The present article deals with the development of Southern Slav nationalism among former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in South America in the years before and during World War I. The article focuses on Chile and Argentina, but also takes the transnational characteristics of the nationalist Slav movement into consideration, which established strong transatlantic connections with the Yugoslav Committee in London and links with national committees in the United States. Chile became the center of the Southern Slav movement in Western South America. It provided the committee in London not only with considerable sums of money, but also with intensive propaganda activities which first sought to gain adherents among the emigrated Croatian and Dalmatian subjects of the Habsburg Empire. The diplomatic representatives of the Dual Monarchy found themselves confronted with a political situation, which they initially sub-estimated, but were not able to deal with later.
{"title":"Kroatischer Nationalismus und Panslawismus in Argentinien und Chile während des Ersten Weltkriegs","authors":"Milagros Martínez-Flener, Ursula Prutsch","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.77","url":null,"abstract":"The present article deals with the development of Southern Slav nationalism among former subjects of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in South America in the years before and during World War I. The article focuses on Chile and Argentina, but also takes the transnational characteristics of the nationalist Slav movement into consideration, which established strong transatlantic connections with the Yugoslav Committee in London and links with national committees in the United States. Chile became the center of the Southern Slav movement in Western South America. It provided the committee in London not only with considerable sums of money, but also with intensive propaganda activities which first sought to gain adherents among the emigrated Croatian and Dalmatian subjects of the Habsburg Empire. The diplomatic representatives of the Dual Monarchy found themselves confronted with a political situation, which they initially sub-estimated, but were not able to deal with later.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73619988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Las características de las órdenes militares españolas fueron objeto de debate por parte de los juristas y teólogos en la Edad Moderna. La cuestión más importante era la consideración de sus caballeros como individuos eclesiásticos o legos. El propósito principal de este trabajo es el análisis de las “allegationes” pertenecientes a la Biblioteca Palafoxiana (Puebla), en lo que concierne a las competencias judiciales sobre los miembros de las órdenes militares. En este sentido, dos ejemplos ilustrativos son los alegatos preparados en la primera mitad del siglo XVII por Ambrosio Machín en Cerdeña y por Juan de Morales Barnuevo en Castilla. Estos textos impresos son interesantes fuentes para el estudio de la circulación de los debates jurídicos entre la Europa católica y Nueva España. Su contenido concierne a las competencias de las jurisdicciones eclesiástica y secular, así como a los conflictos entre los tribunales o autoridades, motivados por los delitos perpetrados por caballeros y novicios militares. Las discusiones doctrinales sobre el estatus jurídico de aquellas personas adquirieron trascendencia durante el Antiguo Régimen, debido a la proyección social que tenían los votos en las órdenes de los territorios de la monarquía católica. Asimismo, los impresos citados contribuían a la difusión en Nueva España de los postulados canónicos y reales sobre las competencias judiciales en las causas civiles y criminales, y de las opiniones de famosos autores, tales como Castillo de Bobadilla, García Mastrillo y Farinacci.
西班牙军事秩序的特点是近代法学家和神学家争论的主题。最重要的问题是把他的骑士视为神职人员或外行。本文的目的是分析属于Palafoxiana图书馆(Puebla)的“allegationes”，关于军事命令成员的司法管辖权。在这方面，两个例证是17世纪上半叶撒丁岛的Ambrosio machin和卡斯提尔的Juan de Morales Barnuevo准备的指控。这些印刷文本是研究天主教欧洲和新西班牙之间法律辩论流通的有趣来源。它的内容涉及教会和世俗管辖权的权限，以及法院或当局之间因骑士和军事新手犯下的罪行而发生的冲突。在古代政权时期，关于这些人的法律地位的教义讨论变得重要起来，这是由于在天主教君主领地的秩序中投票的社会投射。同样，上述印刷材料有助于在新西班牙传播关于民事和刑事案件司法管辖权的规范和真实假设，以及卡斯蒂略·德·博巴迪拉、加西亚·马斯特里洛和法里纳奇等著名作家的观点。
{"title":"Las controversias sobre las competencias de la jurisdicción eclesiástica ante las órdenes militares en la Monarquía de España: algunas “allegationes”","authors":"Belinda Rodríguez Arrocha","doi":"10.15460/jbla.55.70","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/jbla.55.70","url":null,"abstract":"Las características de las órdenes militares españolas fueron objeto de debate por parte de los juristas y teólogos en la Edad Moderna. La cuestión más importante era la consideración de sus caballeros como individuos eclesiásticos o legos. El propósito principal de este trabajo es el análisis de las “allegationes” pertenecientes a la Biblioteca Palafoxiana (Puebla), en lo que concierne a las competencias judiciales sobre los miembros de las órdenes militares. En este sentido, dos ejemplos ilustrativos son los alegatos preparados en la primera mitad del siglo XVII por Ambrosio Machín en Cerdeña y por Juan de Morales Barnuevo en Castilla. Estos textos impresos son interesantes fuentes para el estudio de la circulación de los debates jurídicos entre la Europa católica y Nueva España. Su contenido concierne a las competencias de las jurisdicciones eclesiástica y secular, así como a los conflictos entre los tribunales o autoridades, motivados por los delitos perpetrados por caballeros y novicios militares. Las discusiones doctrinales sobre el estatus jurídico de aquellas personas adquirieron trascendencia durante el Antiguo Régimen, debido a la proyección social que tenían los votos en las órdenes de los territorios de la monarquía católica. Asimismo, los impresos citados contribuían a la difusión en Nueva España de los postulados canónicos y reales sobre las competencias judiciales en las causas civiles y criminales, y de las opiniones de famosos autores, tales como Castillo de Bobadilla, García Mastrillo y Farinacci.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"509 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76406817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
He aquí un par de casos pretéritos en busca de una categoría actual. Los casos son el del pueblo yaqui en México, entre su hostigamiento y supeditación en Sonora y su deportación y esclavización en Yucatán, y el de la inmigración china y su tratamiento severísimamente discriminatorio, hasta la expulsión, en el mismo Estado de Sonora. La categoría es aquella que pudiera ser capaz de caracterizar el constitucionalismo latinoamericano por la recurrencia de casos similares respecto tanto a pueblos indígenas como a contingentes de inmigraciones no europeas. Al propósito se toma también en cuenta a los Estados Unidos. Entre casos y categoría, se considera la condición constitucional o, dicho mejor, el estatus extraconstitucional, durante el siglo XIX, de los llamados culíes, de otros trabajadores importados, de esclavos emancipados y, a su vez, como presencia humana más relevante para el mismo núcleo del constitucionalismo, de los pueblos indígenas, en cuyo contexto la historia constitucional latinoamericana se revela como una especie de reciclaje e incluso potenciación del legado colonial europeo por Estados independientes. Dicho de otro modo, a lo largo y ancho de las Américas, el colonialismo puede ser un factor de primer orden en la formación y el desenvolvimiento del constitucionalismo.
{"title":"De alienígenas chinos e indígenas yaquis (ubicando el constitucionalismo latinoamericano)","authors":"Bartolomé Clavero","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.55.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.55.69","url":null,"abstract":"He aquí un par de casos pretéritos en busca de una categoría actual. Los casos son el del pueblo yaqui en México, entre su hostigamiento y supeditación en Sonora y su deportación y esclavización en Yucatán, y el de la inmigración china y su tratamiento severísimamente discriminatorio, hasta la expulsión, en el mismo Estado de Sonora. La categoría es aquella que pudiera ser capaz de caracterizar el constitucionalismo latinoamericano por la recurrencia de casos similares respecto tanto a pueblos indígenas como a contingentes de inmigraciones no europeas. Al propósito se toma también en cuenta a los Estados Unidos. Entre casos y categoría, se considera la condición constitucional o, dicho mejor, el estatus extraconstitucional, durante el siglo XIX, de los llamados culíes, de otros trabajadores importados, de esclavos emancipados y, a su vez, como presencia humana más relevante para el mismo núcleo del constitucionalismo, de los pueblos indígenas, en cuyo contexto la historia constitucional latinoamericana se revela como una especie de reciclaje e incluso potenciación del legado colonial europeo por Estados independientes. Dicho de otro modo, a lo largo y ancho de las Américas, el colonialismo puede ser un factor de primer orden en la formación y el desenvolvimiento del constitucionalismo.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76612153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This chapter discusses the creation and character of the Mexican Constitution of 1917. It describes the political, economic and social context in which the Constitution emerged; explains the motivation of the Carrancista regime in creating it; and traces the process – rapid and rushed – whereby the Constituent Congress was elected. It then analyses the make-up of the Congress, in terms of social class, occupation, age and ideological affiliation; and offers a resume of the congressional debates – the chief concerns, the notable omissions, and the historico-philosophical allusions. Finally, it offers some general observations regarding the principal ideological currents – liberal, jacobin and social-reformist – that swirled within the Congress, thus suggesting how, in the years after 1917, the new Constitution could serve, in flexible fashion, to legitimise a variety of policies, depending on the demands and pressures of changing circumstances.
{"title":"Forjar Constitución: México 1916-17","authors":"A. Knight","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.29","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter discusses the creation and character of the Mexican Constitution of 1917. It describes the political, economic and social context in which the Constitution emerged; explains the motivation of the Carrancista regime in creating it; and traces the process – rapid and rushed – whereby the Constituent Congress was elected. It then analyses the make-up of the Congress, in terms of social class, occupation, age and ideological affiliation; and offers a resume of the congressional debates – the chief concerns, the notable omissions, and the historico-philosophical allusions. Finally, it offers some general observations regarding the principal ideological currents – liberal, jacobin and social-reformist – that swirled within the Congress, thus suggesting how, in the years after 1917, the new Constitution could serve, in flexible fashion, to legitimise a variety of policies, depending on the demands and pressures of changing circumstances.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"90 1","pages":"11-38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74649430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Mexico, the population of foreigners occupies a marginal place in the country's demographic composition. Although Mexican governments have always acknowledged the importance of attracting immigrants, the country has one of the most restrictive immigration policies in Latin America. In order to offer a possible explanation for this paradox, this essay examines the construction of the mestizo figure as a foundation for the Mexican nation. It shows how the importance of this figure grew with the ascent of the nationalist thinking derived from the 1910 Revolution, and with the impact of migratory processes resulting from the vicinity to the United States. These issues laid the foundation for xenophobic discourses, norms, and actions that, to different degrees, imbued the relationship between Mexico and foreigners.
{"title":"Migración, mestizaje y xenofobia en México (1910-1950)","authors":"P. Yankelevich","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.24","url":null,"abstract":"In Mexico, the population of foreigners occupies a marginal place in the country's demographic composition. Although Mexican governments have always acknowledged the importance of attracting immigrants, the country has one of the most restrictive immigration policies in Latin America. In order to offer a possible explanation for this paradox, this essay examines the construction of the mestizo figure as a foundation for the Mexican nation. It shows how the importance of this figure grew with the ascent of the nationalist thinking derived from the 1910 Revolution, and with the impact of migratory processes resulting from the vicinity to the United States. These issues laid the foundation for xenophobic discourses, norms, and actions that, to different degrees, imbued the relationship between Mexico and foreigners.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"6 1","pages":"129-156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79753051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the role that Revolutionary Mexican foreign policy played within Mexican and Cuban society through an analysis of the 1938 voyage to Havana of the Brigada Mexicana and the 1939 visit to Mexico of Colonel Fulgencio Batista. These goodwill missions contributed to Mexican and Cuban state formation. In the Mexican case, the goodwill mission created domestic support by providing evidence of international support for the oil expropriation of 1938, and in the Cuban case, it provided legitimacy to the Batista regime by demonstrating affinity with the Mexican Revolution. While visiting Mexico in 1939, Batista witnessed the commemoration of the Constitution of 1917. Although he may not have been influenced to emulate its radical content in the Cuban Constitution of 1940, the two documents came to carry tremendous symbolic weight in the populist politics of both countries.
{"title":"Between Two Revolutions: Cultural Relations between Mexico and Cuba","authors":"Amelia M. Kiddle","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.23","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the role that Revolutionary Mexican foreign policy played within Mexican and Cuban society through an analysis of the 1938 voyage to Havana of the Brigada Mexicana and the 1939 visit to Mexico of Colonel Fulgencio Batista. These goodwill missions contributed to Mexican and Cuban state formation. In the Mexican case, the goodwill mission created domestic support by providing evidence of international support for the oil expropriation of 1938, and in the Cuban case, it provided legitimacy to the Batista regime by demonstrating affinity with the Mexican Revolution. While visiting Mexico in 1939, Batista witnessed the commemoration of the Constitution of 1917. Although he may not have been influenced to emulate its radical content in the Cuban Constitution of 1940, the two documents came to carry tremendous symbolic weight in the populist politics of both countries.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"45 1","pages":"108-128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76375892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Indigenous and afrodescendant tribute payments constituted the central manifestation of the colonial relationship between the Americas and the Spanish crown. This article outlines the development of colonial tributary legislation and its implementation in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru from the 16th to the 19th century. It focuses on tribute categories as decisive factors for the formation of the colonial society. The comparative approach reveals that the major differences between New Spain and Peru lay first in the tribute categories for “migrants” and second in the varying degree of implementation of tribute obligations among the afrodescendant population.
{"title":"Tributgesetzgebung und ihre Umsetzung in den Vizekönigreichen Peru und Neuspanien im Vergleich","authors":"Sarah Albiez-Wieck","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.25","url":null,"abstract":"Indigenous and afrodescendant tribute payments constituted the central manifestation of the colonial relationship between the Americas and the Spanish crown. This article outlines the development of colonial tributary legislation and its implementation in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru from the 16th to the 19th century. It focuses on tribute categories as decisive factors for the formation of the colonial society. The comparative approach reveals that the major differences between New Spain and Peru lay first in the tribute categories for “migrants” and second in the varying degree of implementation of tribute obligations among the afrodescendant population.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"24 1 1","pages":"211-257"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79711267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the arguments used by American lobbyists to pressure Washington to oppose against the Mexican Constitution of 1917 or articles that affected the interests of miners, oil companies, landowners and merchants in Mexico between 1916 and 1921. These attempts did not prevail, since both the State Department and the White House put national interests ahead of the private interests of investors south of the border during World War I. However, the lobbyists demands did have an impact on foreign policy when America's position was modified at the end of the war. Ultimately the US government did not adopt the interventionism proposed by the hardliners, who insisted on repealing the Constitution or modifying some of its articles, but instead used diplomatic pressure to defend the interests of its fellow citizens in Mexico.
{"title":"Los cabilderos, Washington y la Constitución de 1917","authors":"M. Collado","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.20","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the arguments used by American lobbyists to pressure Washington to oppose against the Mexican Constitution of 1917 or articles that affected the interests of miners, oil companies, landowners and merchants in Mexico between 1916 and 1921. These attempts did not prevail, since both the State Department and the White House put national interests ahead of the private interests of investors south of the border during World War I. However, the lobbyists demands did have an impact on foreign policy when America's position was modified at the end of the war. Ultimately the US government did not adopt the interventionism proposed by the hardliners, who insisted on repealing the Constitution or modifying some of its articles, but instead used diplomatic pressure to defend the interests of its fellow citizens in Mexico.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"173 1","pages":"61-80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76041042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to analyze the discourses performed by the participants of the General Congress of National Territories, organized in 1927 by the Liga Patriotica Argentina, a nationalist association of notorious presence in the political life of the Argentinian Republic during the 1920’s. The congress was the Liga’s response to some of the problems its members found not only in the political situation of the republican institutions, but also in the specific case of the Territories, units that had no political autonomy and that were subject to the authority of the federal government. The Territories represented almost half of the Argentinian territory, and were seen as spaces inexcusably abandoned by the federal governments. Thus, the Liga embraced the self-assigned mission of ‘argentinizing’ those spaces and their populations. Among other aspects, this involved debating the institutional status of the Territories, namely their recognition as new provinces. Although some Territories had reached the legal conditions required, that transformation had not yet occurred by 1927. However, establishing a position on that subject was not an easy issue for the Liga. As this article proposes to demonstrate, the difficulties the Liga had in defining its official position on the provincialization of Territories can be explained as a result of the ways in which its members understood the key concepts of Nation, Republic and Constitution, so as the relations between them.
本文的目的是分析1927年由阿根廷爱国者联盟(Liga Patriotica Argentina)组织的全国领土大会(General Congress of National Territories)参与者的话语。阿根廷爱国者联盟是一个在20世纪20年代阿根廷共和国政治生活中臭名昭著的民族主义协会。大会是西甲联盟对其成员发现的一些问题的反应，这些问题不仅存在于共和体制的政治局势中，而且也存在于领土的具体情况中，这些领土没有政治自主权，属于联邦政府的管辖范围。这些领土几乎占阿根廷领土的一半，被视为联邦政府不可原谅地放弃的空间。因此，西甲联赛承担了“阿根廷化”这些空间和人口的任务。除其他方面外，这涉及辩论领土的体制地位，即承认领土为新省。虽然一些领土已经达到了所需的法律条件，但到1927年这种转变还没有发生。然而，在这个问题上确立一个立场对西甲来说并不是一件容易的事情。正如本文所要证明的那样，西甲在确定其对领土地方化的官方立场方面的困难，可以解释为其成员理解国家、共和国和宪法等关键概念的方式，以及它们之间的关系。
{"title":"Nación, república y Constitución: La Liga Patriótica Argentina y su Congreso General de Territorios Nacionales","authors":"Lisandro Gallucci","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.28","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to analyze the discourses performed by the participants of the General Congress of National Territories, organized in 1927 by the Liga Patriotica Argentina, a nationalist association of notorious presence in the political life of the Argentinian Republic during the 1920’s. The congress was the Liga’s response to some of the problems its members found not only in the political situation of the republican institutions, but also in the specific case of the Territories, units that had no political autonomy and that were subject to the authority of the federal government. The Territories represented almost half of the Argentinian territory, and were seen as spaces inexcusably abandoned by the federal governments. Thus, the Liga embraced the self-assigned mission of ‘argentinizing’ those spaces and their populations. Among other aspects, this involved debating the institutional status of the Territories, namely their recognition as new provinces. Although some Territories had reached the legal conditions required, that transformation had not yet occurred by 1927. However, establishing a position on that subject was not an easy issue for the Liga. As this article proposes to demonstrate, the difficulties the Liga had in defining its official position on the provincialization of Territories can be explained as a result of the ways in which its members understood the key concepts of Nation, Republic and Constitution, so as the relations between them.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"50 1","pages":"306-337"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84684369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article deals with the difficulty to reconstruct Spanish American territorial organization of the 18th century for a digital spatio-temporal data-infrastructure (HGIS de las Indias). The observation that it is hard to define Spanish American territorial organization, and that eventually authority was not bundled in one hand and in a well-structured hierarchical system, is hardly novel. However, this article tries to show how administrative, legal, ethnical, historical, and topographical aspects nonetheless worked together forming idiosyncratic, “vernacular” territories labeled reinos, provincias, jurisdicciones, partidos or yet other terms. Perception, definition, and representation of territories and their divisions depended less on a normative system but on stable institutions, regional context, discoursive reproduction, the role/interest of authors, and the medium of expression. Three examples of complicated administrative constellations and their representation in primary sources are treated in more detail: The Frontier of San Luis Colotlan, the province and intendency of Paraguay, and the Kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya. Another part discusses the consequences of such regional realities for a synoptic reconstruction of colonial territory in our historical geographic information system for Bourbon America, HGIS de las Indias. The article is rounded up by general reflections on the applicability of the raised problems to central and marginal areas, a discussion of the scalability of spatial conceptions in texts and maps, and the potential of HGIS de las Indias as common data infrastructure.
本文讨论了用数字时空数据基础设施(HGIS de las Indias)重建18世纪西属美洲领土组织的困难。很难界定西属美洲的领土组织，而且最终权力并没有集中在一只手和一个结构良好的等级制度中，这种观察并不新鲜。然而，本文试图展示行政、法律、种族、历史和地形方面如何共同形成特殊的“本土”领土，这些领土被称为“reinos”、“provinciones”、“jurisdicciones”、“partidos”或其他术语。对领土及其划分的感知、定义和表现较少依赖于规范性体系，而是依赖于稳定的制度、地区背景、话语复制、作者的角色/兴趣以及表达媒介。本文更详细地讨论了三个复杂行政区划的例子及其在原始资料中的表现:圣路易斯科洛特兰的边界、巴拉圭的省和自治区以及新比斯开王国。另一部分讨论了这种区域现实对波旁美洲历史地理信息系统中殖民地领土的概要重建的影响，HGIS de las Indias。本文总结了对所提出问题在中心和边缘地区的适用性的一般性思考，讨论了文本和地图中空间概念的可扩展性，以及印度HGIS作为通用数据基础设施的潜力。
{"title":"¿Provincias y partidos o gobiernos y corregimientos? Los principios rectores del desordenamiento territorial de las Indias y la creación de un sistema de información histórico-geográfico","authors":"Werner Stangl","doi":"10.15460/JBLA.54.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15460/JBLA.54.18","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the difficulty to reconstruct Spanish American territorial organization of the 18th century for a digital spatio-temporal data-infrastructure (HGIS de las Indias). The observation that it is hard to define Spanish American territorial organization, and that eventually authority was not bundled in one hand and in a well-structured hierarchical system, is hardly novel. However, this article tries to show how administrative, legal, ethnical, historical, and topographical aspects nonetheless worked together forming idiosyncratic, “vernacular” territories labeled reinos, provincias, jurisdicciones, partidos or yet other terms. Perception, definition, and representation of territories and their divisions depended less on a normative system but on stable institutions, regional context, discoursive reproduction, the role/interest of authors, and the medium of expression. Three examples of complicated administrative constellations and their representation in primary sources are treated in more detail: The Frontier of San Luis Colotlan, the province and intendency of Paraguay, and the Kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya. Another part discusses the consequences of such regional realities for a synoptic reconstruction of colonial territory in our historical geographic information system for Bourbon America, HGIS de las Indias. The article is rounded up by general reflections on the applicability of the raised problems to central and marginal areas, a discussion of the scalability of spatial conceptions in texts and maps, and the potential of HGIS de las Indias as common data infrastructure.","PeriodicalId":52370,"journal":{"name":"Jahrbuch fuer Geschichte Lateinamerikas/Anuario de Historia de Amrica Latina","volume":"26 1","pages":"157-210"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82228098","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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