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The Influence of Middle Eastern Tourists on Local Community in Cisarua Bogor in the Perspective of Identity Politics and Communitarian Citizenship 身份政治与共同体公民身份视角下的中东游客对西萨鲁阿茂物当地社区的影响
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21509
Indiana Ngenget, Netik Indarwati
This  research  aimed  to analyze the influence of Middle Eastern tourists on local  community  in Cisarua Bogor  in  the perspective of Identity Politics and Communitarian Citizenship.  T his research  used qualitative with a descriptive explanatory research type .  Data collection techniques used  were  observation,  in-depth  interviews, and library research . The results of this research showed that Middle Eastern tourists  positively encouraged  tourism activities and economic development of local  community but  there was an  emergence  of social, political, and cultural problems such as  identity crisis .  Local  community  in  Cisarua as part of Indonesia  is  faced with the presence of a minority group namely Arab tourists who visit this  region  at certain times and demand  a  recognition of their identity. So that the  local community  in Cisarua  is  faced  with multicultural life because they touch and interact with values that are different from what they have. Empirically ,  from a political perspective, Middle Eastern tourists have encouraged the formation of identity politics and the issue of communitarian citizenship while local values are increasingly eroded. The problem of communitarian citizenship is reflected in the phenomenon of Arabic villages through the rise of Arabic writing in business, the dominance of Arabic culture, Arabic food, and so on. The thick Middle Eastern cultur e  in tourist areas becomes a problem when dealing with local culture and nationalism as  a challenge for a sovereign nation . The novelty of this research is the influence of Middle Eastern tourists in the perspective of Political Science  on  identity politics and communitarian citizenship .
本研究旨在从身份政治和共产主义公民身份的角度分析中东游客对波哥大Cisarua当地社区的影响。他的研究采用了定性和描述性解释性的研究类型。所使用的数据收集技术包括观察、深入访谈和图书馆研究。研究结果表明,中东游客积极鼓励当地社区的旅游活动和经济发展,但也出现了身份危机等社会、政治和文化问题。作为印度尼西亚的一部分,Cisarua的当地社区面临着一个少数群体的存在,即阿拉伯游客,他们在特定时间访问该地区,并要求承认自己的身份。因此,Cisarua的当地社区面临着多元文化的生活,因为他们接触和互动的价值观与他们所拥有的不同。从经验上讲,从政治角度来看,中东游客鼓励了身份政治的形成和社群主义公民身份的问题,而当地的价值观却越来越受到侵蚀。社群主义公民身份的问题通过阿拉伯语在商业中的兴起、阿拉伯文化的主导地位、阿拉伯食物等反映在阿拉伯村庄的现象中。旅游区浓厚的中东文化在处理当地文化和民族主义时成为一个问题,这是对主权国家的挑战。这项研究的新颖之处在于,从政治学的角度来看,中东游客对身份政治和社群主义公民身份的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Religio-politics of Islamic Group in the Contestation of 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election 2019年印尼总统选举竞逐中伊斯兰团体的宗教政治
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21687
Leni Winarni, Dafri Agussalim, Z. Bagir
In spite of the fact that Islamic identity politics is not a new theme in Indonesia, this phenomenon is increasing in the public sphere after the 1998 reform. This is marked by the frequent use of religious issues in the political contestations such as the 2017 DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial election and the 2019 Presidential election. In the DKI election, certain Islamic groups demanded Basuki Tjahaya Purnama, who from the double minority group, as a subject due to blasphemy issue. However, in 2019 Presidential election which Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto rematched for the second candidacy, religious issues were also raising. Political contestation continued despite the fact  that the two presidential candidates are Muslim . This interesting fact certainly raises the question of the phenomenon of national politics which leads not only to the strengthening of Islamic identity politics  but also the identity politics between Islamic groups in Indonesia. Based on field studies, literatures and interviews, this study will discuss the construction process of the identity politics of Islamic groups against social and political reality nowadays, moreover in the 2019 Presidential Election. In contrast to the other researches that still focuses  on why identity politics arises,  this research  will examine the construction process,  moreover in the 2019 Presidential election.
尽管伊斯兰身份政治在印尼并不是一个新主题,但在1998年改革后,这种现象在公共领域有所增加。在2017年DKI雅加达省长选举和2019年总统选举等政治竞选中,频繁使用宗教问题就是一个标志。在民主党选举中,部分伊斯兰团体以亵渎神灵为由,要求双少数民族的钟万学·贾哈亚·普尔纳玛作为竞选对象。然而,在2019年的总统选举中,佐科·维多多和普拉博沃·苏比安托再次竞选第二候选人,宗教问题也被提出。尽管两位总统候选人都是穆斯林,但政治斗争仍在继续。这个有趣的事实无疑提出了国家政治现象的问题,这不仅导致了伊斯兰认同政治的加强,也导致了印度尼西亚伊斯兰团体之间的认同政治。本研究将基于实地研究、文献和访谈,探讨伊斯兰群体的身份政治在当今社会和政治现实下的建构过程,以及在2019年总统大选中的建构过程。与其他仍然关注身份政治产生原因的研究相反,本研究将研究建构过程,而且是在2019年的总统选举中。
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引用次数: 1
Democratic Challenge in Digital Era 数字时代的民主挑战
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.23435
E. Handoyo
This article is based on the growing development of social media in the digital era which provides new public spaces for citizens to express themselves and their interactions with fellow citizens in various aspects of life.  This  article  us ed  library research method to answer  the  changes  from procedural democracy to substantial democracy and the way of democratic citizenship through social media. This article  reveal ed that the use of social media is no longer limited to daily needs, however, social media has a significant role in building political culture as well as citizenship issues in society.
本文基于数字时代社交媒体的日益发展,它为公民在生活的各个方面表达自己以及与其他公民的互动提供了新的公共空间。本文运用图书馆研究的方法来回答从程序民主到实体民主的转变,以及通过社交媒体实现民主公民的方式。本文揭示了社交媒体的使用不再局限于日常需求,然而,社交媒体在构建政治文化以及社会公民问题方面发挥着重要作用。
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引用次数: 2
Political Identity and Citizenship Participation (Representatives) in Politics by Minangkabau Women in Post-2019 Election 米南卡保妇女在2019年后选举中的政治身份和公民参与(代表)
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21725
S. Chairiyah
This  research aimed  to describe the identity  politics and citizenship of Minangkabau women, towards the political participation (representation) of Minangkabau women in the post-2019 election. Minangkabau women have 2 identities, in adat (matrilineal system) women  have rights  that are  equal to men in decision making , while in religion (patrilineal system), women are not one of the main elements in decision making . In  citizenship,  community still applies  a patriarchal culture that is rooted and dominates. These two identities have a major influence on the political representation of Minangkabau women, where identity politics and citizenship  are  attempt s  to understand the relationship of these two concepts to the involvement of Minangkabau women in political representation in each election. The  research used a qualitative method  with individual analysis.  This  research was conducted in West Sumatra Province. These two factors influence the political representation of Minangkabau women in West Sumatra.  The temporary conclusion showed  that  the low political representation of Minangkabau women in legislative institutions is not because of identity politics  but  because of  patriarchal culture is still rooted and dominates in the community especially in West Sumatra.
这项研究旨在描述米南卡堡妇女的身份政治和公民身份,以促进米南卡堡女性在2019年后选举中的政治参与(代表性)。米南卡保妇女有两种身份,在adat(母系制度)中,妇女在决策方面享有与男子平等的权利,而在宗教(父系制度),妇女不是决策的主要因素之一。在公民身份方面,社区仍然适用一种根深蒂固并占主导地位的父权文化。这两种身份对米南卡堡妇女的政治代表性产生了重大影响,身份政治和公民身份是试图理解这两个概念与米南卡堡女性在每次选举中参与政治代表性的关系。这项研究采用了个体分析的定性方法。这项研究是在西苏门答腊省进行的。这两个因素影响了西苏门答腊米南卡保妇女的政治代表性。临时结论表明,米南卡保妇女在立法机构中的政治代表性低并不是因为身份政治,而是因为父权文化仍然在社区中根深蒂固并占主导地位,尤其是在西苏门答腊。
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引用次数: 2
Be Aware of Inequality: Political Challenges and Redistributive Public Policies 意识到不平等:政治挑战和再分配公共政策
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21724
Eka Suaib, Najib Husein, Dodi Santoso
This article focused  to uncover inequalities in natural resource management. The presence of a mining business in  a region  is dilemmatic. On one hand, it can be a blessing because regions need investment in order to boost regional income because companies can provide royalties to the government that grants permits, both to the  regional  government ,  provincial government,  and  district/city government. This is not to mention various taxes such as land rent, buildings, and other taxes. However, in terms of equality, especially  in  local  community ,  a  mining  company  discriminates and acts unfairly . The community  stated that the mining  company  had no  impact on welfare .  The second  dilemma is  implicated in more inclusive development  to reduce  inequalities in the context of democracy . So far,  studies on mining have been carried out by scientists from various perspectives such as mining, mining and investment governance, social conflicts in the mining sector, the impact of the mining sector on environmental damage, natural wealth  in the mining sector, natural resources curse, and  political economy of mining sector .  Based on v arious studies above,  scientists have not much attention to the dynamic aspects between mining management and the enforcement of citizenship rights. This study found the novelty, that in the context of regional autonomy which gives freedom to the regions and actors to manage natural wealth.  By u sing a public policy perspective,  this study found that the importance of policy making so that  there is  equality  of rights .  I t is hoped that vulnerable and marginal groups can help to reduce inequality,  especially on gaps that occur from time to time .
这篇文章的重点是揭示自然资源管理中的不平等现象。采矿企业在一个地区的存在是令人困惑的。一方面,这可能是一件幸事,因为地区需要投资来提高地区收入,因为公司可以向发放许可证的政府提供特许权使用费,包括地区政府、省政府和区/市政府。更不用说土地租金、建筑税和其他各种税收了。然而,在平等方面,特别是在当地社区,矿业公司歧视和行为不公平。社区表示,矿业公司对福利没有影响。第二个困境涉及更具包容性的发展,以减少民主背景下的不平等。到目前为止,科学家们已经从采矿、采矿和投资治理、采矿部门的社会冲突、采矿部门对环境破坏的影响、采矿部门中的自然财富、自然资源诅咒和采矿部门的政治经济等多个角度对采矿进行了研究。基于上述各种研究,科学家们没有太多关注采矿管理和公民权利执行之间的动态方面。这项研究发现了一个新颖之处,即在区域自治的背景下,区域和行为者可以自由管理自然财富。从公共政策的角度来看,本研究发现了制定政策的重要性,从而使权利平等。希望弱势群体和边缘群体能够帮助减少不平等,特别是在不时出现的差距方面。
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引用次数: 2
Government Strategy in Political Education as Public Participation Improvement to Reach Democracy System in Semarang City 三宝垄市政治教育中的政府策略——提高公众参与度实现民主制度
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.23793
S. Suparno, Karmanis Karmanis, A. Sunaryo
Republic of Indonesia is a democratic country which means  all matters  in  the country must be  based on the wishes of  the  people.  Successful  democracy  in a country can be  judged by  the implementation of  direct, general, free ,  and secret elections.  The p eople have the right to determine their government so that people have valuable values in a democratic country. In this study,  researchers formulated the government strategy in political education  as an effort to increase public participation in realizing a democratic system  in  Semarang  City .  This  research used a  descriptive qualitative  method . This research  was conducted in Semarang  City ,  Central Java. The implementation of a political education by the Semarang City government has not been  maximized . Based on  the results of the research, the provision of information for the implementation of public political participation, especially the young age  group has not  been running optimally. Second, the Media (political parties) as an aggregation of the public interests, must be more active in building communication systems, one of which is  by  gathering public  aspirations in public consultation forums. Third, the implementation of political activities are in various methods, such as social activities, seminars, studies, socialization and training, and coaching,  th ose implementations are  determined according to the right conditions, scheduled and routine, but  d o  not  rule out the possibility of activities adapted to existing conditions.
印度尼西亚共和国是一个民主国家,这意味着该国的一切事务都必须基于人民的意愿。一个国家成功的民主可以通过直接、普遍、自由和秘密选举来评判。人民有权决定自己的政府,使人民在民主国家拥有宝贵的价值观。在这项研究中,研究人员制定了政府在政治教育中的战略,以增加公众对三宝垄市实现民主制度的参与。本研究采用描述性定性方法。这项研究是在爪哇中部的三宝垄市进行的。三宝垄市政府没有最大限度地开展政治教育。根据研究结果,为实施公众政治参与,特别是年轻群体的政治参与提供信息的工作并没有达到最佳状态。第二,传媒(政党)作为公众利益的集合体,必须更积极地建立沟通系统,其中之一就是在公众咨询论坛上收集公众的愿望。第三,政治活动的实施方式多种多样,如社会活动、研讨会、学习、社会化和培训以及辅导,这些实施方式是根据适当的条件、计划和常规来确定的,但不排除进行适应现有条件的活动的可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Political Communication Experiences of Sundanese Muslim Women Politicians 孙女政治家的政治交往经验
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.23434
Evie Ariadne Sinta Dewi, Alina Shalisa
This  research  aim ed  to  understand the political communication of  Sundanese Muslim Women Politicians in West Java  in interacting  with their partners  in political parties and their constituents.  By u sing a qualitative research method with a case study approach involving five informants who were selected purposively based on predetermined characteristics, the  data collection technique  used literature review, in-depth interviews ,  and non-participant observation. The results showed that: a) education from parents; b) the role of religious groups; c) the desire to overcome the problems that exist in society are the reasons for Sundanese Muslim Women Politicians to join political parties. In addition, their aim to become politicians is to become a mediator of communication between the community and the legislature and furthermore  to  be able to play an active  role in making pro-women policies. The novelty of this research is that Sundanese Muslim women position themselves as subordinate, not to be ordinate.  Another result of  the  research  showed  the motive s . There  are  two  motives of Sundanese Muslim women politicians involved in politics, namely  the “b ecause of ” motive  and  the “ In order to ” motive . The political communication of  Sundanese Muslim Women Politicians  in West Java, especially when interacting with political party colleagues is interpreted as a process of building interpersonal relations. While political communication when interacting with constituents  is interpreted as communication to build sympathy and support .
本研究旨在了解西爪哇Sundanese穆斯林女政治家在与政党伙伴及其选民互动时的政治沟通。通过使用定性研究方法和案例研究方法,涉及五名根据预定特征有目的地选择的信息员,数据收集技术使用了文献综述、深入访谈和非参与者观察。结果表明:(1)家长教育;b) 宗教团体的作用;c) 克服社会中存在的问题的愿望是Sundanese穆斯林女政治家加入政党的原因。此外,她们成为政治家的目的是成为社区和立法机构之间沟通的调解人,并能够在制定亲妇女政策方面发挥积极作用。这项研究的新颖之处在于,Sundanese穆斯林女性将自己定位为下属,而不是从属。研究的另一个结果显示了动机。巽他穆斯林女政治家从政的动机有两种,即“为”动机和“为了”动机。西爪哇Sundanese穆斯林女政治家的政治交流,特别是与政党同事互动时,被解释为建立人际关系的过程。而与选民互动时的政治沟通被解释为建立同情和支持的沟通。
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引用次数: 0
Women's Power and Electability in Southeast Sulawesi: A Case Study for Provincial and National Legislative Candidate 东南苏拉威西省妇女的权力与选举能力——以省和国家立法候选人为例
Pub Date : 2020-04-16 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21658
L. Zuada, Rekho Adriadi, Abdul Kadir
This  research examined  the role of  power  in increasing the choice of women legislative candidates. Women's electability has increased in the four election periods (2004, 2009, 2014, 2019) in Southeast Sulawesi.  The interesting thing  on the  results of the 2014 election  found that eight of the nine elected women legislators are the wives of four active regents, three former regents, and the governor during the election process. They are the 'new face' in the politics and previously have never become a legislative member, except become the Chair of the Dharma Wanita who are accompanying their husbands as regional heads.  T he reasons  for  women's electability in the legislative underlie this research . Through a qualitative approach, this study found that the power resources were owned by their families (money and bureaucracy) and personal abilities were also the factors of choice. In the context of Southeast Sulawesi, this study found a change in the vote mobilization strategies. Ethnic mobilization (locality) that characterized the local politics of Southeast Sulawesi had  a  smaller impact on the election, whereas money politics (economic resource) and bureaucratic politicization (normative) had a strong impact on the voters. This study enriches the findings in the vote mobilization strategies, namely the combination of locality/friends-neighbors (ethnicity), money and bureaucracy as the factors of politicians' electability.
这项研究考察了权力在增加女性立法候选人选择方面的作用。在苏拉威西岛东南部的四个选举期间(2004年、2009年、2014年和2019年),妇女的可选举性有所提高。2014年选举结果的有趣之处在于,九名当选女议员中有八名是四名现任摄政王、三名前摄政王和选举过程中的州长的妻子。他们是政治中的“新面孔”,以前从未成为立法委员,只是成为了陪同丈夫担任地区负责人的Dharma Wanita主席。女性在立法机构中当选的原因是本研究的基础。通过定性方法,本研究发现,权力资源由家庭所有(金钱和官僚作风),个人能力也是选择的因素。在东南苏拉威西的背景下,本研究发现了选票动员策略的变化。东南苏拉威西地方政治的民族动员(地方)对选举的影响较小,而金钱政治(经济资源)和官僚政治化(规范)对选民的影响很大。这项研究丰富了选票动员策略的研究结果,即地方/朋友-邻居(种族)、金钱和官僚主义作为政治家当选的因素。
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引用次数: 1
The Implementation of Sinking Illegal Fishing Vessels Policy Towards the Bilateral Relations between Indonesia and Malaysia 印尼与马来西亚双边关系中沉船政策的实施
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V4I2.18767
M. Madjid, W. Widodo, E. G. Samudro
This study discusses the policy implementation by Indonesia regarding the sinking of illegal fishing vessels towards Indonesia's bilateral relations with Malaysia, especially those that occurred in Tarakan and Nunukan. Many losses from illegal fishing by neighboring countries made the President of Indonesia, through the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, took a firm stance regarding the rules of ship sinking to the accused ships that have been proven doing illegal fishing in the Indonesian sea. The Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries together with relevant agencies helped implement the policy which had an impact on the relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia. In this case, Malaysia is still in third place after Vietnam and the Philippines in the data on the number of vessels destroyed by the Indonesia. Malaysia is also the country with the fifth largest fish commodity production in Southeast Asia whereas fish consumption in Malaysia is ranked first in the region. Thus, the country faces obstacles in fulfilling the need for fish faced with Indonesian policies in addressing illegal fishing arrests by foreign countries. By qualitative methods, this research reveals the background of the existence and implementation of policies for the sinking of illegal fishing vessels and the impact of these policies on the Malaysian state. International system pressure, state power and other theories were used to help carry out this research. As a result, this study provides an overview of the relationship between Indonesia and Malaysia after the enactment of the policy. First, the Malaysian increase their fish trade and sea safeguard with Indonesia, both in the designated sea area and the gray area. Second, the government of Malaysia adopted the sinking ships method due to its mechanism that is considered effective and efficient in creating detterence effect. Third, both countries agreed to release poor or small fishermen who carry out IUU Fishing made between the President of Indonesia and the Prime Minister of Malaysia.
本研究讨论了印度尼西亚对非法渔船沉没事件的政策执行情况,这些事件对印度尼西亚与马来西亚的双边关系,特别是在塔拉坎和努努坎发生的事件。邻国非法捕鱼造成的许多损失使印度尼西亚总统通过海事和渔业部,对已被证明在印度尼西亚海域进行非法捕鱼的被指控船只的沉船规则采取了坚定立场。海事和渔业部与相关机构一起帮助执行了对印度尼西亚和马来西亚关系产生影响的政策。在这种情况下,在印尼号摧毁的船只数量数据中,马来西亚仍排在越南和菲律宾之后,位居第三。马来西亚也是东南亚鱼类商品产量第五大的国家,而马来西亚的鱼类消费量在该地区排名第一。因此,该国在满足对鱼类的需求方面面临障碍,而印度尼西亚在解决外国非法捕鱼逮捕问题方面的政策也面临障碍。本研究采用定性方法,揭示了非法渔船沉没政策存在和实施的背景,以及这些政策对马来西亚政府的影响。运用国际制度压力、国家权力等理论进行研究。因此,本研究概述了该政策颁布后印尼和马来西亚之间的关系。首先,马来西亚加强了与印度尼西亚的鱼类贸易和海上保障,包括在指定海域和灰色区域。第二,马来西亚政府之所以采用沉船法,是因为沉船法的机制被认为是有效和高效的,可以产生替代效应。第三,两国同意释放印尼总统和马来西亚总理之间进行非法、无管制和无管制捕鱼的贫穷或小型渔民。
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引用次数: 0
Bourdieu and Media Theory: Explaining Media’s Changes and Continuities in The Post Authoritarian Countries 布迪厄与媒介理论:解读后威权国家媒介的变迁与延续
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V4I2.19513
W. Wijayanto
What happens to the media after the regime changes from authoritarian to the democratic system? Would the media also change accordingly and automatically become free after the regime’s change? Furthermore, what are the forces within and outside the media that influence these changes? This paper aims to review the exiting literatures in the post authoritarian Latin America and Southeast Asia to answer the questions. As a method, this study conducts a critical literature review. This study found that there is agreement among scholars that regime’s change didn’t automatically lead to more free reporting. However, debate is going on about what factors influence the degree of change or continuity with regard to media freedom in post-authoritarian settings. In this regard, scholars have been divided to a theoretical dichotomy. In one hand, there are groups of scholars who believe that political economy factors are the main factors that influence degrees of media freedom. In another hand, there are scholars who believe that cultural factors are more influential. Borrowing the theory of Pierre Bourdie, French sociologists who also concern about this issue, the paper argues that his theory on media’ change can be used as a theoretical framework to examine the media’s changes and overcome the existing theoretical dichotomies.
政权从独裁体制转变为民主体制后,媒体会发生什么?媒体是否也会相应地改变,并在政权更迭后自动获得自由?此外,媒体内外影响这些变化的力量是什么?本文旨在对后威权主义时期拉丁美洲和东南亚的现有文献进行回顾,以回答这些问题。作为一种方法,本研究进行了批判性文献综述。这项研究发现,学者们一致认为,政权的改变并没有自动导致更自由的报道。然而,关于在后独裁环境中,哪些因素影响媒体自由的变化或连续性的程度,争论仍在继续。在这一点上,学者们一直被划分为一种理论上的二分法。一方面,一些学者认为政治经济因素是影响媒体自由度的主要因素。另一方面,也有学者认为文化因素的影响更大。本文借用同样关注这一问题的法国社会学家皮埃尔·布尔迪的理论,认为他的媒介变革理论可以作为考察媒介变革的理论框架,克服现有的理论二分法。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review
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