Pub Date : 2021-08-07DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I1.29510
H. Basri, Muhsin Efendi
Ethics political communication used in the order in the government presented opinion or advice necessary keep a message manners according to customs culture gayo have separate ethics had meaning very important. Ethics political communication by the government to the society will affect any good; on the contrary, political communication also to the government will feed into aspects in improving the good order. Ethics political communication community groups as expressing an opinion society organizations politely and mannered use gayo culture and so is government response in accommodating the aspirations of the organizations. District of Aceh central gayo occupying an integral part of Indonesia. Those who have the character and values of the specific customs and culture of Indonesian society in general. The gayo customs and cultural values make the values of the Gayo customary philosophy in everyday life. The system of cultural values of the gayo community at events contains knowledge, beliefs, values, religion, norms, rules, and laws that become a reference for behavior in community life, the philosophical values of the gayo community, cannot be separated from the customs/culture of the gayo community as; Genap mupakat (democracy), amanat (integrity), tertip (orderly rules), alang tulung beret bantu (mutual help), gemasih (affection), setie (loyal), bersikekemelen (competing), dan mutentu (effective). Courteousness in conveying aspirations and opinions to the government and the government to the community must have politeness ethics in political communication to avoid inconsistencies and insecurity between the people and the government in Central Aceh
{"title":"Ethics Political Communication Using Gayo Cultural System Approach (edet gayo)","authors":"H. Basri, Muhsin Efendi","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V6I1.29510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V6I1.29510","url":null,"abstract":"Ethics political communication used in the order in the government presented opinion or advice necessary keep a message manners according to customs culture gayo have separate ethics had meaning very important. Ethics political communication by the government to the society will affect any good; on the contrary, political communication also to the government will feed into aspects in improving the good order. Ethics political communication community groups as expressing an opinion society organizations politely and mannered use gayo culture and so is government response in accommodating the aspirations of the organizations. District of Aceh central gayo occupying an integral part of Indonesia. Those who have the character and values of the specific customs and culture of Indonesian society in general. The gayo customs and cultural values make the values of the Gayo customary philosophy in everyday life. The system of cultural values of the gayo community at events contains knowledge, beliefs, values, religion, norms, rules, and laws that become a reference for behavior in community life, the philosophical values of the gayo community, cannot be separated from the customs/culture of the gayo community as; Genap mupakat (democracy), amanat (integrity), tertip (orderly rules), alang tulung beret bantu (mutual help), gemasih (affection), setie (loyal), bersikekemelen (competing), dan mutentu (effective). Courteousness in conveying aspirations and opinions to the government and the government to the community must have politeness ethics in political communication to avoid inconsistencies and insecurity between the people and the government in Central Aceh","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48747068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-07DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29937
J. Susyanti, Noor Shodiq Askandar, Ahmad Dahlan
The creative economy is becoming important because current development is faced with the ability of the state to synergize tax administration, taxpayers, through the support of political commitment, social, cultural, and economic conditions to create the success of national taxation. Taxation is the backbone of state revenue and the creative economy as a forum for the younger generation to channel their creativity in doing business and building the country. The purpose of this research is to conduct a cluster of problematic creative economy business actors; know the integrative sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors; know integrative sustainability actions to increase taxpayer compliance, and politicize creative economy business actors. In-depth interviews and documentation obtained data. Determination of data sources using random sampling. The data validity used source triangulation. The data analysis technique used a data analysis model according to Miles and Huberman. The results showed that there are problematic clusters of creative economy business actors divided into culinary services and culinary goods. The need for an integrated sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors that involves intellectuals, business people, creative economy community, government, mass media - social media, and resources. Integrative sustainability actions to improve taxpayer compliance and politicize creative economy business actors through expanding tax training with the Business Development Services (BDS) Program, enactment of PP 23 of 2018, simplifying legislation for creative economy business actors with the enactment of the Omnibus Law, to the local government Omnibus Law give authority to the chief executive to provide fiscal incentives to business actors to increase taxpayers.
{"title":"The Integrative Sustainability Business Mentoring Model for Politicize Creative Economy Business Actors in Meeting Tax Compliance","authors":"J. Susyanti, Noor Shodiq Askandar, Ahmad Dahlan","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29937","url":null,"abstract":" The creative economy is becoming important because current development is faced with the ability of the state to synergize tax administration, taxpayers, through the support of political commitment, social, cultural, and economic conditions to create the success of national taxation. Taxation is the backbone of state revenue and the creative economy as a forum for the younger generation to channel their creativity in doing business and building the country. The purpose of this research is to conduct a cluster of problematic creative economy business actors; know the integrative sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors; know integrative sustainability actions to increase taxpayer compliance, and politicize creative economy business actors. In-depth interviews and documentation obtained data. Determination of data sources using random sampling. The data validity used source triangulation. The data analysis technique used a data analysis model according to Miles and Huberman. The results showed that there are problematic clusters of creative economy business actors divided into culinary services and culinary goods. The need for an integrated sustainable business assistance model for creative economy business actors that involves intellectuals, business people, creative economy community, government, mass media - social media, and resources. Integrative sustainability actions to improve taxpayer compliance and politicize creative economy business actors through expanding tax training with the Business Development Services (BDS) Program, enactment of PP 23 of 2018, simplifying legislation for creative economy business actors with the enactment of the Omnibus Law, to the local government Omnibus Law give authority to the chief executive to provide fiscal incentives to business actors to increase taxpayers.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45913932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-07DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29531
A. Sulistyo, R. Rijanta, A. H. Hadna, S. Giyarsih
Environmental damage is the real threat of natural resources where the economic motives (utility) are often contrary to the conservation motives (protection). However, there are some efforts to reduce the damage. One of them is called bottom-up innovation, which is known as grassroots innovation. This study aims to identify and analyze the innovations emerging from society to preserve the environment in the geopark area, which is used as tourism objects. It is a qualitative descriptive study conducted on Nglanggeran Ancient Volcano Geosite, Pindul Cave Geosite, and Siung Beach Geosite. This study shows that the grassroots innovations are not purely initiated by local communities but by some people who are members of tourism awareness groups or Pokdarwis. The innovations were carried out independently without the help of experts or the government, the innovations were developed by a “trial and error” process, and the innovations are temporary and sometimes only solve the current problems and local scope. Based on the implication, the grassroots innovations can be divided into two categories; direct influence or indirect influence.
{"title":"Environmental Politics: Grassroots Innovations in Conserving Geopark Environment (Study in Gunung Sewu UNESCO Global Geopark)","authors":"A. Sulistyo, R. Rijanta, A. H. Hadna, S. Giyarsih","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V6I2.29531","url":null,"abstract":"Environmental damage is the real threat of natural resources where the economic motives (utility) are often contrary to the conservation motives (protection). However, there are some efforts to reduce the damage. One of them is called bottom-up innovation, which is known as grassroots innovation. This study aims to identify and analyze the innovations emerging from society to preserve the environment in the geopark area, which is used as tourism objects. It is a qualitative descriptive study conducted on Nglanggeran Ancient Volcano Geosite, Pindul Cave Geosite, and Siung Beach Geosite. This study shows that the grassroots innovations are not purely initiated by local communities but by some people who are members of tourism awareness groups or Pokdarwis. The innovations were carried out independently without the help of experts or the government, the innovations were developed by a “trial and error” process, and the innovations are temporary and sometimes only solve the current problems and local scope. Based on the implication, the grassroots innovations can be divided into two categories; direct influence or indirect influence. ","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43271286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.29202
Nawang Kurniawati, A. H. Hadna, Bachtiar Dwi Kurniawan
Muhammadiyah pursues a policy agenda by suing Law Number 21 of the Year 2001 regarding the oil and gas in 2012. Muhammadiyah acts as PE, bringing together three streams of MSA (problem stream, politic stream, and policy stream) to open the policy window and make the public issues (lawsuit) of the policy agenda. Therefore, this study intends to analyze the efforts of Muhammadiyah as a policy entrepreneur in policy change making towards oil and gas law. This research is used a descriptive qualitative method to describe the chronology of Muhammadiyah as a policy actor. The purposive sampling method was used for this study because it involved informants who understood the problem. This study also uses data collection techniques by interview, literature study, and documentation analyzed using Miles and Huberman's analysis technique. As the result of this research, Muhammadiyah came as an informal policy actor interested in pursuing policy ideas. The stream of a problem and political current rose as the most defining currents for Muhammadiyah to become a policy entrepreneur. The two streams succeeded in influencing the policy flow, and those were able to bring together three MSA. Hence, this lawsuit had implications for Migas's dissolution based on MK Decision Number 36/PUU-X/2012.
{"title":"Muhammadiyah as Policy Entrepreneur in Policy Change Making of Oil and Gas Law","authors":"Nawang Kurniawati, A. H. Hadna, Bachtiar Dwi Kurniawan","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.29202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.29202","url":null,"abstract":"Muhammadiyah pursues a policy agenda by suing Law Number 21 of the Year 2001 regarding the oil and gas in 2012. Muhammadiyah acts as PE, bringing together three streams of MSA (problem stream, politic stream, and policy stream) to open the policy window and make the public issues (lawsuit) of the policy agenda. Therefore, this study intends to analyze the efforts of Muhammadiyah as a policy entrepreneur in policy change making towards oil and gas law. This research is used a descriptive qualitative method to describe the chronology of Muhammadiyah as a policy actor. The purposive sampling method was used for this study because it involved informants who understood the problem. This study also uses data collection techniques by interview, literature study, and documentation analyzed using Miles and Huberman's analysis technique. As the result of this research, Muhammadiyah came as an informal policy actor interested in pursuing policy ideas. The stream of a problem and political current rose as the most defining currents for Muhammadiyah to become a policy entrepreneur. The two streams succeeded in influencing the policy flow, and those were able to bring together three MSA. Hence, this lawsuit had implications for Migas's dissolution based on MK Decision Number 36/PUU-X/2012.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49435710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745
George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal, Alifiulahtin Utaminingsih, A. Garner, W. Wike, T. Seitz, Fadillah Putra
While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as "vote-buying." The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct "rhetoric" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the "rhetoric" view to the "logic" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.
{"title":"Similarity Amidst Diversity: Lessons about Women Representation from Pati and Demak","authors":"George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal, Alifiulahtin Utaminingsih, A. Garner, W. Wike, T. Seitz, Fadillah Putra","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22745","url":null,"abstract":"While the focus of most research in women's politics has been on the number of legislative seats and explaining the under-representation of women and other marginalized groups, we argue that there also needs to be a greater focus on voters themselves and their attitudes about gender representation in Indonesia. We focus on three broad series of questions. First, gender differences in attitudes about women candidates precisely. Second, gender differences in policy priorities. Third, gender differences in attitudes about one specific aspect of Indonesian elections – money politics or what is sometimes referred to as \"vote-buying.\" The data are drawn from a stratified probability sample of citizens in the Demak and Pati regencies in Central Java, Indonesia. A total of 800 respondents were in the sample, including 55 percent of the sample consisted of women. The finding has some interesting implications in how to understand gender differences in Indonesian politics. Men and women both respond with the correct \"rhetoric\" view about the importance of women candidates and descriptive representation. Still, both genders shift from the \"rhetoric\" view to the \"logic\" view about policies that have a more direct impact on their own lives.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42333494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.28951
Anyualatha Haridison
The article explores the candidate's practice in village head elections, such as vote-buying, brokerage networks, and cultural aspects. We argue that a candidate's victory is determined by the material aspect only, but there are other practices that candidates use to minimize the mobilization of material resources and even resistance. This research is a case study, bound by time and place, and is holistic. We collected data by relying on observation and interviews with many relevant informants in the Pilkades (village head elections) Tumbang Habaon, Central Kalimantan. Through this study, we found that every candidate has engaged in the practice of buying votes and appointing orang kepercayaan (right-hand man) to reach out to voters. However, the material resource practices we observe are not a determinant of a candidate's victory. We analyzed voters' views that they chose because of the candidates' past actions' concrete manifestations, which reflected the Dayak cultural values, namely Hapahari and Handep. In contrast to previous research, candidates believe more in material and spiritual aspects. We broaden his proposition that the candidate's cultural actions drive voter beliefs without resisting the mobilization of material resources.
{"title":"Hapahari and Handep: Cultural Aspects in Village Head Elections in Central Kalimantan","authors":"Anyualatha Haridison","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.28951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.28951","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the candidate's practice in village head elections, such as vote-buying, brokerage networks, and cultural aspects. We argue that a candidate's victory is determined by the material aspect only, but there are other practices that candidates use to minimize the mobilization of material resources and even resistance. This research is a case study, bound by time and place, and is holistic. We collected data by relying on observation and interviews with many relevant informants in the Pilkades (village head elections) Tumbang Habaon, Central Kalimantan. Through this study, we found that every candidate has engaged in the practice of buying votes and appointing orang kepercayaan (right-hand man) to reach out to voters. However, the material resource practices we observe are not a determinant of a candidate's victory. We analyzed voters' views that they chose because of the candidates' past actions' concrete manifestations, which reflected the Dayak cultural values, namely Hapahari and Handep. In contrast to previous research, candidates believe more in material and spiritual aspects. We broaden his proposition that the candidate's cultural actions drive voter beliefs without resisting the mobilization of material resources.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44247987","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23038
Fajar Rahmanto, Achmad Nurmandi, Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi, S. Salahudin
One of the technological developments in politics is the use of E-Voting technology in elections. E-Voting has been done to improve the quality of election results and reduce votes after the election. This paper discusses explaining the purpose of E-Voting in holding simultaneous village head elections in Sleman Regency using descriptive qualitative methods. This type of data consists of content from websites, local government, and online news with analysis using the Nvivo 12 Software plus the explore crosstab query and cluster analysis. This paper reveals that the level of trust in the use of technology in E-Voting from the Regional Government of Sleman Regency of 29.23% will affect the effectiveness of 32.31%, efficiency 21.54%, and transparency the election results of 10.77%. To realizing agreement and energy in the election of village heads based on E-Voting in Sleman Regency, a ballot replacement will carry out with a "smart card." The readiness of human resources from the organizers was carried out with workshops and technical guidance against the primary professional staff (TTU) and field technical staff (TTL). To support the community's readiness, the Regional Government conducts socialization and simulation in advance about the use of E-Voting tools.
{"title":"Stakeholder Trust In the Use of E-Voting: Organizing The Election of Simultaneous Village Heads In Sleman Regency 2020","authors":"Fajar Rahmanto, Achmad Nurmandi, Dian Suluh Kusuma Dewi, S. Salahudin","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23038","url":null,"abstract":"One of the technological developments in politics is the use of E-Voting technology in elections. E-Voting has been done to improve the quality of election results and reduce votes after the election. This paper discusses explaining the purpose of E-Voting in holding simultaneous village head elections in Sleman Regency using descriptive qualitative methods. This type of data consists of content from websites, local government, and online news with analysis using the Nvivo 12 Software plus the explore crosstab query and cluster analysis. This paper reveals that the level of trust in the use of technology in E-Voting from the Regional Government of Sleman Regency of 29.23% will affect the effectiveness of 32.31%, efficiency 21.54%, and transparency the election results of 10.77%. To realizing agreement and energy in the election of village heads based on E-Voting in Sleman Regency, a ballot replacement will carry out with a \"smart card.\" The readiness of human resources from the organizers was carried out with workshops and technical guidance against the primary professional staff (TTU) and field technical staff (TTL). To support the community's readiness, the Regional Government conducts socialization and simulation in advance about the use of E-Voting tools.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46160773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.25713
Thomas Tokan Pureklolon
Indonesia is a democratic country striving to realize people's sovereignty in the government. Indonesia consists of 34 provinces, one of which is Jakarta. This research aimed to analyze the democracy and political power in Jakarta in 2019 by employing the literature review. The researchers had collected the data from primary and secondary sources found in the articles and the web, which were then analyzed using a descriptive qualitative approach. The results show that democracy and political power are closely related. In political practice, democracy exists as an instrument to gain power. The aspect of democracy in gaining political power has been well implemented in the political, social, and cultural factors. Besides, the Indonesian democracy index reveals that Jakarta ranks first in Indonesia. Jakarta already has an exemplary democracy, but it still needs to continue to evaluate each indicator to defend its ranking.
{"title":"An Analysis of Jakarta's Democracy and Political Power in 2019","authors":"Thomas Tokan Pureklolon","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.25713","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.25713","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia is a democratic country striving to realize people's sovereignty in the government. Indonesia consists of 34 provinces, one of which is Jakarta. This research aimed to analyze the democracy and political power in Jakarta in 2019 by employing the literature review. The researchers had collected the data from primary and secondary sources found in the articles and the web, which were then analyzed using a descriptive qualitative approach. The results show that democracy and political power are closely related. In political practice, democracy exists as an instrument to gain power. The aspect of democracy in gaining political power has been well implemented in the political, social, and cultural factors. Besides, the Indonesian democracy index reveals that Jakarta ranks first in Indonesia. Jakarta already has an exemplary democracy, but it still needs to continue to evaluate each indicator to defend its ranking.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66989291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.21873
Adeodata Mbiri, L. Alfirdaus
This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.
{"title":"Generosity as Capital to Win: Ethnic Minority Chinese and Social Capital in Belu Government Head's Election 2015, East Nusa Tenggara","authors":"Adeodata Mbiri, L. Alfirdaus","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.21873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.21873","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the modalities of minority ethnic groups to win the 2015 local government head's election in the District of Belu. There were three candidates in the election, two were the local ethnic group residents, and one candidate was Chinese, generally known to be the newcomers (migrants) in Indonesia's social context. Interestingly, the candidate from a minority ethnic group succeeded in winning the election and led the district for the next five years. In addition to the fact that the candidate is from a minority ethnic group, the candidate is not known to be the richest one compared to the others. This article looks at the three candidates' social, political, and economic modalities, applying qualitative research with interviews and observations as the data collection method. Although economic and political modalities are necessary, the results reveal that social modalities remain a key factor in gaining community support. Willybrodus Lay, the local Chinese candidate, paired with Ose Luan, won the election despite not being the wealthiest candidate with the most potent economic modalities. Lay's well-known generosity, and his good relationships with the greater community, and his proximity to various social institutions, especially with churches, mosques, and traditional groups, as well as his personality, led him to win the election. He beat another candidate, known to be the richest among the three, and another one, the most popular in local bureaucracy.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43235244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22666
Fajar Rahmanto, E. Purnomo, Aulia Nur Kasiwi, L. Salsabila
This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.
{"title":"Women's Representation through Political Parties in Parliament Period of General Election 2019-2024","authors":"Fajar Rahmanto, E. Purnomo, Aulia Nur Kasiwi, L. Salsabila","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.22666","url":null,"abstract":"This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47861527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}