The ‘Columbian exchange’ (Crosby) after 1492 mixed bacteria and viruses from the ‘Old’ and the ‘New World’; ever since then, epidemics have shaped the political course of events in Latin America and the Caribbean. While the diseases and their victims are largely forgotten in collective memory, they also remain marginal in much of conventional scholarship, as they are not easily framed in narratives of national history or social emancipation. The present contribution provides concrete examples that demonstrate the profound political impact of pandemics, but also the lack of attention they have received in standard textbooks and accounts of Latin American history. The conclusions call on scholars to fully embrace the insights from environmental history and epidemiological research into their teaching and writing on the region. Resumen: Memoria reprimida: Reflexion sobre el impacto de las pandemias olvidadas de Latinoamerica El ‘intercambio colombino’ (Crosby) despues de 1492 mezclo bacterias y virus del Viejo y el Nuevo Mundo. Desde entonces, las epidemias han moldeado el curso politico de los acontecimientos en Latinoamerica y el Caribe. Si bien las enfermedades y sus victimas caen en el olvido en gran medida en la memoria colectiva, tambien permanecen marginales en gran parte de la literatura academica convencional, ya que no se enmarcan facilmente en narrativas de historia nacional o de emancipacion social. La presente contribucion proporciona ejemplos concretos que demuestran el profundo impacto politico de las pandemias, pero tambien la falta de atencion que han recibido en los libros de texto estandar y en los relatos dominantes de la historia de Latinoamerica. Las conclusiones exigen que los academicos adopten plenamente las ideas de la historia ambiental y la investigacion epidemiologica en su ensenanza y escritura sobre la region.
1492年后的“哥伦布大交换”(克罗斯比)将来自“旧”和“新世界”的细菌和病毒混合在一起;从那时起，流行病影响了拉丁美洲和加勒比地区事件的政治进程。虽然这些疾病及其受害者在很大程度上被遗忘在集体记忆中，但它们在许多传统学术中仍然处于边缘地位，因为它们不容易在国家历史或社会解放的叙述中被框定。本报告提供了具体的例子，显示了大流行病的深刻政治影响，但也显示了这些问题在标准教科书和拉丁美洲历史叙述中缺乏关注。这些结论呼吁学者们在他们关于该地区的教学和写作中充分利用环境史和流行病学研究的见解。复本:回顾:对拉丁美洲艾滋病毒大流行的严重影响的反思·科伦比诺病毒(克罗斯比)- 1992年《关于Viejo和el Nuevo Mundo病毒的细菌》。在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区，流行病学和疾病的流行病学研究表明，目前的政治状况与拉丁美洲和加勒比地区有关。Si好las心血管y sus victimas卡昂en el olvido en格兰medida en la记忆colectiva,加入permanecen边际en格兰杰克逊de la literatura academica convencional,丫不se enmarcan facilmente en narrativas de史学家nacional de emancipacion社会。目前对就业具体情况的贡献比例显示出对大流行病政治的深刻影响，对其关注程度的影响，以及对其在拉丁美洲历史上所占主导地位的关系的影响。最后的结论是，学者们采用了全面的环境史学、调查流行病学、环境科学和环境科学的观点。
{"title":"Repressed memory: Rethinking the impact of Latin America’s forgotten pandemics","authors":"Bert Hoffmann","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10677","url":null,"abstract":"The ‘Columbian exchange’ (Crosby) after 1492 mixed bacteria and viruses from the ‘Old’ and the ‘New World’; ever since then, epidemics have shaped the political course of events in Latin America and the Caribbean. While the diseases and their victims are largely forgotten in collective memory, they also remain marginal in much of conventional scholarship, as they are not easily framed in narratives of national history or social emancipation. The present contribution provides concrete examples that demonstrate the profound political impact of pandemics, but also the lack of attention they have received in standard textbooks and accounts of Latin American history. The conclusions call on scholars to fully embrace the insights from environmental history and epidemiological research into their teaching and writing on the region. Resumen: Memoria reprimida: Reflexion sobre el impacto de las pandemias olvidadas de Latinoamerica El ‘intercambio colombino’ (Crosby) despues de 1492 mezclo bacterias y virus del Viejo y el Nuevo Mundo. Desde entonces, las epidemias han moldeado el curso politico de los acontecimientos en Latinoamerica y el Caribe. Si bien las enfermedades y sus victimas caen en el olvido en gran medida en la memoria colectiva, tambien permanecen marginales en gran parte de la literatura academica convencional, ya que no se enmarcan facilmente en narrativas de historia nacional o de emancipacion social. La presente contribucion proporciona ejemplos concretos que demuestran el profundo impacto politico de las pandemias, pero tambien la falta de atencion que han recibido en los libros de texto estandar y en los relatos dominantes de la historia de Latinoamerica. Las conclusiones exigen que los academicos adopten plenamente las ideas de la historia ambiental y la investigacion epidemiologica en su ensenanza y escritura sobre la region.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46698171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
– The Migrant Passage: Clandestine Journeys from Central America by Noelle K. Brigden. Cornell University Press, 2018. – Contraband Corridor: Making a Living at the Mexico-Guatemala Border, by Rebecca B. Galemba. Stanford University Press, 2018. – Lives in Transit: Violence and Intimacy on the Migrant Journey, by Wendy A. Vogt. University of California Press, 2018.
{"title":"Displaced lives in the Americas. A review of three cross-border ethnographies","authors":"N. Winters","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10675","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10675","url":null,"abstract":"– The Migrant Passage: Clandestine Journeys from Central America by Noelle K. Brigden. Cornell University Press, 2018. – Contraband Corridor: Making a Living at the Mexico-Guatemala Border, by Rebecca B. Galemba. Stanford University Press, 2018. – Lives in Transit: Violence and Intimacy on the Migrant Journey, by Wendy A. Vogt. University of California Press, 2018.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43791430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Eugenics in the Garden: Transatlantic Architecture and the Crafting of Modernity","authors":"Edward R. Burian","doi":"10.32992/ERLACS.10673","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/ERLACS.10673","url":null,"abstract":"Eugenics in the Garden: Transatlantic Architecture and the Crafting of Modernity, by Fabiola Lopez-Duran, University of Texas Press, 2018.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46245848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Racial migrations: New York City and the revolutionary politics of the Spanish Caribbean","authors":"Antonio Hernández Matos","doi":"10.32992/ERLACS.10664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/ERLACS.10664","url":null,"abstract":"Racial migrations: New York City and the revolutionary politics of the Spanish Caribbean, by Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof, Princeton University Press, 2019","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48117940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Political life in the wake of the plantation: sovereignty, witnessing, repair, by Deborah A. Thomas. Duke University Press, 2019
种植园之后的政治生活：主权、见证、修复，黛博拉·A·托马斯著。杜克大学出版社，2019
{"title":"Review of Political life in the wake of the plantation: sovereignty, witnessing, repair","authors":"Tka Pinnock","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10656","url":null,"abstract":"Political life in the wake of the plantation: sovereignty, witnessing, repair, by Deborah A. Thomas. Duke University Press, 2019","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"5"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48181716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Elusive justice. Women, land rights, and Colombia’s transition to peace","authors":"Silke Oldenburg","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10657","url":null,"abstract":"Elusive justice. Women, land rights, and Colombia’s transition to peace, by Donny Meertens, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2019","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":" ","pages":"6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48453840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Can international peacemaking efforts succeed in an intractable conflict such as the one in Venezuela? In this paper we put forward a conceptualization of peacemaking processes that underlines their ability to creatively change the terms of a conflict. Then we look at the four dialogue and negotiation processes that have occurred during the government of Nicolas Maduro. Our review shows that while it is clear that the Maduro government uses dialogue processes as a delay tactic through which it can divide and demobilize the opposition, clear progress has been made in the mediators’ ability to generate concrete articulation and discussion of the conflicting parties’ demands. However, international allies on each side of the conflict are affecting the calculations of the two sides, working against an agreement. Resumen: Paz internacional en el conflicto intratable de Venezuela ?Pueden los esfuerzos internacionales de establecimiento de la paz tener exito en un conflicto intratable como el de Venezuela? En este articulo presentamos una conceptualizacion de los procesos de establecimiento de la paz que subraya su capacidad para cambiar creativamente los terminos de un conflicto. Luego observamos los cuatro procesos de dialogo y negociacion que ocurrieron durante el gobierno de Nicolas Maduro. Nuestra revision muestra que, si bien esta claro que el gobierno de Maduro usa los procesos de dialogo como una tactica de demora a traves de la cual puede dividir y desmovilizar a la oposicion, se ha logrado un claro progreso en la capacidad de los mediadores para generar una articulacion y discusion concretas de las partes en conflicto ' demandas. Sin embargo, los aliados internacionales en cada lado del conflicto estan afectando los calculos de las dos partes, trabajando en contra de un acuerdo.
在委内瑞拉这样棘手的冲突中，国际社会的维持和平努力能否取得成功?在本文中，我们提出了建立和平进程的概念，强调了它们创造性地改变冲突条件的能力。然后我们看看在尼古拉斯·马杜罗政府执政期间发生的四个对话和谈判进程。我们的审查表明，虽然马杜罗政府显然将对话进程作为一种拖延策略，通过对话进程来分裂和遣散反对派，但在调解人就冲突各方的要求进行具体表述和讨论方面，已经取得了明显进展。然而，冲突双方的国际盟友正在影响双方的计算，不利于达成协议。在委内瑞拉建立一个国际和平组织，在委内瑞拉建立一个国际和平组织，在委内瑞拉建立一个国际和平组织。在此基础上，我们提出了一种概念化的方法，即建立一种新的方法，即建立一种新的能力，一种创造性的方法，即消除冲突的方法。“我观察到，在马杜罗执政期间，对话进程和谈判进程将持续下去。”Nuestra称修订具体秘鲁,如果好esta克拉洛雪茄烟el“德·马杜罗美国洛杉矶proceso de对话一书科莫una tactica de demora traves de la是喝水dividir y desmovilizar la oposicion se ha logrado联合国克拉洛雪茄烟多尔en la capacidad de los mediadores对位generar una articulacion y de las部分对比concretas en conflicto demandas。在禁运期间，国际上有许多关于冲突的规定，以防止冲突发生，防止冲突发生，防止冲突发生。
{"title":"International Peacemaking in Venezuela’s Intractable Conflict","authors":"D. Smilde, Geoff Ramsey","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10582","url":null,"abstract":"Can international peacemaking efforts succeed in an intractable conflict such as the one in Venezuela? In this paper we put forward a conceptualization of peacemaking processes that underlines their ability to creatively change the terms of a conflict. Then we look at the four dialogue and negotiation processes that have occurred during the government of Nicolas Maduro. Our review shows that while it is clear that the Maduro government uses dialogue processes as a delay tactic through which it can divide and demobilize the opposition, clear progress has been made in the mediators’ ability to generate concrete articulation and discussion of the conflicting parties’ demands. However, international allies on each side of the conflict are affecting the calculations of the two sides, working against an agreement. Resumen: Paz internacional en el conflicto intratable de Venezuela ?Pueden los esfuerzos internacionales de establecimiento de la paz tener exito en un conflicto intratable como el de Venezuela? En este articulo presentamos una conceptualizacion de los procesos de establecimiento de la paz que subraya su capacidad para cambiar creativamente los terminos de un conflicto. Luego observamos los cuatro procesos de dialogo y negociacion que ocurrieron durante el gobierno de Nicolas Maduro. Nuestra revision muestra que, si bien esta claro que el gobierno de Maduro usa los procesos de dialogo como una tactica de demora a traves de la cual puede dividir y desmovilizar a la oposicion, se ha logrado un claro progreso en la capacidad de los mediadores para generar una articulacion y discusion concretas de las partes en conflicto ' demandas. Sin embargo, los aliados internacionales en cada lado del conflicto estan afectando los calculos de las dos partes, trabajando en contra de un acuerdo.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"157"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44926304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Russia-Venezuela relations are the most controversial of those between Latin American states and extra-regional powers, due to the military-technical nature of its original links its implications for Russian-United States rivalry, and over the hemispheric security and democracy. This article explores these from the role of Russian-Venezuelan corruption as a versatile amalgam within the alliance from 2005 to 2018. Based on a descriptive research design, the systematization of scattered information, and the application of a congruence method, we infer that corruption contributes to improving Russian-Venezuelan political cohesion. Our inference indicates that these ties, in addition to serving Russian-Venezuelan geopolitical interests regarding the United States, constitute a cycle in which political corruption strengthens the alliance, favouring special corporate interests, undermining rule of law, encouraging corruption, and revitalizing authoritarianism in Venezuela. Resumen: Una amalgama versatil: Intereses y corrupcion en las relaciones ruso-venezolanas Las relaciones entre Rusia y Venezuela son las mas controvertidas entre los estados latinoamericanos y las potencias extrarregionales, debido a la naturaleza tecnico-militar de sus vinculos originales, sus implicaciones para la rivalidad ruso-estadounidense, y sobre la seguridad hemisferica y la democracia. Este articulo explora lo anterior desde el papel de la corrupcion ruso-venezolana como una amalgama versatil dentro de la alianza entre 2005 y 2018. Basado en un diseno de investigacion descriptivo, sistematizacion de informacion dispersa y aplicacion de un metodo de congruencia, inferimos que la corrupcion contribuye a mejorar la cohesion politica ruso-venezolana. Nuestra inferencia indica que estos lazos, ademas de servir a los intereses geopoliticos ruso-venezolanos con respecto a los Estados Unidos, constituyen un ciclo en el que la corrupcion politica fortalece la alianza, favorece intereses corporativos especiales, socava el estado de derecho, fomenta la corrupcion y revitaliza el autoritarismo en Venezuela.
俄罗斯和委内瑞拉的关系是拉丁美洲国家和域外大国之间最具争议的关系，因为其原始联系的军事技术性质，它对俄美竞争的影响，以及对西半球安全和民主的影响。本文从2005年至2018年俄罗斯-委内瑞拉腐败在联盟中扮演的多功能混合体的角色来探讨这些问题。基于描述性研究设计、分散信息的系统化和一致性方法的应用，我们推断腐败有助于提高俄罗斯-委内瑞拉的政治凝聚力。我们的推断表明，这些关系除了服务于俄罗斯-委内瑞拉与美国的地缘政治利益外，还构成了一个循环，在这个循环中，政治腐败加强了联盟，有利于特殊公司利益，破坏法治，鼓励腐败，并在委内瑞拉重振威权主义。复本:全面合并:利益与腐败:与俄罗斯-委内瑞拉的关系:与委内瑞拉的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系:与拉丁美洲的关系。埃斯特危象explora lo前desde el papel de la corrupcion ruso-venezolana科莫una amalgama答:dentro de la alianza之间2005 y 2018。调查描述、信息分散的系统化、一致性方法的应用、腐败的内因性对委内瑞拉政治凝聚力的重要贡献。在委内瑞拉，政治政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的利益与政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，特别是企业利益，政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的利益与政治上的利益是一致的，政治上的腐败与专制主义的复兴是一致的。
{"title":"The versatile amalgam: Interests and corruption in Russia-Venezuela relations","authors":"Alejandro Cardozo Uzcátegui, Víctor M. Mijares","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10557","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10557","url":null,"abstract":"The Russia-Venezuela relations are the most controversial of those between Latin American states and extra-regional powers, due to the military-technical nature of its original links its implications for Russian-United States rivalry, and over the hemispheric security and democracy. This article explores these from the role of Russian-Venezuelan corruption as a versatile amalgam within the alliance from 2005 to 2018. Based on a descriptive research design, the systematization of scattered information, and the application of a congruence method, we infer that corruption contributes to improving Russian-Venezuelan political cohesion. Our inference indicates that these ties, in addition to serving Russian-Venezuelan geopolitical interests regarding the United States, constitute a cycle in which political corruption strengthens the alliance, favouring special corporate interests, undermining rule of law, encouraging corruption, and revitalizing authoritarianism in Venezuela. Resumen: Una amalgama versatil: Intereses y corrupcion en las relaciones ruso-venezolanas Las relaciones entre Rusia y Venezuela son las mas controvertidas entre los estados latinoamericanos y las potencias extrarregionales, debido a la naturaleza tecnico-militar de sus vinculos originales, sus implicaciones para la rivalidad ruso-estadounidense, y sobre la seguridad hemisferica y la democracia. Este articulo explora lo anterior desde el papel de la corrupcion ruso-venezolana como una amalgama versatil dentro de la alianza entre 2005 y 2018. Basado en un diseno de investigacion descriptivo, sistematizacion de informacion dispersa y aplicacion de un metodo de congruencia, inferimos que la corrupcion contribuye a mejorar la cohesion politica ruso-venezolana. Nuestra inferencia indica que estos lazos, ademas de servir a los intereses geopoliticos ruso-venezolanos con respecto a los Estados Unidos, constituyen un ciclo en el que la corrupcion politica fortalece la alianza, favorece intereses corporativos especiales, socava el estado de derecho, fomenta la corrupcion y revitaliza el autoritarismo en Venezuela.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"181"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41336031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores why multilateral democracy protection in the Americas has been so ineffective in the Venezuelan crisis. The author contends that the state of hemispheric order can either help or hinder regional efforts to defend democracy. The current Venezuelan crisis has unfolded at a difficult moment when the Western Hemispheric order has undergone a particularly turbulent form of regional order transition that the author calls order upheaval. While serving as a structure of opportunities and constraints for both the defenders and transgressors of Venezuelan democracy, this order upheaval has impeded regional cooperation, the provision of democracy protection as a public good, and the ability for the Americas to serve as an effective filter or container for regional problem solving and against the incursion of extra-regional actors in Venezuela’s crisis. Resumen: Una historia dentro de otra historia en Venezuela: Actores regionales, crisis y conmocion del orden hemisferico occidental Este articulo explora por que la proteccion multilateral de la democracia en las Americas ha sido poco efectiva en la crisis venezolana. El autor plantea que el estado del orden hemisferico puede ayudar u obstaculizar los esfuerzos regionales para defender la democracia. La actual crisis venezolana se ha desarrollado en un momento dificil, en el que el orden hemisferico occidental ha experimentado una forma de transicion particularmente turbulenta, a la cual el autor llama conmocion del orden. A la vez que ha servido como un marco de oportunidades y restricciones tanto para los defensores como para los transgresores de la democracia venezolana, esta conmocion del orden ha impedido la cooperacion regional, la provision de proteccion a la democracia como un bien publico y la capacidad de las Americas de servir como un filtro o contenedor eficaz para la resolucion de problemas regionales y contra la incursion de actores extra-regionales en la crisis venezolana.
{"title":"A story within a story: Venezuela’s crisis, regional actors, and Western hemispheric order upheaval","authors":"T. Legler","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10585","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores why multilateral democracy protection in the Americas has been so ineffective in the Venezuelan crisis. The author contends that the state of hemispheric order can either help or hinder regional efforts to defend democracy. The current Venezuelan crisis has unfolded at a difficult moment when the Western Hemispheric order has undergone a particularly turbulent form of regional order transition that the author calls order upheaval. While serving as a structure of opportunities and constraints for both the defenders and transgressors of Venezuelan democracy, this order upheaval has impeded regional cooperation, the provision of democracy protection as a public good, and the ability for the Americas to serve as an effective filter or container for regional problem solving and against the incursion of extra-regional actors in Venezuela’s crisis. Resumen: Una historia dentro de otra historia en Venezuela: Actores regionales, crisis y conmocion del orden hemisferico occidental Este articulo explora por que la proteccion multilateral de la democracia en las Americas ha sido poco efectiva en la crisis venezolana. El autor plantea que el estado del orden hemisferico puede ayudar u obstaculizar los esfuerzos regionales para defender la democracia. La actual crisis venezolana se ha desarrollado en un momento dificil, en el que el orden hemisferico occidental ha experimentado una forma de transicion particularmente turbulenta, a la cual el autor llama conmocion del orden. A la vez que ha servido como un marco de oportunidades y restricciones tanto para los defensores como para los transgresores de la democracia venezolana, esta conmocion del orden ha impedido la cooperacion regional, la provision de proteccion a la democracia como un bien publico y la capacidad de las Americas de servir como un filtro o contenedor eficaz para la resolucion de problemas regionales y contra la incursion de actores extra-regionales en la crisis venezolana.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"135"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45000956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article uses the political science literature on transitions to democracy to discuss the domestic challenges to a negotiated transition in Venezuela. Whereas a transition to democracy may occur through many different pathways and processes, the negotiated path has often been hailed as the most conducive to democracy consolidation. This article discusses three key challenges to a negotiated outcome in Venezuela. The first is the current political-economic context marked by de-liberalisation and rapidly increasing inequality between the “ins” and “outs”; the second refers to the content of a potential pact in a situation where the Venezuelan state is retrenching territorially and from key state functions; and the third refers to the challenges of guaranteeing a pact for the future in a context of a majoritarian constitution and weak electoral prospects for the regime. The article shows how the structural conditions in Venezuela reduces the incentives for both parties to enter a democratising pact and add insights to the transitology literature on how de-liberalisation and stateness problems negatively affect actors’ incentives to negotiate a pact. Resumen: Cuando tienes las de perder: Retos para una transicion negociada a la democracia en Venezuela Este articulo utiliza la literatura de la ciencia politica sobre las transiciones a la democracia para discutir los desafios internos de una transicion negociada en Venezuela. Mientras que una transicion a la democracia puede ocurrir a traves de muchas vias y procesos diferentes, la ruta negociada a menudo ha sido aclamada como la mas conducente a la consolidacion de la democracia. Este articulo analiza tres desafios clave para un resultado negociado en Venezuela. El primero es el contexto politico-economico actual marcado por la desliberalizacion y el rapido aumento de la desigualdad entre los “incluidos” y los “excluidos”; el segundo se refiere al contenido de un pacto potencial en una situacion en la que el estado venezolano se esta retrayendo territorialmente y de funciones estatales clave; y el tercero se refiere a los desafios de garantizar un pacto para el futuro en un contexto de una constitucion mayoritaria y perspectivas electorales debiles para el regimen. El articulo muestra como las condiciones estructurales en Venezuela reducen los incentivos para que ambas partes participen en un pacto democratizador y agrega ideas a la literatura de transicion sobre como los problemas de desliberalizacion y de estado afectan negativamente los incentivos de los actores para negociar un pacto.
本文利用有关民主过渡的政治学文献来讨论委内瑞拉谈判过渡的国内挑战。虽然向民主的过渡可能通过许多不同的途径和进程发生，但谈判的途径往往被誉为最有利于巩固民主的途径。本文讨论了委内瑞拉谈判结果面临的三个关键挑战。首先是当前的政治经济环境，其特点是去自由化，“内部”和“外部”之间的不平等迅速加剧;第二个是指在委内瑞拉国家正在缩减领土和关键国家职能的情况下，一项潜在协议的内容;第三点是指在多数主义宪法和政权选举前景薄弱的背景下，为未来保证协议所面临的挑战。本文展示了委内瑞拉的结构条件如何降低了双方签订民主化协议的动机，并为过渡学文献提供了见解，说明了去自由化和国家问题如何对参与者谈判协议的动机产生负面影响。简历:在委内瑞拉过渡时期谈判与民主的关系:在委内瑞拉过渡时期谈判与民主的关系:在委内瑞拉过渡时期谈判与民主的关系:在委内瑞拉过渡时期谈判与民主的关系:在委内瑞拉过渡时期谈判与民主的关系:政治科学与文学的关系。民主过渡和民主进程之间的差异，以及谈判和进程之间的差异，使得民主过渡和民主巩固之间的差异更加明显。在委内瑞拉的谈判中，有一种特殊的分析方法。首先是政治-经济的实际情况，其次是非自由化的实际情况，其次是设计上的迅速变化，即“包括”和“排除”;在联合国协定的潜在情况下，联合国协定的潜在情况是由联合国协定的潜在情况决定的，联合国协定的潜在情况是由联合国协定的潜在情况决定的。y el tercero se refiere洛desafios de garantizar联合国pacto对位el问题在联合国contexto de una mayoritaria y perspectivas孔斯蒂图西翁地区的选举debiles对位el方案。委内瑞拉的特殊条件和结构减少了协议各方参与的激励机制，通过共同的思想和文献减少了转型的共同问题，减少了非自由化的问题，通过协议影响了消极的激励机制，减少了参与者的行为，通过协议进行了谈判。
{"title":"With the cards stacked against you. Challenges to a negotiated transition to democracy in Venezuela","authors":"Leiv Marsteintredet","doi":"10.32992/erlacs.10553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10553","url":null,"abstract":"This article uses the political science literature on transitions to democracy to discuss the domestic challenges to a negotiated transition in Venezuela. Whereas a transition to democracy may occur through many different pathways and processes, the negotiated path has often been hailed as the most conducive to democracy consolidation. This article discusses three key challenges to a negotiated outcome in Venezuela. The first is the current political-economic context marked by de-liberalisation and rapidly increasing inequality between the “ins” and “outs”; the second refers to the content of a potential pact in a situation where the Venezuelan state is retrenching territorially and from key state functions; and the third refers to the challenges of guaranteeing a pact for the future in a context of a majoritarian constitution and weak electoral prospects for the regime. The article shows how the structural conditions in Venezuela reduces the incentives for both parties to enter a democratising pact and add insights to the transitology literature on how de-liberalisation and stateness problems negatively affect actors’ incentives to negotiate a pact. Resumen: Cuando tienes las de perder: Retos para una transicion negociada a la democracia en Venezuela Este articulo utiliza la literatura de la ciencia politica sobre las transiciones a la democracia para discutir los desafios internos de una transicion negociada en Venezuela. Mientras que una transicion a la democracia puede ocurrir a traves de muchas vias y procesos diferentes, la ruta negociada a menudo ha sido aclamada como la mas conducente a la consolidacion de la democracia. Este articulo analiza tres desafios clave para un resultado negociado en Venezuela. El primero es el contexto politico-economico actual marcado por la desliberalizacion y el rapido aumento de la desigualdad entre los “incluidos” y los “excluidos”; el segundo se refiere al contenido de un pacto potencial en una situacion en la que el estado venezolano se esta retrayendo territorialmente y de funciones estatales clave; y el tercero se refiere a los desafios de garantizar un pacto para el futuro en un contexto de una constitucion mayoritaria y perspectivas electorales debiles para el regimen. El articulo muestra como las condiciones estructurales en Venezuela reducen los incentivos para que ambas partes participen en un pacto democratizador y agrega ideas a la literatura de transicion sobre como los problemas de desliberalizacion y de estado afectan negativamente los incentivos de los actores para negociar un pacto.","PeriodicalId":52452,"journal":{"name":"European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"87"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45406532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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