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Ethics Political Communication Using Gayo Cultural System Approach (edet gayo) 基于伽约文化系统方法的伦理政治传播(edet Gayo)
Pub Date : 2021-08-07 DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I1.29510
H. Basri, Muhsin Efendi
Ethics political communication used in the order in the government presented opinion or advice necessary keep a message manners according to customs culture gayo have separate ethics had meaning very important. Ethics political communication by the government to the society will affect any good; on the contrary, political communication also to the government will feed into aspects in improving the good order. Ethics political communication community groups as expressing an opinion society organizations politely and mannered use gayo culture and so is government response in accommodating the aspirations of the organizations. District of Aceh central gayo occupying an integral part of Indonesia. Those who have the character and values of the specific customs and culture of Indonesian society in general. The gayo customs and cultural values make the values of the Gayo customary philosophy in everyday life. The system of cultural values of the gayo community at events contains knowledge, beliefs, values, religion, norms, rules, and laws that become a reference for behavior in community life, the philosophical values of the gayo community, cannot be separated from the customs/culture of the gayo community as;  Genap mupakat (democracy), amanat (integrity), tertip (orderly rules), alang tulung beret bantu (mutual help), gemasih (affection), setie (loyal), bersikekemelen (competing), dan mutentu (effective). Courteousness in conveying aspirations and opinions to the government and the government to the community must have politeness ethics in political communication to avoid inconsistencies and insecurity between the people and the government in Central Aceh
伦理政治传播中所使用的秩序在政府中提出的意见或建议是必要的保持信息的方式,根据风俗文化同性恋具有独立的伦理意义,这一点非常重要。政府对社会的道德政治沟通会影响到任何利益;相反,政治沟通也会在改善政府良好秩序方面起到推波助澜的作用。伦理政治传播社区团体作为表达意见的社会组织礼貌地使用同性恋文化,政府在满足组织愿望方面的反应也是如此。亚齐中部加约区,是印度尼西亚不可分割的一部分。那些具有印尼社会特定习俗和文化特征和价值观的人。gayo习俗和文化价值构成了gayo习惯哲学在日常生活中的价值。同性恋社区在活动中的文化价值体系包含知识、信仰、价值观、宗教、规范、规则和法律,这些都成为社区生活中行为的参考,同性恋社区的哲学价值观,不能与同性恋社区的习俗/文化分离;Genap mupakat(民主)、amanat(正直)、tertip(有序规则)、alang tulung beret bantu(互助)、gemasih(情感)、setie(忠诚)、bersikekemelen(竞争)和mutentu(有效)。向政府和政府向社区传达愿望和意见时的礼貌必须具有政治沟通中的礼貌道德,以避免中亚齐人民和政府之间的矛盾和不安全
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引用次数: 0
The Integrative Sustainability Business Mentoring Model for Politicize Creative Economy Business Actors in Meeting Tax Compliance 政治化创意经济商业行为者满足税收合规性的综合可持续性商业指导模式
Pub Date : 2021-08-07 DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29937
J. Susyanti, Noor Shodiq Askandar, Ahmad Dahlan
 The creative economy is becoming important because current development is faced with the ability of the state to synergize tax administration, taxpayers, through the support of political commitment, social, cultural, and economic conditions to create the success of national taxation. Taxation is the backbone of state revenue and the creative economy as a forum for the younger generation to channel their creativity in doing business and building the country. The purpose of this research is to conduct a cluster of problematic creative economy business actors; know the integrative sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors; know integrative sustainability actions to increase taxpayer compliance, and politicize creative economy business actors. In-depth interviews and documentation obtained data. Determination of data sources using random sampling. The data validity used source triangulation. The data analysis technique used a data analysis model according to Miles and Huberman. The results showed that there are problematic clusters of creative economy business actors divided into culinary services and culinary goods. The need for an integrated sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors that involves intellectuals, business people, creative economy community, government, mass media - social media, and resources. Integrative sustainability actions to improve taxpayer compliance and politicize creative economy business actors through expanding tax training with the Business Development Services (BDS) Program, enactment of PP 23 of 2018, simplifying legislation for creative economy business actors with the enactment of the Omnibus Law, to the local government Omnibus Law give authority to the chief executive to provide fiscal incentives to business actors to increase taxpayers.
创造经济变得越来越重要,因为目前的发展面临着国家的能力,通过政治承诺、社会、文化和经济条件的支持,使税收管理和纳税人协同工作,以创造国家税收的成功。税收是国家收入和创意经济的支柱,是年轻一代在经商和建设国家中发挥创造力的论坛。本研究的目的是进行一组有问题的创意经济商业行为者;了解创意经济商业参与者的综合可持续商业援助模式;了解综合可持续发展行动,以提高纳税人的合规性,并使创意经济业务参与者政治化。深入访谈和文献资料获得的数据。使用随机抽样确定数据源。数据有效性采用源三角剖分。数据分析技术使用了Miles和Huberman的数据分析模型。结果显示,将创意经济企业分为烹饪服务和烹饪产品的集群存在问题。需要为创意经济的商业参与者提供一个综合的可持续的商业援助模式,包括知识分子、商业人士、创意经济社区、政府、大众媒体——社会媒体和资源。通过商业发展服务(BDS)计划扩大税务培训,制定2018年PP 23,通过制定《综合法》简化创意经济商业行为者的立法,向地方政府综合法授权行政长官为商业行为者提供财政激励,以增加纳税人,从而提高纳税人的合规性,并使创意经济商业行为者政治化。
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引用次数: 1
Environmental Politics: Grassroots Innovations in Conserving Geopark Environment (Study in Gunung Sewu UNESCO Global Geopark) 环境政治:保护地质公园环境的基层创新(在Gunung Sewu联合国教科文组织世界地质公园研究)
Pub Date : 2021-08-07 DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29531
A. Sulistyo, R. Rijanta, A. H. Hadna, S. Giyarsih
Environmental damage is the real threat of natural resources where the economic motives (utility) are often contrary to the conservation motives (protection). However, there are some efforts to reduce the damage. One of them is called bottom-up innovation, which is known as grassroots innovation. This study aims to identify and analyze the innovations emerging from society to preserve the environment in the geopark area, which is used as tourism objects. It is a qualitative descriptive study conducted on Nglanggeran Ancient Volcano Geosite, Pindul Cave Geosite, and Siung Beach Geosite. This study shows that the grassroots innovations are not purely initiated by local communities but by some people who are members of tourism awareness groups or Pokdarwis. The innovations were carried out independently without the help of experts or the government, the innovations were developed by a “trial and error” process, and the innovations are temporary and sometimes only solve the current problems and local scope. Based on the implication, the grassroots innovations can be divided into two categories; direct influence or indirect influence. 
环境破坏是对自然资源的真正威胁,其中经济动机(效用)往往与保护动机(保护)相反。然而,也有一些努力来减少损害。其中一种叫做自下而上的创新,也就是草根创新。本研究旨在识别和分析社会为保护地质公园区域环境而产生的创新,并将其作为旅游对象。本研究是对nganggeran古火山地质体、Pindul洞地质体和Siung Beach地质体进行定性描述性研究。这项研究表明,草根创新并非纯粹由当地社区发起,而是由一些旅游意识团体或Pokdarwis成员发起的。这些创新是在没有专家和政府帮助的情况下自主进行的,是通过“试错”的过程进行的,创新是暂时的,有时只能解决当前的问题和局部范围。基于其内涵,可以将基层创新分为两类;直接影响或间接影响。
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引用次数: 0
Muhammadiyah as Policy Entrepreneur in Policy Change Making of Oil and Gas Law 穆罕默迪耶作为石油和天然气法政策变革中的政策企业家
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.29202
Nawang Kurniawati, A. H. Hadna, Bachtiar Dwi Kurniawan
Muhammadiyah pursues a policy agenda by suing Law Number 21 of the Year 2001 regarding the oil and gas in 2012. Muhammadiyah acts as PE, bringing together three streams of MSA (problem stream, politic stream, and policy stream) to open the policy window and make the public issues (lawsuit) of the policy agenda. Therefore, this study intends to analyze the efforts of Muhammadiyah as a policy entrepreneur in policy change making towards oil and gas law. This research is used a descriptive qualitative method to describe the chronology of Muhammadiyah as a policy actor. The purposive sampling method was used for this study because it involved informants who understood the problem. This study also uses data collection techniques by interview, literature study, and documentation analyzed using Miles and Huberman's analysis technique. As the result of this research, Muhammadiyah came as an informal policy actor interested in pursuing policy ideas. The stream of a problem and political current rose as the most defining currents for Muhammadiyah to become a policy entrepreneur. The two streams succeeded in influencing the policy flow, and those were able to bring together three MSA. Hence, this lawsuit had implications for Migas's dissolution based on MK Decision Number 36/PUU-X/2012.
Muhammadiyah在2012年就石油和天然气问题起诉2001年第21号法律,以此推行政策议程。Muhammadiyah担任PE,将MSA的三个流(问题流、政治流和政策流)汇集在一起,打开政策窗口,将公共问题(诉讼)纳入政策议程。因此,本研究旨在分析Muhammadiyah作为一名政策企业家在石油和天然气法政策变革中所做的努力。本研究采用描述性定性方法来描述穆罕默迪耶作为政策行动者的年表。本研究采用了有目的的抽样方法,因为它涉及了解问题的线人。本研究还通过访谈、文献研究和文献收集技术进行数据收集,并使用Miles和Huberman的分析技术进行分析。这项研究的结果是,穆罕默迪耶成为了一个对追求政策理念感兴趣的非正式政策行动者。问题和政治潮流成为穆罕默德成为政策企业家的最具决定性的潮流。这两个流成功地影响了政策流,并将三个MSA结合在一起。因此,根据MK第36/PUU-X/2012号决定,该诉讼对Migas的解散产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
Similarity Amidst Diversity: Lessons about Women Representation from Pati and Demak 多样性中的相似性:帕蒂和德马克对女性代表性的启示
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745
George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal, Alifiulahtin Utaminingsih, A. Garner, W. Wike, T. Seitz, Fadillah Putra
While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.
虽然大多数妇女政治研究的重点都是立法席位的数量,以及解释妇女和其他边缘化群体代表性不足的原因,但我们认为,还需要更多地关注选民本身及其对印度尼西亚性别代表性的态度。我们集中讨论三大系列问题。首先,对女性候选人的态度存在性别差异。第二,政策优先事项中的性别差异。第三,对印尼选举的一个特定方面——金钱政治或有时被称为“选票购买”——态度上的性别差异。这些数据来自印度尼西亚中爪哇省德马克和帕蒂县公民的分层概率样本。样本中共有800名受访者,其中55%为女性。这一发现对如何理解印尼政治中的性别差异有一些有趣的启示。男性和女性都对女性候选人的重要性和描述性代表性持正确的“修辞”观点。尽管如此,对于对自己生活有更直接影响的政策,两性都从“修辞”观点转向了“逻辑”观点。
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引用次数: 0
Hapahari and Handep: Cultural Aspects in Village Head Elections in Central Kalimantan Hapahari和Handep:加里曼丹中部村长选举的文化方面
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.28951
Anyualatha Haridison
The article explores the candidate's practice in village head elections, such as vote-buying, brokerage networks, and cultural aspects. We argue that a candidate's victory is determined by the material aspect only, but there are other practices that candidates use to minimize the mobilization of material resources and even resistance. This research is a case study, bound by time and place, and is holistic. We collected data by relying on observation and interviews with many relevant informants in the Pilkades (village head elections) Tumbang Habaon, Central Kalimantan. Through this study, we found that every candidate has engaged in the practice of buying votes and appointing orang kepercayaan (right-hand man) to reach out to voters. However, the material resource practices we observe are not a determinant of a candidate's victory. We analyzed voters' views that they chose because of the candidates' past actions' concrete manifestations, which reflected the Dayak cultural values, namely Hapahari and Handep. In contrast to previous research, candidates believe more in material and spiritual aspects. We broaden his proposition that the candidate's cultural actions drive voter beliefs without resisting the mobilization of material resources.
文章探讨了候选人在村长选举中的做法,如贿选、中介网络、文化等方面。我们认为候选人的胜利只取决于物质方面,但候选人使用其他做法来最小化物质资源的动员甚至阻力。本研究是个案研究,受时间和地点的限制,具有整体性。我们通过观察和采访加里曼丹中部Tumbang Habaon的Pilkades(村长选举)的许多相关线人来收集数据。通过本研究,我们发现每位候选人都有贿选和指派得力助手(orang kepercayaan)接触选民的行为。然而,我们观察到的物质资源实践并不是候选人胜利的决定因素。我们分析了选民因为候选人过去的行为而选择的观点的具体表现,这些表现反映了达雅文化价值观,即Hapahari和Handep。与之前的研究相比,候选人更相信物质和精神方面。我们扩大了他的主张,即候选人的文化行为在不抵制物质资源动员的情况下推动选民的信念。
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引用次数: 0
Stakeholder Trust In the Use of E-Voting: Organizing The Election of Simultaneous Village Heads In Sleman Regency 2020 使用电子投票的利益相关者信任:组织Sleman县的同时村长选举2020
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23038
Fajar Rahmanto, Achmad Nurmandi, Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi, S. Salahudin
One of the technological developments in politics is the use of E-Voting technology in elections. E-Voting has been done to improve the quality of election results and reduce votes after the election. This paper discusses explaining the purpose of E-Voting in holding simultaneous village head elections in Sleman Regency using descriptive qualitative methods. This type of data consists of content from websites, local government, and online news with analysis using the Nvivo 12 Software plus the explore crosstab query and cluster analysis. This paper reveals that the level of trust in the use of technology in E-Voting from the Regional Government of Sleman Regency of 29.23% will affect the effectiveness of 32.31%, efficiency 21.54%, and transparency the election results of 10.77%. To realizing agreement and energy in the election of village heads based on E-Voting in Sleman Regency, a ballot replacement will carry out with a "smart card." The readiness of human resources from the organizers was carried out with workshops and technical guidance against the primary professional staff (TTU) and field technical staff (TTL). To support the community's readiness, the Regional Government conducts socialization and simulation in advance about the use of E-Voting tools.
政治领域的科技发展之一是在选举中使用电子投票技术。电子投票是为了提高选举结果的质量,减少选举后的投票。本文用描述性定性的方法探讨了在Sleman县同时举行村长选举时电子投票的目的。这种类型的数据包括来自网站、地方政府和在线新闻的内容,并使用Nvivo 12软件进行分析,再加上探索交叉表查询和聚类分析。本文发现,Sleman地区政府对电子投票技术使用的信任程度为29.23%,将影响选举结果的有效性32.31%、效率21.54%和透明度10.77%。为实现电子投票村长选举的一致性和活力,Sleman县将以“智能卡”代替选票。组织者的人力资源准备工作是通过讲习班和针对初级专业人员和现场技术人员的技术指导进行的。为了支持社区的准备,地区政府在使用电子投票工具之前进行了社会化和模拟。
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引用次数: 0
An Analysis of Jakarta's Democracy and Political Power in 2019 2019年雅加达民主与政治权力分析
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.25713
Thomas Tokan Pureklolon
Indonesia is a democratic country striving to realize people's sovereignty in the government. Indonesia consists of 34 provinces, one of which is Jakarta. This research aimed to analyze the democracy and political power in Jakarta in 2019 by employing the literature review. The researchers had collected the data from primary and secondary sources found in the articles and the web, which were then analyzed using a descriptive qualitative approach. The results show that democracy and political power are closely related. In political practice, democracy exists as an instrument to gain power. The aspect of democracy in gaining political power has been well implemented in the political, social, and cultural factors. Besides, the Indonesian democracy index reveals that Jakarta ranks first in Indonesia. Jakarta already has an exemplary democracy, but it still needs to continue to evaluate each indicator to defend its ranking.
印尼是一个努力实现人民在政府中的主权的民主国家。印度尼西亚由34个省组成,其中一个是雅加达。本研究旨在采用文献综述的方法分析2019年雅加达的民主和政治权力。研究人员从文章和网络中收集了第一手和二手资料,然后使用描述性定性方法对其进行分析。结果表明,民主与政治权力密切相关。在政治实践中,民主是作为获得权力的工具而存在的。民主执政方面在政治、社会、文化等方面得到了很好的体现。此外,印尼民主指数显示,雅加达在印尼排名第一。雅加达已经拥有堪称典范的民主制度,但它仍需要继续评估每一项指标,以捍卫自己的排名。
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引用次数: 0
Generosity as Capital to Win: Ethnic Minority Chinese and Social Capital in Belu Government Head's Election 2015, East Nusa Tenggara 慷慨是获胜的资本:2015年东努沙登加拉贝鲁政府首脑选举中的少数民族华人和社会资本
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.21873
Adeodata Mbiri, L. Alfirdaus
This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.
本文讨论了少数民族在2015年贝鲁区地方政府首脑选举中获胜的方式。选举中有三名候选人,两名是当地少数民族居民,一名候选人是中国人,在印尼的社会背景下,他们通常被称为新移民。有趣的是,这位来自少数民族的候选人成功赢得了选举,并在接下来的五年里领导了该地区。除了候选人来自少数民族之外,与其他人相比,这位候选人并不算是最富有的人。本文着眼于三位候选人的社会、政治和经济模式,采用访谈和观察的定性研究作为数据收集方法。尽管经济和政治模式是必要的,但研究结果表明,社会模式仍然是获得社区支持的关键因素。当地的中国候选人Willybrodus Lay和Ose Luan一起赢得了选举,尽管他不是最富有、经济模式最强大的候选人。莱众所周知的慷慨,他与广大社区的良好关系,他与各种社会机构的关系,特别是与教堂、清真寺和传统团体的关系,以及他的个性,使他赢得了选举。他击败了另一位候选人,这位候选人是三人中最富有的,另一位是当地官僚机构中最受欢迎的。
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引用次数: 0
Women's Representation through Political Parties in Parliament Period of General Election 2019-2024 2019-2024年议会选举期间妇女在政党中的代表性
Pub Date : 2021-04-07 DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22666
Fajar Rahmanto, E. Purnomo, Aulia Nur Kasiwi, L. Salsabila
This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.
这项研究旨在确定2019年大选期间,作为印度尼西亚立法机构的DPR RI中女性的代表性,并确定影响女性在立法机构中代表性的因素。本文的研究方法采用定性方法和文献研究方法,考察与研究对象相关的理论、参考文献和以往的科学文献。研究结果表明,2019年大选后,女性在议会中的代表性水平尚未达到30%,议会中女性代表性水平仍为20.52%,即多达118名女性议员,仍由男性议员主导,达到457人,即79.48%。尽管尚未达到30%,平权政策的实施使妇女在议会中的代表人数大幅增加,从2004年的65名女议员增加到2019年大选的118名女议员。平权行动和拉链制度的政治调节因素是影响妇女在政党中代表性的两个因素。平权行动要求参加选举的每个政党通过在每个选区提名女性候选人来关注妇女30%的代表性。拉链系统要求政党每三个候选人名字中至少有一名女性。在大选中,各政党向立法机构提交立法。规范妇女代表参与的平权行动已成为众多事件涉及亲属关系和候选人资格的主要原因。
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引用次数: 0
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Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review
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