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Review of Cada vez que muero (Every time I die) 《每一次我死》的回顾
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10953
Javier Pérez-Osorio
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引用次数: 0
Plurinational state and ecological conscience in Bolivia: The case of the 2019 forest fires 玻利维亚的多民族国家与生态良知:以2019年森林大火为例
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-14 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10862
C. G. Barié, Moira Zuazo
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the origins of polarizing populism: Insights from the Peronist struggle over rights 探索两极分化民粹主义的起源:从庇隆主义者争取权利的见解
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10882
Judith A. Teichman
: Much of the literature on populism, including that on Peronism in Argentina, focuses on the us/them, good versus evil, nature of populist rhetoric as instrumental in polarizing society and eroding democracy. This work challenges this perspective by placing an analysis of Peron’s speeches (from 1943 to 1955) within the pre-existing historical context of division between urban elites and poor rural masses. The work argues that Peronist rhetoric, while shaped by this context, nevertheless developed its core populist features over time. Initially, Peronist discourse displayed conciliatory and inclusive features. It is only from 1949 that a Manichean discourse emerges, the consequence of an interactive process in which both Peronism and anti-Peronism become radicalized, each side responding to rhetoric and actions taken by opponents. Contestation comes to center on the issue of political versus social rights. These findings suggest that the widespread focus on populist rhetorical features as instrumental in creating political polarization may obfuscate more complex underlying processes.
许多关于民粹主义的文献,包括关于阿根廷庇隆主义的文献,都侧重于美国/他们,善与恶,民粹主义言论的本质是社会两极分化和侵蚀民主的工具。这本书通过分析庇隆(从1943年到1955年)在城市精英和贫穷的农村群众之间分裂的历史背景下的演讲,挑战了这种观点。该书认为,庇隆主义的言论虽然受到这种背景的影响,但随着时间的推移,其核心的民粹主义特征得到了发展。最初,庇隆主义话语表现出和解和包容的特征。从1949年开始,摩尼教的话语才出现,这是一个互动过程的结果,在这个过程中,庇隆主义和反庇隆主义都变得激进,每一方都对对手的言论和行动做出回应。争论集中在政治权利和社会权利的问题上。这些发现表明,将民粹主义修辞特征作为制造政治两极分化的工具的广泛关注可能会混淆更复杂的潜在过程。
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引用次数: 0
Review of Racial alterity, Wixarika youth activism, and the right to the Mexican city 回顾种族差异,维克萨里卡青年行动主义,以及墨西哥城市的权利
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10946
N. Crane
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引用次数: 0
Review of Lula and his politics of cunning: From metalworker to president of Brazil 卢拉及其狡猾政治述评:从金属工人到巴西总统
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10947
Quintijn B. Kat
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引用次数: 0
The mistrust of development in coca-growing regions in Peru: The valley of the rivers Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro 秘鲁古柯种植区对发展的不信任:阿普里马克河、埃内河和曼塔罗河流域
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-19 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10886
Romain Busnel
Since the 1970s, drug-producing regions have been the target of ‘alternative development’ policies. These policies aim to provide alternative crops to illegal coca, poppy, and marijuana growers, but also to initiate a greater development process in the regions concerned. The redefinition of these policies in international arenas has been widely studied, but little is known about the representations that farmers have of these policies in the production regions. This contribution proposes to overcome these limitations by examining more directly the effects of these policies at the subnational level. To this end, the case of the Valley of the Apurimac, Ene and Mantaro Rivers (VRAEM), Peru’s main illegal coca-producing region and a post-conflict area, is analyzed. Despite an apparent consensus on development at the subnational level, tensions remain around these policies and their administration and occa-sionally arise between the Peruvian state and social organizations. This article shows that the implementation of development policies generates mistrust among farmers due to the ambi-guity of the future of crops and the uncertainty of the benefits derived from development programs. The distrust is mainly directed at the agents in charge of implementing the programs and the leaders of social organizations who act as intermediaries. Because these policies largely exclude collective actors, they undermine trust in political representation and the Peruvian state in a region still weakened by the post-conflict context.
自20世纪70年代以来,毒品生产地区一直是“替代发展”政策的目标。这些政策旨在为非法古柯、罂粟和大麻种植者提供替代作物,但也旨在在有关地区启动更大的发展进程。在国际舞台上对这些政策的重新定义已经得到了广泛的研究,但人们对农民在生产地区的这些政策的代表性知之甚少。这一贡献建议通过更直接地审查这些政策在国家以下一级的影响来克服这些限制。为此,分析了秘鲁主要非法古柯生产区和冲突后地区阿普里马克河、埃内河和曼塔罗河河谷的情况。尽管在国家以下一级就发展问题达成了明显的共识,但围绕这些政策及其管理的紧张局势仍然存在,秘鲁国家和社会组织之间偶尔也会出现紧张局势。这篇文章表明,由于对作物未来的模糊性和发展计划带来的利益的不确定性,发展政策的实施在农民中产生了不信任。这种不信任主要针对负责实施计划的代理人和充当中介的社会组织领导人。由于这些政策在很大程度上排除了集体行为者,它们破坏了人们对政治代表性的信任,也破坏了秘鲁国家在这个仍因冲突后局势而削弱的地区的信任。
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引用次数: 0
El éxodo centroamericano entre inserción laboral y militarización en la frontera sur de México 墨西哥南部边境劳动融合与军事化之间的中美洲人口外流
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-29 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10861
Anna Mary Garrapa
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引用次数: 0
Latin American political elites’ positions on same-sex marriage, abortion, and drug legalization 拉美政治精英对同性婚姻、堕胎和毒品合法化的立场
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10833
Asbel Bohigues, João V. Guedes-Neto, M. Santos
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引用次数: 2
Chilean street artists and instagrammable heritage activism: Movement intellectuals of O-18 智利街头艺术家和instagramble遗产激进主义:O-18运动知识分子
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10895
J. Clark
This paper introduces Chilean artistas callejerxs as powerful movement intellectuals (Eyerman, 1992, 2004) who curated the O-18 movement through their narration of the protestors’ hopes for the future, grievances in the present moment, and a visual representation of their painful dictatorial heritage. Central to this paper is the elucidation of Jones, Mozaffari, and Jasper’s (2020) newly postulated concept of Heritage Activism through a critical heritage studies lens. By focusing on the second, under-theorised element of their thesis – activists’ utilisation of heritage while in pursuit of social change – this work establishes the pivotal role of heritage in the Chilean uprising. It explores not only the prominent role heritage can play in social movements generally, but also the increasing influence and authority that social media such as Instagram allows street artists to possess in modern protests.
本文介绍了智利艺术家callejerxs作为强大的运动知识分子(Eyerman, 1992,2004),他们通过叙述抗议者对未来的希望、当下的不满以及对他们痛苦的独裁遗产的视觉表现,策划了O-18运动。本文的核心是通过批判性遗产研究的视角阐明Jones, Mozaffari和Jasper(2020)新假设的遗产行动主义概念。通过关注他们论文的第二个,未被理论化的元素——活动家在追求社会变革时对遗产的利用——这项工作确立了遗产在智利起义中的关键作用。它不仅探讨了遗产在社会运动中普遍发挥的突出作用,还探讨了Instagram等社交媒体让街头艺术家在现代抗议活动中拥有的日益增长的影响力和权威。
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引用次数: 0
Restitution of indigenous ancestors, uncomfortable heritage, and ways of seeing violence in Argentina 阿根廷土著祖先的归还、令人不安的遗产和看待暴力的方式
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-30 DOI: 10.32992/erlacs.10896
C. Crespo
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies
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