19th century. In the perspectives offered, his impact can be judged more critically in terms of an undoubtedly changing Mexican political culture, but one simultaneously opening and closing admission to effective citizenship.
这是对休·布莱尔的研究,他是苏格兰开明学者和牧师,在19世纪争吵不休的墨西哥,他在理解和教授修辞学方面发挥了关键作用。他的角色是多种修辞形式的大师,包括法律散文、文学作品和布道,强调在公民不断扩大的时代,与越来越多的公众进行有效的沟通。首先是他的《修辞学讲稿》和《文学美文》,然后是他的几篇布道选集,用西班牙语向墨西哥公众介绍。有些令人惊讶的是,他的作品受到了整个政治领域人士的高度赞扬和广泛推荐,几乎没有讨论布莱尔的政治关注点或宗教信仰。显然,他的方法在一个以现代化为目标的流动性更强的社会中是有用的,但同时包含了一种自上而下的社会生活观,严重限制了对普通人声音的敏感性。这篇文章讨论了他在当地和大西洋历史背景下的普遍赞誉和这些局限性,考虑到一些研究布莱尔作品的众多作者的批评观点以及他在19世纪的巨大影响。在提供的观点中,他的影响可以更批判性地判断为无疑正在变化的墨西哥政治文化,但同时也开放和关闭了有效公民身份的准入。
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引用次数: 0
El “escándalo Magnasco”. Denuncia pública y controversias sobre el papel del Congreso en la Argentina del 1900 “大丑闻”。公众对1900年阿根廷国会作用的谴责和争议
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.147
Ana Leonor Romero
This article analyzes the role of scandals as mechanisms for contesting the political power in Argentina at the turn of the century. As political satire in the previous years, the scandal was a way of denouncing the political system, emphasizing what was conceived a violation of social norms by individual politicians in the eyes of the public. During the second administration of Julio A. Roca, the public debate made use of this type of critique and interventions that aimed at different branches of the government. In particular, the text analyzes the accusation of corruption against the Ministry Minister of Justice and Public Instruction Osvaldo Magnasco in June of 1901. Through this case, the article examines how the definition of the politician´s moral character affected the forms of contesting the political system. Also, it considers the ways in which public opinion perceived the role played by legislative and executive power.
本文分析了丑闻作为世纪之交阿根廷政治权力竞争机制的作用。作为前几年的政治讽刺,这一丑闻是一种谴责政治制度的方式,强调了公众眼中政治家个人违反社会规范的行为。在胡里奥·a·罗卡(Julio A. Roca)第二任政府期间,公众辩论利用了这种针对政府不同部门的批评和干预。本文特别分析了1901年6月对司法和公共教育部长奥斯瓦尔多·马格纳斯科的腐败指控。通过这个案例,本文考察了政治家道德品质的定义如何影响政治制度竞争的形式。此外,它还考虑了公众舆论对立法和行政权力所起作用的看法。
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引用次数: 1
La caricatura de oposición en los congresos de la época de Juárez, 1861-1872 在juarez时代,1861-1872年,国会中反对的漫画
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.146
I. Arroyo
The article analyzes cartoons in the opposition press during the government of Benito Juarez (1861-1872). It focuses on two emblematic newspapers with cartoons of the time: La Orquesta and El Padre Cobos. The study argues that the opposition press should be understood as a creator of a collective imaginary – that could be very distant from political realities –, rather than as political player with a real impact in the political thought of the people. In spite of claiming to represent the people, the Mexican political cartoon actually addressed the public sphere of the press and the political class of its time.
本文分析了贝尼托·华雷斯(Benito Juarez, 1861-1872)执政期间反对派报刊上的漫画。它的重点是当时两份具有代表性的漫画报纸:La Orquesta和El Padre Cobos。该研究认为,反对派媒体应该被理解为一种集体想象的创造者——这种想象可能与政治现实相去甚远——而不是对人民的政治思想产生真正影响的政治参与者。尽管声称代表人民,但墨西哥政治漫画实际上针对的是当时新闻界和政治阶层的公共领域。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimidades inmanentes: parlamento y esfera pública en Nueva Granada y España 内在合法性:新格拉纳达和西班牙的议会和公共领域
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.142
J. Luengo
This article explores the relationship between parliaments and the public sphere in the Hispanic world during the early nineteenth-century. Scholars tend to interpret the public sphere as a broad communicative space not associated to any particular political institution. In this historiographical context, the role that parliaments played in shaping a new public communicative framework during the revolutionary age needs further attention. By considering legislative bodies in Spain and New Granada between 1810 and 1831, I argue that parliaments function as a body that articulates the public dimension of politics in this period. This interpretation requires considering the inner as well as the outer dimension of the parliamentary institution. While public in the galleries, journalists, and MPs played a fundamental role in shaping the public sphere within the assembly room, they also displayed an intense activity outside parliaments. The space circumventing parliamentary buildings, the role of coffee houses for political discussion, and the centrality of the press will be considered within this analytical framework.
本文探讨了19世纪初西班牙世界议会与公共领域之间的关系。学者们倾向于将公共领域解释为一个与任何特定政治制度无关的广泛交流空间。在这种史学背景下,议会在革命时代塑造新的公共交流框架方面所起的作用需要进一步关注。通过考察1810年至1831年间西班牙和新格拉纳达的立法机构,我认为议会在这一时期是一个表达政治公共维度的机构。这种解释需要考虑议会制度的内部和外部维度。虽然旁听中的公众、记者和国会议员在塑造议会厅内的公共领域方面发挥了重要作用,但他们在议会之外也表现出了强烈的活动。议会大楼周围的空间、咖啡馆在政治讨论中的作用以及媒体的中心地位将在这一分析框架内加以考虑。
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引用次数: 0
Automobilität in Lateinamerika – eine historiographische Analyse 中南美交通工具的历史分析
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.152
Mario Peters
Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.Although car-ownership matters to many Latin Americans and cars are nearly omnipresent in daily life in Latin American societies, very little is known about important aspects of the social and cultural histories of automobility in Latin America. However, in the last ten years, several historians have begun to approach the meanings of automobility in Latin American countries. This trend is closely connected to recent developments and new approaches in the international research on mobility, the latter of which I discuss in the first part of this essay. To proceed, I analyze the state of the art on the history of automobility in Latin America, focusing on the following aspects: the emergence of early Latin American car cultures, car and traffic-related social conflicts, and road building. In the last part I ponder on the question of how future studies might advance the state of research on automobility and offer new perspectives on central themes in Latin American history.
尽管拥有汽车对许多拉丁美洲人来说很重要,而且汽车在拉丁美洲社会的日常生活中几乎无处不在,但人们对拉丁美洲汽车的社会和文化历史的重要方面知之甚少。然而,在过去的十年里,一些历史学家已经开始研究拉丁美洲国家汽车的意义。这一趋势与流动性国际研究的最新发展和新方法密切相关,我将在本文的第一部分讨论后者。接下来,我分析了拉丁美洲汽车历史的现状,重点是以下几个方面:早期拉丁美洲汽车文化的出现,汽车和交通相关的社会冲突,以及道路建设。在最后一部分中,我思考了未来的研究如何推进汽车研究的现状,并为拉丁美洲历史的中心主题提供了新的视角。尽管拥有汽车对许多拉丁美洲人来说很重要,而且汽车在拉丁美洲社会的日常生活中几乎无处不在,但人们对拉丁美洲汽车的社会和文化历史的重要方面知之甚少。然而,在过去的十年里,一些历史学家已经开始研究拉丁美洲国家汽车的意义。这一趋势与流动性国际研究的最新发展和新方法密切相关,我将在本文的第一部分讨论后者。接下来,我分析了拉丁美洲汽车历史的现状,重点是以下几个方面:早期拉丁美洲汽车文化的出现,汽车和交通相关的社会冲突,以及道路建设。在最后一部分中,我思考了未来的研究如何推进汽车研究的现状,并为拉丁美洲历史的中心主题提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
“Para tales amos, tales criados”. La actividad esclavista de una familia de Arequipa durante el siglo XVIII “这样的主人,这样的仆人。”18世纪阿雷基帕一个家庭的奴隶活动
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.151
Fernando Calderón Valenzuela
This paper explains the importance of both slavery and its commercial trends for domestic economy by analyzing the enslaver practices of an elite family. Statistical analysis is used to explore the role slavery played in the socio-economic development of the Tristan family in the 18th century Arequipa. The Tristan family participated in the retail trade of slaves, among other economic activities.
本文通过分析一个精英家庭的奴隶行为来解释奴隶制及其商业趋势对国内经济的重要性。本文采用统计分析的方法来探讨奴隶制在18世纪阿雷基帕地区特里斯坦家族的社会经济发展中所扮演的角色。特里斯坦家族参与了奴隶的零售贸易以及其他经济活动。
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引用次数: 0
Pushing Boundaries. New Directions in Contemporary Latin America-Middle East History 推动边界。当代拉丁美洲-中东历史的新方向
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.56.154
L. Balloffet, Fernando Camacho Padilla, Jessica Stites Mor
This dossier addresses some of the lesser-explored historical legacies of the Cold War by delving into the newly emerging landscape of Middle East-Latin American relations of this period. Informing this investigation of geopolitical power and concomitant South-South dialogues that coalesced as part of that Cold War reality, the dossier brings together work that not only transgresses the typical boundaries between area studies of these regions but also pushes for a departure from the way in which Middle East-Latin American relations have often been relegated to and siloed within specific subfields of historical consideration, such as the study of the migration of Arabic-speaking peoples or the field of international relations. The dossier takes advantage of the ability to present several distinctive case studies in order to raise a challenge to historians of this period to broaden their contextualization of the relations between the two regions and to reposition Middle East-Latin American ties within a more complex historical framework of interaction and exchange.
本档案通过深入研究这一时期中东-拉丁美洲关系的新格局,解决了一些较少被探索的冷战历史遗产。作为冷战现实的一部分,这份档案为地缘政治力量和相关的南南对话的调查提供了信息,它汇集了不仅超越了这些地区区域研究之间的典型界限的工作,而且还推动了中东-拉丁美洲关系经常被归入历史考虑的特定子领域并被孤立的方式的偏离。比如研究讲阿拉伯语的人的迁移或研究国际关系领域。该档案利用了展示几个独特案例研究的能力,以便向这一时期的历史学家提出挑战,以扩大他们对两个地区之间关系的背景化,并在更复杂的互动和交流的历史框架中重新定位中东-拉丁美洲关系。
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引用次数: 0
Territorio y nacionalidad en Iberoamérica tras las Independencias. El principio constitucional uti possidetis juris: razones y estrategias para contar su historia 伊比利亚美洲独立后的领土和国籍。法律上可能的宪法原则:讲述你的故事的原因和策略
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.15460/JBLA.55.66
Marta Lorente
Este artículo reflexiona sobre el valor constitucional del principio uti possidetis a los efectos de construcción de la historia constitucional iberoamericana. La monopolización de su estudio por juristas o historiadores del derecho internacional ha facilitado su no inclusión en las temáticas clásicas de la historiografía constitucional iberoamericana, a pesar de que constituye uno de los elementos más característicos de la historia de la suerte de la Constitución en Iberoamérica. Presente en Congresos y Tratados internacionales, pero ausente en numerosas ocasiones en los textos internacionales, este principio está en el origen de la determinación de las nacionalidades iberoamericanas, así como en los de la historia y geografía nacionales de las Repúblicas iberoamericanas.
这一原则在伊比利亚-美洲宪法历史的构建中具有宪法价值。垄断的法律或历史学家的研究提供了将不列入国际法的常规主题伊比利亚-美洲,尽管宪法史学是历史上最独特的要素有幸在美洲的宪法。本大会和国际条约,但在国际文书中多次缺席,这项原则在确定国家的起源-以及伊比利亚-美洲各共和国国家历史和地理位置。
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引用次数: 0
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Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina
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