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ACTORS' APPROACH IN THE DISCOURSE OF REJECTING THE THRESHOLD FOR PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDACY IN GENERAL ELECTIONS IN INDONESIA 演员在印度尼西亚大选中拒绝总统候选人门槛的话语中的做法
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i2.45249
Mukti Abdul Gani, Yusuf Fadli, Adie Dwiyanto Nurlukman, Riska Sarofah
Civil society groups and political parties have disagreed with the presidential threshold article passed by Parliament and the government. The regulation is considered to limit the democratic rights and freedom of the public in choosing, determining, and submitting themselves as presidential candidates. This study aims to explain how actors (agencies) build movements against presidential threshold regulations (structure). The theory used in this study is Anthony Giddens' structuration theory. This research uses qualitative methods by analyzing some content in online media and Constitutional Court rulings related to presidential threshold lawsuits and processing data using the Nvivo 12+ application. The findings of this study indicate that the most crucial aspect of the movement against actors is that it is conducted by challenging the presidential threshold rule before the Constitutional Court, developing public opinion, and holding multiple demonstrations. Second, the size of the presidential threshold rejection vote is based on the future of democracy and freedom, weakening the presidential system and contradicting other regulations. Third, of the many lawsuits filed by the public and political parties, the Constitutional Court has consistently rejected them because the rule is an open legal policy, which means fully being a lawmaker, in this case, in Parliament.
民间社会团体和政党不同意议会和政府通过的总统任职门槛条款。有分析认为,该规定限制了国民选择、决定、提交总统候选人的民主权利和自由。本研究旨在解释行动者(机构)如何建立反对总统门槛规定(结构)的运动。本研究使用的理论是安东尼·吉登斯的结构理论。本研究通过分析网络媒体上的部分内容和宪法法院对总统门槛诉讼的判决,使用Nvivo 12+应用程序处理数据,采用了定性方法。本研究结果表明,反演员运动最关键的方面是,它是通过向宪法法院挑战总统门槛规则、发展民意和举行多次示威来进行的。第二,总统落选票的大小是基于民主和自由的未来,削弱了总统制,与其他规定相矛盾。第三,在公众和政党提出的许多诉讼中,宪法法院一直拒绝他们,因为这是一项公开的法律政策,这意味着在这种情况下,在议会中完全成为立法者。
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引用次数: 0
Collaborative Governance Model on The Guidance of Terrorist Parolees (Case Study in Surakarta Parole Office) 恐怖分子假释指导的协同治理模式(以泗水假释办公室为例)
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i2.45116
Sigit Budiyanto, Nurliah Nurdin, Tri Widodo Wahyu Utomo, Edy Sutrisno, R. Luki Karunia
This research delves into the collaborative governance framework concerning the reintegration guidance of terrorist parolees, as exemplified by the Surakarta Parole Office. Terrorism, a global concern, is defined as a criminal undertaking intended to overtly propagate fear and panic, perpetrated by specific factions either for ideological or distinct political motives. Addressing terrorism necessitates the concerted efforts of multiple stakeholders. Within the realm of Corrections, Parole Offices assume the responsibility of aiding terrorist parolees in their societal reintegration. However, the current level of collaboration between the Parole Office and stakeholders in this particular endeavor remains suboptimal. This study aims to identify the factors contributing to this issue, employing a qualitative methodology with a descriptive orientation. Through meticulous data analysis, it is revealed that collaborative governance in the context of guiding terrorist parolees within the Surakarta Parole Office is not functioning at its full potential due to several factors, aligned with the four dimensions of Ansell and Gash's (2007) collaborative governance model, namely Starting Conditions, Collaborative Process, Facilitative Leadership, Institutional Design, and Outcome. To optimize the collaborative framework for guiding terrorist parolees, this research proposes an enhanced collaborative governance model building upon the foundation laid by Ansell and Gash. This model advocates for a comprehensive collaborative approach involving pertinent multi-actors.
本研究以泗水假释办公室为例,探讨恐怖分子假释人员重返社会指导的协同治理框架。恐怖主义是一个全球性问题,它被定义为一种犯罪行为,其目的是公然传播恐惧和恐慌,由特定派别出于意识形态或明显的政治动机而实施。打击恐怖主义需要多方利益攸关方的共同努力。在惩教范围内,假释办公室承担着帮助恐怖分子假释人员重新融入社会的责任。然而,目前假释办公室和利益相关者在这一特殊努力中的合作水平仍然不理想。本研究旨在确定促成这一问题的因素,采用定性的方法与描述性的方向。通过细致的数据分析,我们发现,在苏拉塔假释办公室指导恐怖分子假释犯的背景下,协作治理没有充分发挥其潜力,这与Ansell和Gash(2007)的协作治理模型的四个维度相一致,即启动条件、协作过程、促进性领导、制度设计和结果。为了优化指导假释恐怖分子的协同治理框架,本研究在Ansell和Gash的基础上提出了一种增强型协同治理模型。该模式提倡涉及相关多方行动者的全面协作方法。
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引用次数: 0
Pentahelix Implementation Based on “KISS” (Collaboration, Integration, Synchronization, and Synergy) in Local Policy on Flood Management Strategy of the Bodri Kuto River Basin 基于“KISS”(协作、整合、同步、协同)的库托河流域洪水管理策略的五螺旋实施
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.42413
SR Eko Yunianto, Ignatius Sriyana, Suharyanto Suharyanto
Collaboration, integration, synchronization, and synergy approaches in water resources management offer more diverse water resources management efforts to deal with flood disaster issues at Bodri Kuto River Basin. The Penta helix-based approach is relevant and essential in the Bodri Kuto River Basin. This study aims to identify stakeholders in the Penta helix elements, determine the impact of the KISS variables in flood management strategies, and determine priority strategies in flood management in the Bodri Kuto River Basin. Pentahelix stakeholders in flood management at Bodri Kuto River Basin consist of parties from the government, private sectors, academics, non-governmental organizations, and the mass media. Based on the results of the KISS index analysis, it is known that the variable synchronization score is included in the "good" criteria. In contrast, the "average" criteria include the other three variables. These results come in with some concerns and recommendations that the WS Bodri Kuto flood management needs to implement several strategies to increase the KISS variables and short and long-term response strategies based on the SWOT component.
水资源管理中的协作、整合、同步和协同方法为处理Bodri Kuto河流域的洪水灾害问题提供了更多样化的水资源管理工作。基于五边形的方法在Bodri Kuto河流域是相关的和必不可少的。本研究旨在确定五螺旋要素中的利益相关者,确定KISS变量在洪水管理策略中的影响,并确定Bodri Kuto河流域洪水管理的优先策略。Bodri Kuto河流域洪水管理的五螺旋利益相关者包括来自政府、私营部门、学术界、非政府组织和大众媒体的各方。根据KISS指标分析的结果可知,变量同步得分包含在“良好”标准中。相比之下,“平均”标准包括其他三个变量。这些结果带来了一些关注和建议,即WS Bodri Kuto洪水管理需要实施几个策略来增加KISS变量,以及基于SWOT组件的短期和长期响应策略。
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引用次数: 0
Online political trust in Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo: Who is the new potential candidate? 网上对Anies Baswedan和Ganjar Pranowo的政治信任:谁是新的潜在候选人?
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i2.42755
Tawakkal Baharuddin
Political trust has long been one of the indicators to assess whether the democratic system is running stable. This study seeks to develop this idea with new discussions, particularly the assessment of online political trust, by focusing on cases related to the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election issue, which raised the names of potential new candidates in the regional elections. The identified candidates are Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo. This study used a quantitative approach with descriptive content analysis. Data collection is carried out based on the candidate's official account on Twitter and other relevant information. This study relies on the Nvivo 12 Plus analysis tool. This study found that political trust can be legitimized through online social networks such as social media. Anies Baswedan emerged as the dominant candidate influencing online political trust on Twitter. The high results of public discussion significantly affect the increase in trust in candidates who are often mentioned and popular on social media. Another dominant factor that influences is the online activity of the candidates. This study found the relevance of online political trust for candidates and democracy, namely determining the electability of candidates, elections, and political participation. Online political trust is increasingly important in the context of politics and democracy. In cyberspace, people access much information about political issues, which often shapes their political views and trust. The findings of this study also confirm that online political trust can be an essential indicator for assessing the progress of digital democracy in the future.
长期以来,政治信任一直是衡量民主制度运行是否稳定的指标之一。本研究试图通过新的讨论来发展这一观点,特别是在线政治信任的评估,通过关注与2024年印度尼西亚总统选举问题相关的案例,该问题提出了地区选举中潜在新候选人的名字。确定的候选人是Anies Baswedan和Ganjar Pranowo。本研究采用定量方法和描述性内容分析。数据收集基于候选人在Twitter上的公众号及其他相关信息。这项研究依赖于Nvivo 12 Plus分析工具。该研究发现,政治信任可以通过社交媒体等在线社交网络合法化。Anies Baswedan在Twitter上成为影响在线政治信任的主要候选人。公众讨论的高结果显著影响了对社交媒体上经常被提及和受欢迎的候选人的信任增加。另一个主要影响因素是候选人的在线活动。本研究发现,在线政治信任对候选人和民主的相关性,即决定候选人的可选性、选举和政治参与。在政治和民主的背景下,网络政治信任变得越来越重要。在网络空间中,人们可以接触到很多关于政治问题的信息,这些信息往往塑造了他们的政治观点和信任。本研究的结果还证实,在线政治信任可以成为评估未来数字民主进程的重要指标。
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引用次数: 0
Black Market of Democracy: The Anomaly of Buying Political Party Recommendation Letters of Regional Leader Candidates in Indonesia 民主黑市:印尼地区党魁候选人政党推荐信购买的反常现象
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.41938
Rofiq Rofiq
This article is arranged based on qualitative research results with a case study approach in one of the major political parties in Indonesia. This research found that recruiting regional leader candidates by political parties is not open and undemocratic. There are fraudulent actions and anomalies in the recruitment of regional leader candidates. The practice of buying and selling recommendation letters from the central party is real and occurs. Even though it is carried out secretly by some party elites, the perpetrators seem to be in a black market, as their existence is carried out tactically and cautiously. The selection of regional leader candidates conducted by political parties is followed by all groups, both from outside the party and cadres of the party itself. In reality, those with adequate political resources, especially from a financial perspective, will get party approval.
本文是根据定性研究结果与案例研究方法安排在印度尼西亚的一个主要政党。研究发现,政党招募地区领导人候选人是不公开和不民主的。在地区领导人候选人的招聘中存在欺诈行为和异常现象。买卖中央推荐信的行为是真实存在的。尽管这是由一些党内精英秘密实施的,但肇事者似乎是在黑市上,因为他们的存在是有策略和谨慎的。各政党进行的地区领导人候选人的选举由党外和党内干部等所有团体参加。实际上,那些政治资源充足的人,特别是从经济角度来看,将得到党的批准。
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引用次数: 0
The Depoliticization of Ecology: Discourse Analysis of Land Conflict in Punclut, North Bandung Region 生态学的非政治化:北万隆地区Punclut土地冲突的话语分析
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.42591
Kirana Mahdiah Sulaeman, Fadiyah Matni Nurdini, Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa
This study discusses the narrative and discourse in the conflict over land use in Punclut, Pagerwangi, North Bandung Region. The local community has managed the water catchment area of the North Bandung area for several decades before coming into conflict with the property company PT DAM which obtained a building permit from the government. Departing from Garet Hardin's Tragedy of the Commons, this research explores the causes of natural degradation in Punclut through a discourse on natural resource control by two warring parties: residents and the government. A qualitative approach with discourse analysis is used to answer research questions using data from interviews, mass media, journal articles, and official documents. The findings of this study are that Hardin's solution to the destruction of natural resources needs to be revised to answer the conditions in Punclut, where there is a local community with sociocultural rules and rationality to manage natural resources with ecological awareness. This community offers an alternative political discourse regarding environmental management: "depoliticization of ecology" and participatory conservation. However, the government and companies' discourse on welfare and economic progress always dominates the discourse in the decision-making process.
本研究探讨北万隆地区彭克拉特、帕格万吉的土地使用冲突中的叙事与话语。当地社区管理北万隆地区的集水区已有几十年,之后与房地产公司PT DAM发生冲突,该公司获得了政府的建筑许可。本研究从加雷特·哈丁的《公地悲剧》出发,通过对居民和政府这两个交战方对自然资源控制的论述,探讨了Punclut自然退化的原因。本文采用定性的话语分析方法,通过访谈、大众媒体、期刊文章和官方文件中的数据来回答研究问题。本研究的发现是,哈丁对自然资源破坏的解决方案需要修改,以回答Punclut的条件,那里有一个具有社会文化规则和理性的当地社区,以生态意识管理自然资源。这个社区提供了关于环境管理的另一种政治话语:“生态的非政治化”和参与性保护。然而,在决策过程中,政府和企业关于福利和经济进步的话语总是占据主导地位。
{"title":"The Depoliticization of Ecology: Discourse Analysis of Land Conflict in Punclut, North Bandung Region","authors":"Kirana Mahdiah Sulaeman, Fadiyah Matni Nurdini, Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.42591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.42591","url":null,"abstract":"This study discusses the narrative and discourse in the conflict over land use in Punclut, Pagerwangi, North Bandung Region. The local community has managed the water catchment area of the North Bandung area for several decades before coming into conflict with the property company PT DAM which obtained a building permit from the government. Departing from Garet Hardin's Tragedy of the Commons, this research explores the causes of natural degradation in Punclut through a discourse on natural resource control by two warring parties: residents and the government. A qualitative approach with discourse analysis is used to answer research questions using data from interviews, mass media, journal articles, and official documents. The findings of this study are that Hardin's solution to the destruction of natural resources needs to be revised to answer the conditions in Punclut, where there is a local community with sociocultural rules and rationality to manage natural resources with ecological awareness. This community offers an alternative political discourse regarding environmental management: \"depoliticization of ecology\" and participatory conservation. However, the government and companies' discourse on welfare and economic progress always dominates the discourse in the decision-making process.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135802605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Propaganda, Social Media, and Political Participation: Quantitative Analysis of The Influence of Propaganda #2019gantipresiden on Outcomes and Levels of Political Participation of National Voters in The 2019 Presidential Elections 宣传,社交媒体和政治参与:宣传#2019gantipresiden对2019年总统选举中全国选民政治参与的结果和水平的影响的定量分析
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.43481
Iding Rosyidin, Bambang Ruswandi
In politics, propaganda is often used, for example, during general elections. Among the propaganda media that can be used is social media such as Twitter. During the 2019 Indonesian presidential election, one of the supporters of the presidential candidate pair carried out propaganda, namely the #2019gantipresiden tweet. From a propaganda perspective, this hashtag can be categorized as the bandwagon type of propaganda (Shabo, 2008), a technique that asks audiences to follow propagandist ideas. This study aims to determine the influence of #2019gantipresiden tweets on the results and participation rates in the 2019 Presidential Election. The data used in this study are tweets with the hashtag #2019gantipresiden spread across 34 provinces in Indonesia. Data was collected over three months, namely May, June, and July 2018, when this hashtag was first launched. In addition, data from the results of the 2019 Presidential Election were obtained from the KPU. The data analysis results show a significant relationship between the number of #2019gantipresiden tweets and the Jokowi-Ma'ruf vote. However, this relationship becomes insignificant when including Prabowo-Sandi's vote acquisition as a control variable and has the opportunity to reduce the vote gain obtained by the Jokowi-Ma'ruf pair. This result is inversely proportional to the relationship between the number of #2019gantipresiden tweets and Prabowo-Sandi's vote gain, where the relationship between the two remains significant whether controlled by Jokowo-Ma'ruf vote gain or not. The appearance of the #2019gantipresiden tweet also triggered public participation in the 2019 presidential election by giving it an influence of 31.4%.
在政治上,宣传经常被使用,例如在大选期间。可以使用的宣传媒体是Twitter等社交媒体。在2019年印尼总统大选期间,总统候选人对的支持者之一进行了宣传,即#2019gantipresiden推文。从宣传的角度来看,这种标签可以归类为从众宣传类型(Shabo, 2008),一种要求受众跟随宣传思想的技术。本研究旨在确定#2019gantipresiden推文对2019年总统选举结果和参与率的影响。这项研究中使用的数据是印度尼西亚34个省份的推文,标签为#2019gantipresiden。数据是在2018年5月、6月和7月这三个月里收集的,当时这个标签首次发布。此外,2019年总统选举结果的数据是从KPU获得的。数据分析结果显示,#2019gantipresiden推文的数量与佐科维-马鲁夫的投票之间存在显著关系。然而,当将Prabowo-Sandi获得的选票作为控制变量,并有机会减少Jokowi-Ma'ruf对获得的选票收益时,这种关系就变得不显著了。这一结果与#2019gantipresiden推文的数量与Prabowo-Sandi的选票增益之间的关系成反比,两者之间的关系仍然很重要,无论是否受佐科沃-马鲁夫的选票增益控制。#2019gantipresiden推文的出现也引发了2019年总统选举的公众参与,其影响力达到31.4%。
{"title":"Propaganda, Social Media, and Political Participation: Quantitative Analysis of The Influence of Propaganda #2019gantipresiden on Outcomes and Levels of Political Participation of National Voters in The 2019 Presidential Elections","authors":"Iding Rosyidin, Bambang Ruswandi","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.43481","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.43481","url":null,"abstract":"In politics, propaganda is often used, for example, during general elections. Among the propaganda media that can be used is social media such as Twitter. During the 2019 Indonesian presidential election, one of the supporters of the presidential candidate pair carried out propaganda, namely the #2019gantipresiden tweet. From a propaganda perspective, this hashtag can be categorized as the bandwagon type of propaganda (Shabo, 2008), a technique that asks audiences to follow propagandist ideas. This study aims to determine the influence of #2019gantipresiden tweets on the results and participation rates in the 2019 Presidential Election. The data used in this study are tweets with the hashtag #2019gantipresiden spread across 34 provinces in Indonesia. Data was collected over three months, namely May, June, and July 2018, when this hashtag was first launched. In addition, data from the results of the 2019 Presidential Election were obtained from the KPU. The data analysis results show a significant relationship between the number of #2019gantipresiden tweets and the Jokowi-Ma'ruf vote. However, this relationship becomes insignificant when including Prabowo-Sandi's vote acquisition as a control variable and has the opportunity to reduce the vote gain obtained by the Jokowi-Ma'ruf pair. This result is inversely proportional to the relationship between the number of #2019gantipresiden tweets and Prabowo-Sandi's vote gain, where the relationship between the two remains significant whether controlled by Jokowo-Ma'ruf vote gain or not. The appearance of the #2019gantipresiden tweet also triggered public participation in the 2019 presidential election by giving it an influence of 31.4%.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135802761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Solidity of Islamist Parties in Contemporary Southeast Asian Elections: A Comparative Analysis between the Malaysian Islamist Party (PAS) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) 当代东南亚选举中伊斯兰政党的稳固性:马来西亚伊斯兰党与繁荣正义党的比较分析
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.43427
Ridho Al-Hamdi, Hanny Sri Handayani, Hamzah Fansuri, Nur Sofyan
This paper analyzes the solidity of two Islamist parties in contemporary Southeast Asian elections, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Indonesia and the Malaysian Islamist Party (PAS) in Malaysia. The aim is to discover the best model of party solidity, and, in turn, other Islamist parties can adopt the electoral performance of those two Islamist parties. Indeed, each party has its strengths and weaknesses. Therefore, it is fundamental to compare both of them. Methodologically, this study is qualitative research by employing appropriate literature studies, including news channels and social media platforms as the data collection. The findings demonstrated that PAS’ solidity was good in conflict resolution, as it could successfully govern the intra-party conflict between the conservative and the progressive factions. In the meantime, the PKS’ solidity tended to have a good performance in the party ideology. Overall, PAS had a better performance than PKS.
本文分析了两个伊斯兰政党在当代东南亚选举中的稳固性,即印度尼西亚的繁荣正义党(PKS)和马来西亚的马来西亚伊斯兰党(PAS)。其目的是发现政党团结的最佳模式,反过来,其他伊斯兰政党可以采用这两个伊斯兰政党的选举表现。的确,每个政党都有自己的长处和短处。因此,对两者进行比较是至关重要的。在方法上,本研究采用定性研究,采用适当的文献研究,包括新闻渠道和社交媒体平台作为数据收集。结果表明,PAS的稳固性在解决冲突方面表现良好,能够成功治理党内保守与进步派系之间的冲突。与此同时,正义与发展党在政党意识形态上的稳固性表现良好。总体而言,PAS的表现优于PKS。
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引用次数: 0
State Responsibility Model Through Foreign Policy in Handling the Impact of Covid-19 in the Globalization Era 全球化时代应对新冠肺炎影响的外交政策国家责任模式
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.37730
Elyta Elyta, Syarif Redha Fachmi Al Qadrie, Laras Putri Olifiani
In the era of globalization, the movement of people from one country to another is the cause of the spread of Covid-19. During this global pandemic, the role of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs is as an actor who formulates and makes policies. The Covid-19 phenomenon demands the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kemenlu) of the Republic of Indonesia (RI) to determine Indonesia's foreign policy in preventing and overcoming the impact of Covid-19. Based on this, research is needed to reconstruct Indonesia's foreign policy model to prevent and overcome the impact of Covid-19 in the era of globalization as the state's responsibility to society. The method used in this research is a qualitative method with a descriptive type of research. This study finds that Indonesia's foreign policy to prevent Covid-19 is to encourage virtual international meetings to unite other countries to resolve the Covid-19 crisis and protect Indonesian citizens (WNI) abroad. The results of the study found that the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs carried out the reconstruction of Indonesia's foreign policy model to deal with the impact of Covid-19, namely in Indonesian foreign policy.
在全球化时代,国家间人员流动是疫情传播的主要原因。在这场全球大流行病期间,印度尼西亚外交部的作用是作为制定和制定政策的行为者。Covid-19现象要求印度尼西亚共和国外交部发挥作用,确定印度尼西亚在预防和克服Covid-19影响方面的外交政策。在此基础上,需要研究重构印尼作为国家对社会的责任,在全球化时代预防和克服新冠疫情影响的外交政策模式。在本研究中使用的方法是定性的方法与描述性的研究类型。本研究发现,印度尼西亚预防Covid-19的外交政策是鼓励虚拟国际会议,团结其他国家解决Covid-19危机并保护海外印度尼西亚公民。研究结果发现,印尼外交部对印尼外交政策模式进行了重建,以应对新冠疫情的影响,即印尼外交政策。
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引用次数: 1
How Patriarchal Culture Localizes Human Trafficking Eradication Norm: Case Study on the Implementation of Human Trafficking Eradication Law in Indonesia 父权文化如何本土化人口贩卖根除规范——以印尼人口贩卖根除法实施为例
Pub Date : 2023-04-30 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v8i1.38869
Gema Ramadhan Bastari
One of the main critical notes on the effort to combat trafficking in persons is the lack of victim protection in favor of criminal prosecution. This paper argues that this problem can be explained by looking at the norm that shapes the effort to eradicate human trafficking. In this paper, the author will employ norm localization theory to explain how the existing patriarchal culture in Indonesia is threatened by the norm of human trafficking eradication socialized by the Palermo Protocol and localizes the norm to sustain their existence. This will be done by studying the implementation of human trafficking eradication law in Indonesia, i.e. Law No. 21 of 2007 concerning the Eradication of the Crime of Human Trafficking. Ultimately, this paper finds that the norm of human trafficking eradication in Indonesia has been localized by reducing the definition of human trafficking to a crime of rape against women. This localized norm then complements the rape culture in Indonesia by allowing the continuation of victim blaming practice, which in turn denies the victim their right to receive protection and freedom of movement.
关于打击贩运人口的努力,一个主要的关键问题是缺乏有利于刑事起诉的受害者保护。本文认为,这个问题可以通过观察影响根除人口贩运努力的规范来解释。在本文中,作者将运用规范本土化理论来解释印度尼西亚现有的父权文化是如何受到《巴勒莫议定书》社会化的根除人口贩卖规范的威胁,并将规范本土化以维持其存在。为此,将研究印度尼西亚根除人口贩运法的执行情况,即2007年关于根除人口贩运罪的第21号法。最后,本文发现,通过将人口贩运的定义降低为强奸妇女的犯罪,印度尼西亚根除人口贩运的规范已经本地化。这种地方性规范补充了印度尼西亚的强奸文化,允许继续指责受害者的做法,这反过来又剥夺了受害者获得保护和行动自由的权利。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review
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