This paper investigated what changes took place in the organisational culture of the Finnish Defence Forces during the COVID-19 pandemic, and also afterwards when remote work has remained permanently available to staff. A total of 468 employees of the Finnish Defence Forces participated in the study by reporting their experiences of changes in organisational culture. In the analysis of qualitative data, the Gioia methodology, which classifies the data into categories and themes, was used. Remote work creates challenges for leadership, and more equality, changed management competence, and remote work management skills were expected from management. However, it would seem that the organisational culture in the Finnish Defence Forces has developed in such a way that trust within the organisation is even stronger than before. Remote work has developed the personnel’s skills in managing digital tools as well as the employer image of the Finnish Defence Forces in the eyes of their personnel. This is the first study to map employees’ experiences of remote work from the perspective of changes in organisational culture in the Finnish Defence Forces. The research provides novel information that can be utilised in developing the operations and management of organisations. The Finnish Defence Forces have taken significant steps towards a modern work community. There are still some challenges to be solved in terms of how to improve leadership of remote work. A particularly important resource in resilience to change is the trust that is manifested in the organisational culture of the Finnish Defence Forces.
{"title":"Remote work in the Finnish Defence Forces: Employees’ experiences of changes in organisational culture","authors":"T. Kähkönen","doi":"10.35467/sdq/176071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/176071","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigated what changes took place in the organisational culture of the Finnish Defence Forces during the COVID-19 pandemic, and also afterwards when remote work has remained permanently available to staff. A total of 468 employees of the Finnish Defence Forces participated in the study by reporting their experiences of changes in organisational culture. In the analysis of qualitative data, the Gioia methodology, which classifies the data into categories and themes, was used. Remote work creates challenges for leadership, and more equality, changed management competence, and remote work management skills were expected from management. However, it would seem that the organisational culture in the Finnish Defence Forces has developed in such a way that trust within the organisation is even stronger than before. Remote work has developed the personnel’s skills in managing digital tools as well as the employer image of the Finnish Defence Forces in the eyes of their personnel. This is the first study to map employees’ experiences of remote work from the perspective of changes in organisational culture in the Finnish Defence Forces. The research provides novel information that can be utilised in developing the operations and management of organisations. The Finnish Defence Forces have taken significant steps towards a modern work community. There are still some challenges to be solved in terms of how to improve leadership of remote work. A particularly important resource in resilience to change is the trust that is manifested in the organisational culture of the Finnish Defence Forces.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"5 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139383697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main research objective of this paper is to identify key factors influencing economic resilience from the perspective of comprehensive defence. This involves developing a composite economic resilience index (Ericda) that outlines the relative economic resilience of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the Black Sea regions, within the comprehensive defence framework. The paper employs qualitative research methods, focusing on an analysis of specialist literature pertaining to economic resilience. Quantitative methods are also used for developing the Economic Resilience Index from the Comprehensive Approach to Defence (Ericda) perspective. This includes using data on selected resilience indicators in Central and the Eastern European and Black Sea region countries to generate rankings. The results of the study reveal strong positive correlations between the economic resilience index and various factors, such as logistics and infrastructure, economic complexity, foreign trade vulnerabilities and dependence, economic stability and development, governance effectiveness, military, and human capital. Additionally, a negative correlation was observed with the resilience index. The research findings suggest that to ensure effective comprehensive defence, isolated measures targeting individual pillars are inadequate. Economic resilience requires a collaborative approach, extending beyond the purview of the finance ministry and involving a broader range of stakeholders.
{"title":"Measuring economic resilience for the CEE and Black Sea countries in the framework of comprehensive defense","authors":"Maria Constantinescu","doi":"10.35467/sdq/175379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/175379","url":null,"abstract":"The main research objective of this paper is to identify key factors influencing economic resilience from the perspective of comprehensive defence. This involves developing a composite economic resilience index (Ericda) that outlines the relative economic resilience of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and the Black Sea regions, within the comprehensive defence framework. The paper employs qualitative research methods, focusing on an analysis of specialist literature pertaining to economic resilience. Quantitative methods are also used for developing the Economic Resilience Index from the Comprehensive Approach to Defence (Ericda) perspective. This includes using data on selected resilience indicators in Central and the Eastern European and Black Sea region countries to generate rankings. The results of the study reveal strong positive correlations between the economic resilience index and various factors, such as logistics and infrastructure, economic complexity, foreign trade vulnerabilities and dependence, economic stability and development, governance effectiveness, military, and human capital. Additionally, a negative correlation was observed with the resilience index. The research findings suggest that to ensure effective comprehensive defence, isolated measures targeting individual pillars are inadequate. Economic resilience requires a collaborative approach, extending beyond the purview of the finance ministry and involving a broader range of stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"225 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139171665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses the impact of North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) new strategic concept on its involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean and its implications for Greek-Turkish relations. We analyse the application of NATO’s new strategic concept in the Eastern Mediterranean by focusing on the case study of Greek-Turkish tensions and NATO’s role in de-escalation efforts. The case study of Greek-Turkish relations is vital for two reasons. Firstly, because of NATO’s renewed interest in the Eastern Mediterranean region, and secondly, because the complicated relationship between the two countries has the potential to disrupt NATO’s unity. The findings of this article suggest that while NATO’s intention is to adapt to evolving security challenges, its new strategic concept has done little to de-escalate the tensions between Greece and Türkiye. Despite the Alliance’s commitment to collective defence and conflict resolution, the longstanding disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean have persisted, often with increased intensity. In conclusion, NATO’s new strategic concept acknowledges the burgeoning complexities in the Eastern Mediterranean, yet falls markedly short of introducing effective measures to de-escalate the longstanding tensions between Greece and Türkiye. While the document perceptively addresses the need for heightened engagement in the Eastern Mediterranean and highlights the myriad security challenges, including territorial disputes, migration issues, and the competition for energy resources, it lacks a clear actionable framework for mitigating the discord between these two member states.
{"title":"NATO's Strategic Concept: Implications for Greece and Türkiye","authors":"Nikolaos Lampas, Constantinos Filis","doi":"10.35467/sdq/174813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/174813","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the impact of North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) new strategic concept on its involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean and its implications for Greek-Turkish relations. We analyse the application of NATO’s new strategic concept in the Eastern Mediterranean by focusing on the case study of Greek-Turkish tensions and NATO’s role in de-escalation efforts. The case study of Greek-Turkish relations is vital for two reasons. Firstly, because of NATO’s renewed interest in the Eastern Mediterranean region, and secondly, because the complicated relationship between the two countries has the potential to disrupt NATO’s unity. The findings of this article suggest that while NATO’s intention is to adapt to evolving security challenges, its new strategic concept has done little to de-escalate the tensions between Greece and Türkiye. Despite the Alliance’s commitment to collective defence and conflict resolution, the longstanding disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean have persisted, often with increased intensity. In conclusion, NATO’s new strategic concept acknowledges the burgeoning complexities in the Eastern Mediterranean, yet falls markedly short of introducing effective measures to de-escalate the longstanding tensions between Greece and Türkiye. While the document perceptively addresses the need for heightened engagement in the Eastern Mediterranean and highlights the myriad security challenges, including territorial disputes, migration issues, and the competition for energy resources, it lacks a clear actionable framework for mitigating the discord between these two member states.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"121 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138607221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Khayal Ibrahim Iskandarov, Piotr Gawliczek, Andrzej Soboń
This paper seeks to examine the violation of territorial integrity as a stage of hybrid warfare. Grounded in the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, this study analyses nations’ foreign policy strategies considering both global and domestic factors. Employing primarily qualitative research, this study concentrates on a case study of the South Caucasus region. Against the backdrop of the war which broke out in the early 2022 between Russia and Ukraine, the preservation of territorial integrity emerges as an imperative aspect of national security policy. Despite the longstanding recognition of territorial integrity as a fundamental tenet of international law over the centuries, this war has galvanised all nations with regard to the violation of territorial integrity. The paper delineates the principles of territorial integrity vis-à-vis the national security of the South Caucasus countries, substantiating the assertion that violation of the territorial integrity of the particular countries in this region serves the interests of external actors, either directly or indirectly, and is employed as a strategic tool in the pursuit of protracted hybrid warfare.
{"title":"Violation of territorial integrity as a tool for waging long-term hybrid warfare (against the backdrop of power games in the South Caucasus region)","authors":"Khayal Ibrahim Iskandarov, Piotr Gawliczek, Andrzej Soboń","doi":"10.35467/sdq/174507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/174507","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to examine the violation of territorial integrity as a stage of hybrid warfare. Grounded in the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, this study analyses nations’ foreign policy strategies considering both global and domestic factors. Employing primarily qualitative research, this study concentrates on a case study of the South Caucasus region. Against the backdrop of the war which broke out in the early 2022 between Russia and Ukraine, the preservation of territorial integrity emerges as an imperative aspect of national security policy. Despite the longstanding recognition of territorial integrity as a fundamental tenet of international law over the centuries, this war has galvanised all nations with regard to the violation of territorial integrity. The paper delineates the principles of territorial integrity vis-à-vis the national security of the South Caucasus countries, substantiating the assertion that violation of the territorial integrity of the particular countries in this region serves the interests of external actors, either directly or indirectly, and is employed as a strategic tool in the pursuit of protracted hybrid warfare.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139230359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this paper is to examine the lessons learned till mid-2023 from the war in Ukraine to find out how attacking or seizing nuclear power plants (NPPs) can be utilised to advance military and political objectives during an armed conflict. The qualitative research approach has been applied to the study, focusing on an analysis of academic research and relevant acts of international law. In order to examine Russia’s approach to the attacks against the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia NPPs, numerous reports, official statements by the authorities, press releases, and Internet sources have been analysed. For evaluation of nuclear security and safety standards in Ukraine, the “seven pillars” model proposed by the International Atomic Energy Agency has been adopted. The study indicates that strategically located NPPs can be used as “nuclear shields” for the occupying forces deployed at the plant or nearby. They may also become useful tools of “lawfare” waged with the use of flawed interpretations of international humanitarian law. Finally, nuclear security-related narrations analysed in the paper clearly prove that seized NPPs can be effectively used in information warfare. The research leads to the conclusion that civil NPPs in war zones can be weaponised and exploited by the hostile forces not only for impeding energy supplies (and thus shattering the public morale of the adversary) but also for blackmailing and coercing the decisionmakers of the attacked state and their international allies with a vision of man-made nuclear disaster.
{"title":"Nuclear power plants in war zones: Lessons learned from the war in Ukraine","authors":"Joanna Przybylak","doi":"10.35467/sdq/174810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/174810","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this paper is to examine the lessons learned till mid-2023 from the war in Ukraine to find out how attacking or seizing nuclear power plants (NPPs) can be utilised to advance military and political objectives during an armed conflict. The qualitative research approach has been applied to the study, focusing on an analysis of academic research and relevant acts of international law. In order to examine Russia’s approach to the attacks against the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhia NPPs, numerous reports, official statements by the authorities, press releases, and Internet sources have been analysed. For evaluation of nuclear security and safety standards in Ukraine, the “seven pillars” model proposed by the International Atomic Energy Agency has been adopted. The study indicates that strategically located NPPs can be used as “nuclear shields” for the occupying forces deployed at the plant or nearby. They may also become useful tools of “lawfare” waged with the use of flawed interpretations of international humanitarian law. Finally, nuclear security-related narrations analysed in the paper clearly prove that seized NPPs can be effectively used in information warfare. The research leads to the conclusion that civil NPPs in war zones can be weaponised and exploited by the hostile forces not only for impeding energy supplies (and thus shattering the public morale of the adversary) but also for blackmailing and coercing the decisionmakers of the attacked state and their international allies with a vision of man-made nuclear disaster.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"44 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139230361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Counterintelligence and border security are two cornerstones of national security protection processes. They utilise intelligence sources and procedures extensively to assist in decision-making regarding countermeasures against high-degree threats and risks. Both employ intelligence cycle activities and risk analysis models to combine information coming from the operational environment. At the same time, travel intelligence (TRAVINT) consists of the intelligence product arising from the collection and analysis of a wide range of travel companies and data and information from governments. In the modern and increasingly globalised security environment, TRAVINT products constitute growing trend for protecting state border, intelligence, and internal security. The paper aims to explore the potential of leveraging TRAVINT for enhancing counterintelligence efforts and bolstering border security measures. The research methodology combines empirical analysis with a comprehensive review of the US and EU public documents and academic papers. This study is necessary, as it is essential to examine the worthiness of TRAVINT as an emerging intelligence sector. TRAVINT appears to be an extremely important data, information, and intelligence source offering the required material input to law, security, and intelligence enforcement agencies for analysis. TRAVINT and its parts, such as passenger name records (PNR) data, are used in compliance with state legislation in respect of human rights and in accordance with the needs of Intelligence networks, where excessive threats to internal and border security are implied.
{"title":"Travel intelligence as a tool for counterintelligence and border security","authors":"A. Kanellopoulos","doi":"10.35467/sdq/174523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/174523","url":null,"abstract":"Counterintelligence and border security are two cornerstones of national security protection processes. They utilise intelligence sources and procedures extensively to assist in decision-making regarding countermeasures against high-degree threats and risks. Both employ intelligence cycle activities and risk analysis models to combine information coming from the operational environment. At the same time, travel intelligence (TRAVINT) consists of the intelligence product arising from the collection and analysis of a wide range of travel companies and data and information from governments. In the modern and increasingly globalised security environment, TRAVINT products constitute growing trend for protecting state border, intelligence, and internal security. The paper aims to explore the potential of leveraging TRAVINT for enhancing counterintelligence efforts and bolstering border security measures. The research methodology combines empirical analysis with a comprehensive review of the US and EU public documents and academic papers. This study is necessary, as it is essential to examine the worthiness of TRAVINT as an emerging intelligence sector. TRAVINT appears to be an extremely important data, information, and intelligence source offering the required material input to law, security, and intelligence enforcement agencies for analysis. TRAVINT and its parts, such as passenger name records (PNR) data, are used in compliance with state legislation in respect of human rights and in accordance with the needs of Intelligence networks, where excessive threats to internal and border security are implied.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"121 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139248240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main objective of this paper is to identify how small powers can make a difference by taking up a role at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) as non-permanent members. This research takes a closer look at the Baltic states, Lithuania and Estonia, and gives a perspective for Latvia too. This paper examines whether these states use strategies that have made other small powers successful at the Security Council. Most of the materials used were documents from foreign services and the UNSC, and the methods employed were qualitative document analysis and interview. Lithuania was successful at making resolutions and highlighted topics, such as small arms and protection of journalists, whereas Estonia was successful at agenda setting and highlighted cyber security and environment security. Small powers can successfully work at the UNSC by setting the agenda and working on resolutions. However, their time as part of the UNSC is limited and their abilities to solve military conflicts depend on the support of the great powers. The Baltic states used some strategies that other small powers have successfully used, although they lacked influence for mediation and coalition building.
{"title":"Small powers as non-permanent members of the United Nations Security Council: A case study of the Baltic states","authors":"Eduards Gailišs","doi":"10.35467/sdq/172983","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/172983","url":null,"abstract":"The main objective of this paper is to identify how small powers can make a difference by taking up a role at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) as non-permanent members. This research takes a closer look at the Baltic states, Lithuania and Estonia, and gives a perspective for Latvia too. This paper examines whether these states use strategies that have made other small powers successful at the Security Council. Most of the materials used were documents from foreign services and the UNSC, and the methods employed were qualitative document analysis and interview. Lithuania was successful at making resolutions and highlighted topics, such as small arms and protection of journalists, whereas Estonia was successful at agenda setting and highlighted cyber security and environment security. Small powers can successfully work at the UNSC by setting the agenda and working on resolutions. However, their time as part of the UNSC is limited and their abilities to solve military conflicts depend on the support of the great powers. The Baltic states used some strategies that other small powers have successfully used, although they lacked influence for mediation and coalition building.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"20 4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135463194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Post-conflict disarmament processes inherently grapple with definitional challenges regarding definitive endpoints and measures of completion. This paper examines the phenomenon of delayed disarmament through the case study of so-called “latecomers” in Bougainville—ex-combatants who voluntarily surrendered their weapons following the cessation of formal demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration programming. This study proposes a behavioural model that conceptualises late comer decisionmaking dynamics pertaining to temporary small arms retention. Pivoting upon an iterated security dilemma framework, the model posits that contextual environmental stressors and temporal factors serve as key variables initially sustaining weapons possession in the absence of hostilities. However, this intermediate status carries risks of eventual escalation to renewed violence or protracted and arduous disarmament engagement. The latecomer case reveals the inherent fluidity and uncertainties surrounding delimitations of the disarmament process. Further interrogating ex-combatant dilemmas could strengthen post-conflict policy and practice. Fundamentally, this research demonstrates the enduring temporal ambiguities inherent to disarmament, highlighting the need for pluralistic understandings attentive to issues of indigeneity, humanity, and interpretive meaning central to sustainable peace-building.
{"title":"The “latecomers” of Bougainville: The difficult completion of post-conflict disarmament processes","authors":"Theò Bajon","doi":"10.35467/sdq/172296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/172296","url":null,"abstract":"Post-conflict disarmament processes inherently grapple with definitional challenges regarding definitive endpoints and measures of completion. This paper examines the phenomenon of delayed disarmament through the case study of so-called “latecomers” in Bougainville—ex-combatants who voluntarily surrendered their weapons following the cessation of formal demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration programming. This study proposes a behavioural model that conceptualises late comer decisionmaking dynamics pertaining to temporary small arms retention. Pivoting upon an iterated security dilemma framework, the model posits that contextual environmental stressors and temporal factors serve as key variables initially sustaining weapons possession in the absence of hostilities. However, this intermediate status carries risks of eventual escalation to renewed violence or protracted and arduous disarmament engagement. The latecomer case reveals the inherent fluidity and uncertainties surrounding delimitations of the disarmament process. Further interrogating ex-combatant dilemmas could strengthen post-conflict policy and practice. Fundamentally, this research demonstrates the enduring temporal ambiguities inherent to disarmament, highlighting the need for pluralistic understandings attentive to issues of indigeneity, humanity, and interpretive meaning central to sustainable peace-building.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135942861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I. O. Yildirim, Sebnem Dogru, Asaf Behzat Şahin, Hakan Altan
One of the most important problems encountered by face recognition systems is occlusions. Especially with the COVID-19 pandemic, recognition of masked faces has been attracting interest. There are proposed visible spectrum recognition algorithms, which perform the recognition task from the uncovered part of the face. However, reliability and accuracy of these algorithms does not reach the level of traditional face recognition algorithms, even though they outperform human observers. Furthermore, these approaches do not provide a solution when almost all the face area is covered. In the past, use of millimeter/submillimeter (SMMW/MMW) and terahertz (THz) imaging has been considered as an alternative to visible spectrum systems as an answer to the limitations of visible spectrum systems, such as changing lighting conditions and occlusions. In this study, several performance characteristics of an active THz imaging system operating at 340 GHz are presented for a face recognition approach based on a similarity comparison of THz face images. Here we examine the dynamic range, contrast resolution, spatial resolution, pixel resolution and noise level of the imaging system. Furthermore, analysis results performed on a set of THz images of head areas of 20 individuals are presented. Results indicate that THz imaging is sensitive to facial characteristics through clothing material which can be exploited for a biometric approach based on THz imaging for recognition of concealed faces.
{"title":"Evaluation of performance of an active terahertz imaging system for concealed face recognition","authors":"I. O. Yildirim, Sebnem Dogru, Asaf Behzat Şahin, Hakan Altan","doi":"10.1117/12.2684089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1117/12.2684089","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most important problems encountered by face recognition systems is occlusions. Especially with the COVID-19 pandemic, recognition of masked faces has been attracting interest. There are proposed visible spectrum recognition algorithms, which perform the recognition task from the uncovered part of the face. However, reliability and accuracy of these algorithms does not reach the level of traditional face recognition algorithms, even though they outperform human observers. Furthermore, these approaches do not provide a solution when almost all the face area is covered. In the past, use of millimeter/submillimeter (SMMW/MMW) and terahertz (THz) imaging has been considered as an alternative to visible spectrum systems as an answer to the limitations of visible spectrum systems, such as changing lighting conditions and occlusions. In this study, several performance characteristics of an active THz imaging system operating at 340 GHz are presented for a face recognition approach based on a similarity comparison of THz face images. Here we examine the dynamic range, contrast resolution, spatial resolution, pixel resolution and noise level of the imaging system. Furthermore, analysis results performed on a set of THz images of head areas of 20 individuals are presented. Results indicate that THz imaging is sensitive to facial characteristics through clothing material which can be exploited for a biometric approach based on THz imaging for recognition of concealed faces.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"70 1","pages":"127420Y - 127420Y-6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80813938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Panagiotis Palaios, Anna Triantafillou, George Zombanakis
The paper draws on the economic theory of alliances to stress the importance of considering both benefits and costs arising from the 0interaction between member states of a military alliance in terms of defence expenditure on equipment. We expand the theory of alliances to incorporate the spills that stem from the obligations of each ally by introducing the notion of spill-outs and net spills, the latter measured as the difference between spill-in and spill-out effects. To assess the net spills contribution of each of the members to the alliance, we test for empirical evidence of net spills among a group of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, applying time-varying Dynamic Quantile Connectedness analysis. The results that stem from our model considering the cost of spill-outs suggest that there are strong incentives among the allies for free-riding behaviour. In line with our theoretical model, our empirical analysis shows that it is only during crisis period that NATO member-states contribute actively to the alliance, something that has become increasingly clear since the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine.
{"title":"Net spills among NATO allies: Theory and empirical evidence from dynamic quantile connectedness","authors":"Panagiotis Palaios, Anna Triantafillou, George Zombanakis","doi":"10.35467/sdq/172085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35467/sdq/172085","url":null,"abstract":"The paper draws on the economic theory of alliances to stress the importance of considering both benefits and costs arising from the 0interaction between member states of a military alliance in terms of defence expenditure on equipment. We expand the theory of alliances to incorporate the spills that stem from the obligations of each ally by introducing the notion of spill-outs and net spills, the latter measured as the difference between spill-in and spill-out effects. To assess the net spills contribution of each of the members to the alliance, we test for empirical evidence of net spills among a group of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, applying time-varying Dynamic Quantile Connectedness analysis. The results that stem from our model considering the cost of spill-outs suggest that there are strong incentives among the allies for free-riding behaviour. In line with our theoretical model, our empirical analysis shows that it is only during crisis period that NATO member-states contribute actively to the alliance, something that has become increasingly clear since the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":52940,"journal":{"name":"Security and Defence Quarterly","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135803451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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