Pub Date : 2021-04-07DOI: 10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23412
Eko Nopriyansa
Lately, Indonesia, such as corruption, intolerance, radicalism, terrorism, and various social problems, can be a complex case; social anxiety in Indonesia recently needs a solution that can solve problems without specific religious schemes. The presence of the Partai Solidaritas Indonesia, chaired by Grace Natalie recently and is known as a young Christian female political figure amid the world's largest Muslim majority population, political battles in various attempts to gain public support is the biggest challenge for the Partai Solodaritas Indonesia. Several steps of the PSI have attracted debate. Several Muslim groups have criticized them for being considered to be making crucial narratives by not considering Indonesia existing religious values in political narratives, such as the unconditional rejection of Sharia Law, rejecting polygamy as a social problem, thus inviting debate and getting severe reactions for some Indonesian Muslim groups. This paper attempts to thoroughly dissect the various paradigms and narratives of the Indonesian Solidarity Party in political communication, analyze the principles of the concept of the State, and examine the Islamic concept in-depth, comprehensively and can answer the recent socio-political discourse.
{"title":"Islam and Crucial Issues in the Political Communication of the Indonesian Solidarity Party","authors":"Eko Nopriyansa","doi":"10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v6i1.23412","url":null,"abstract":"Lately, Indonesia, such as corruption, intolerance, radicalism, terrorism, and various social problems, can be a complex case; social anxiety in Indonesia recently needs a solution that can solve problems without specific religious schemes. The presence of the Partai Solidaritas Indonesia, chaired by Grace Natalie recently and is known as a young Christian female political figure amid the world's largest Muslim majority population, political battles in various attempts to gain public support is the biggest challenge for the Partai Solodaritas Indonesia. Several steps of the PSI have attracted debate. Several Muslim groups have criticized them for being considered to be making crucial narratives by not considering Indonesia existing religious values in political narratives, such as the unconditional rejection of Sharia Law, rejecting polygamy as a social problem, thus inviting debate and getting severe reactions for some Indonesian Muslim groups. This paper attempts to thoroughly dissect the various paradigms and narratives of the Indonesian Solidarity Party in political communication, analyze the principles of the concept of the State, and examine the Islamic concept in-depth, comprehensively and can answer the recent socio-political discourse.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66989666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21138
Siti Khoirnafiya
This article discusses the 2019 Indonesia’s election with the minority group issues of Penghayat . This research discusses their participation in elections, not only as voters but as the candidate nominated by them. However, the candidate nominated by them failed to become members of the DPRD although according to their estimation, the number of voters exceeded the target. An important factor that the failure tendency is related to the multiple identities’ issues, which are not only related to ethnicity and religion but also moral politics. This paper does not only criticize the idea of identity politics which describes the uniformity of identity but also criticizes political practices that negate morality.
{"title":"The Multiple Identities of Penghayat: Cilacap and the Moral Politics Issues on the Failure of their Candidate in 2019-Election","authors":"Siti Khoirnafiya","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21138","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the 2019 Indonesia’s election with the minority group issues of Penghayat . This research discusses their participation in elections, not only as voters but as the candidate nominated by them. However, the candidate nominated by them failed to become members of the DPRD although according to their estimation, the number of voters exceeded the target. An important factor that the failure tendency is related to the multiple identities’ issues, which are not only related to ethnicity and religion but also moral politics. This paper does not only criticize the idea of identity politics which describes the uniformity of identity but also criticizes political practices that negate morality.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49056023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21550
Muhammad Ridho Rachman, Sri Wardhani
This research analyzes parliament opposition in Indonesia by Gerindra Party (2014-2019) as a party whose consistently outside the government and functioning as an opposition party. How is it implemented, and what kind of strategy Gerindra performs to influence the parliamentary decision-making process? To answer this, the study uses qualitative methods by collecting data through literature review, data tracking, and in-depth interviews. The theoretical perspective in this research used Steinack's argument about the opposition strategy who states that the behavior of the opposition party in parliament is the accumulation of the impact of the structural and institutional factors, socio-demographic, and party’s informal rules of engagement. The research found that as an opposition party, Gerindra focuses on content-oriented strategies using the area of public policymaking as a medium of political interplays such as at the commission level or other work units.
{"title":"Parliament Opposition Strategy in Indonesia (Case Study of Gerindra Party During Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla's Era 2014-2019)","authors":"Muhammad Ridho Rachman, Sri Wardhani","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21550","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21550","url":null,"abstract":"This research analyzes parliament opposition in Indonesia by Gerindra Party (2014-2019) as a party whose consistently outside the government and functioning as an opposition party. How is it implemented, and what kind of strategy Gerindra performs to influence the parliamentary decision-making process? To answer this, the study uses qualitative methods by collecting data through literature review, data tracking, and in-depth interviews. The theoretical perspective in this research used Steinack's argument about the opposition strategy who states that the behavior of the opposition party in parliament is the accumulation of the impact of the structural and institutional factors, socio-demographic, and party’s informal rules of engagement. The research found that as an opposition party, Gerindra focuses on content-oriented strategies using the area of public policymaking as a medium of political interplays such as at the commission level or other work units.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42217554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.25692
Luthfi Makhasin, B. Sugiarto
In the last 20 years, the ‘conservative turn’ toward overtly Islamic identity in Indonesia paved the way for raising the political Islamism. This political Islamism aspires to the continuing Islamization, implementation of sharia, and even the establishment of a global caliphate. Emerging Islamist forces such as FPI, Jamaah Tarbiyah, and HTI along with the conservative turn, therefore, pose the normative-political challenges to both republican and liberal notions of citizenship. This paper deals with the question of religion and citizenship under the democratic space in contemporary Indonesia. By examining three variants of Islamic citizenship, religion vigilant, pragmatic, and rejectionist citizenship, this paper tries to address the following question: to what extent Islamism challenges the discourse of citizenship in contemporary Indonesia? We argue that while Islamism apparently rises and gains followers, the state and mainstream Muslim organizations (NU and Muhammadiyah), and their emphasis on Pancasila and commitment to NKRI successfully manage to reconcile Islam and citizenship under democratic space.
{"title":"Contending Views and Power Struggle within Islam: The Clash of Religious Discourse and Citizenship in Contemporary Indonesia","authors":"Luthfi Makhasin, B. Sugiarto","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.25692","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.25692","url":null,"abstract":"In the last 20 years, the ‘conservative turn’ toward overtly Islamic identity in Indonesia paved the way for raising the political Islamism. This political Islamism aspires to the continuing Islamization, implementation of sharia, and even the establishment of a global caliphate. Emerging Islamist forces such as FPI, Jamaah Tarbiyah, and HTI along with the conservative turn, therefore, pose the normative-political challenges to both republican and liberal notions of citizenship. This paper deals with the question of religion and citizenship under the democratic space in contemporary Indonesia. By examining three variants of Islamic citizenship, religion vigilant, pragmatic, and rejectionist citizenship, this paper tries to address the following question: to what extent Islamism challenges the discourse of citizenship in contemporary Indonesia? We argue that while Islamism apparently rises and gains followers, the state and mainstream Muslim organizations (NU and Muhammadiyah), and their emphasis on Pancasila and commitment to NKRI successfully manage to reconcile Islam and citizenship under democratic space.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45589389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.22832
A. Tohari
This article focuses on political empowerment discourse between caring politics versus subjugation politics. Through a literature study on empowerment, the writer finds that the empowerment realm has been in a tension between a group that perceives it as a caring action against another group that understands it as a subjugation. Each group has been developing arguments that support their perspective on empowerment. For the group that supports the idea of empowerment as caring action, the most important thing is an achievement. They are scrutinizing the indicators of success and failure, best practices, lessons learned, and many others. On the other hand, the group that views empowerment as subjugation considers it is inherently oppressive. Empowerment is nothing more than a veil that covers the power interest in disciplining poor people to conform to certain standards. Therefore, it is imperative to have a more transformative paradigm to see empowerment as emancipatory politics.
{"title":"New Political Empowerment: Transcending Discourse Contestation between Caring versus Subjugation","authors":"A. Tohari","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.22832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.22832","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on political empowerment discourse between caring politics versus subjugation politics. Through a literature study on empowerment, the writer finds that the empowerment realm has been in a tension between a group that perceives it as a caring action against another group that understands it as a subjugation. Each group has been developing arguments that support their perspective on empowerment. For the group that supports the idea of empowerment as caring action, the most important thing is an achievement. They are scrutinizing the indicators of success and failure, best practices, lessons learned, and many others. On the other hand, the group that views empowerment as subjugation considers it is inherently oppressive. Empowerment is nothing more than a veil that covers the power interest in disciplining poor people to conform to certain standards. Therefore, it is imperative to have a more transformative paradigm to see empowerment as emancipatory politics.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42545094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24026
H. Muhammad, M. Yusuf
Political relation with bureaucracy is an essential concern because the contestation of power in the regions has conflicted with democratization and the principle of bureaucratic neutrality. Recent studies point out the politicization of bureaucracy in placing positions and government decision-making processes, but the discussion about political party patron-client with bureaucracy is very limited. This paper discusses explicitly the clientelism of political parties with the civil servants in the election of public officials in the Tanjung Jabung Timur regency. This study applies a descriptive qualitative methodology to analyze the depth of phenomena that has been happening by using secondary and primary data from various informants. Various data are coded, analyzed interactively, and confirmed its validity, then presented systematically. The results show that the leaders in the regions only experience a shift in the party while the actor's character still owned the legacy of the New Order regime. The central locus of patronage is still concentrated in political parties; National Mandate Party has a clientelism networking through the dominance of a bureaucratic structure with a promotion-degradation system. The civil servants change the resources to maintain a position or even to get a higher one. This paper's implication showed that civil servants' performance is relatively based on loyalty to the ruling party rather than using a merit system. This paper underlines the main challenge of democracy in the region and bureaucratic reform, and it is the massive informal political practices that are considered reasonable.
{"title":"Bureaucracy and Political Parties: Political Clientelism in Contestation of Power in Tanjung Jabung Timur Regency","authors":"H. Muhammad, M. Yusuf","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24026","url":null,"abstract":"Political relation with bureaucracy is an essential concern because the contestation of power in the regions has conflicted with democratization and the principle of bureaucratic neutrality. Recent studies point out the politicization of bureaucracy in placing positions and government decision-making processes, but the discussion about political party patron-client with bureaucracy is very limited. This paper discusses explicitly the clientelism of political parties with the civil servants in the election of public officials in the Tanjung Jabung Timur regency. This study applies a descriptive qualitative methodology to analyze the depth of phenomena that has been happening by using secondary and primary data from various informants. Various data are coded, analyzed interactively, and confirmed its validity, then presented systematically. The results show that the leaders in the regions only experience a shift in the party while the actor's character still owned the legacy of the New Order regime. The central locus of patronage is still concentrated in political parties; National Mandate Party has a clientelism networking through the dominance of a bureaucratic structure with a promotion-degradation system. The civil servants change the resources to maintain a position or even to get a higher one. This paper's implication showed that civil servants' performance is relatively based on loyalty to the ruling party rather than using a merit system. This paper underlines the main challenge of democracy in the region and bureaucratic reform, and it is the massive informal political practices that are considered reasonable.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47349939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21963
Siti Muslikhatul Ummah, Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai
This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive-exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data.
{"title":"Candidacy Transformation as Electability Factor of the Legislative Candidate from Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Legislative Election 2004-2019","authors":"Siti Muslikhatul Ummah, Ardian Bakhtiar Rivai","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21963","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses candidacy transformation which is previously characterized as inclusive-exclusive to inclusive-pragmatic of Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) in the legislative election. The argument is based on the woman candidacy processes of PKS legislative candidates within different legislative election periods namely 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019. Based on the collected data, the 2009 General Election is the momentum where the most significant legislative seats are acquired by female candidates compared to the other three legislative elections. That phenomenon is this study’s starting point in this article that explores the factors of PKS woman candidate electability, which are each candidate’s social and political capital. This article's conceptual framework is the narration of male power relation as the effort to win seats for PKS woman legislative candidates, which is obtained from the relation with local elites in their respective areas in the 2019 General Election. In contrast to the three previous general elections, the PKS woman legislative candidate electability was sourced from their political and organizational experience and social network in the society. Through a qualitative case study, this article uses interviews as the primary data source, while related documentation and publication as secondary data.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49189752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24928
Fathu Rahman, A. Sujoko
This study examines the Tandem campaign's impact in a general election as a strategy, supported by the party, and political patronage in Indonesia. Tandem is a campaign for more than one candidate. The investigation finds that tandem not only has the parallel model in numbering tandem with candidates from the People‘s Representatives Council (DPR) and the Regional People’s Representatives Council (DPRD), but the zigzag model also applies because of agreement from candidates. This pattern is supported by the political party, so the parliamentary threshold can be achieved, accounting for 4 % in DPR and 15 % in DPRD. During Regional Leaders Election (Pilkada), a political party can promote its candidate for a regional leader without paying another candidate from another party. Tandem can grow political patronage, and the candidates for DPR can be patrons of the DPRD candidates. This is because DPR members have many resources while candidates for DPRD as clients understand no further than the condition in their electoral district and social-political behavior, or they can even serve as broker-vote buyers. We hypothesize that this is a part of finding a solution to political costs in general elections.
{"title":"Tandem in General Election Campaign 2019: A Strategy Supported by Political Parties and Political Patronage","authors":"Fathu Rahman, A. Sujoko","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24928","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.24928","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the Tandem campaign's impact in a general election as a strategy, supported by the party, and political patronage in Indonesia. Tandem is a campaign for more than one candidate. The investigation finds that tandem not only has the parallel model in numbering tandem with candidates from the People‘s Representatives Council (DPR) and the Regional People’s Representatives Council (DPRD), but the zigzag model also applies because of agreement from candidates. This pattern is supported by the political party, so the parliamentary threshold can be achieved, accounting for 4 % in DPR and 15 % in DPRD. During Regional Leaders Election (Pilkada), a political party can promote its candidate for a regional leader without paying another candidate from another party. Tandem can grow political patronage, and the candidates for DPR can be patrons of the DPRD candidates. This is because DPR members have many resources while candidates for DPRD as clients understand no further than the condition in their electoral district and social-political behavior, or they can even serve as broker-vote buyers. We hypothesize that this is a part of finding a solution to political costs in general elections.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43098671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21272
A. Marta, Leo Agustino, K. Jermsittiparsert
This article discusses why the failure to fulfill the rights of indigenous people in managing natural resources in Riau Province will pose a threat to democracy. The empirical phenomenon that occurred in Riau Province showed that even though regulations in recognition and protection existed, conflicts in the management of forests and land belonging to indigenous peoples continued to occur. This research uses qualitative methodology by employing data collection through interviews and documents. The results show that the non-fulfillment of the rights of indigenous peoples in the management of natural resources will lead to injustice, discrimination, and economic inequality. This will ultimately have implications for the decline in the quality of democracy and the legitimacy of the government regime. The implementation of the rights of indigenous peoples in managing natural resources in Riau Province is limited to democratic rhetoric. The conclusion in this study is that violations of the rights of indigenous peoples will contribute to democratic de-consolidation.
{"title":"Democracy under Threat: Study of the Implementation of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to the Management of Natural Resources in Riau Province","authors":"A. Marta, Leo Agustino, K. Jermsittiparsert","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.21272","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses why the failure to fulfill the rights of indigenous people in managing natural resources in Riau Province will pose a threat to democracy. The empirical phenomenon that occurred in Riau Province showed that even though regulations in recognition and protection existed, conflicts in the management of forests and land belonging to indigenous peoples continued to occur. This research uses qualitative methodology by employing data collection through interviews and documents. The results show that the non-fulfillment of the rights of indigenous peoples in the management of natural resources will lead to injustice, discrimination, and economic inequality. This will ultimately have implications for the decline in the quality of democracy and the legitimacy of the government regime. The implementation of the rights of indigenous peoples in managing natural resources in Riau Province is limited to democratic rhetoric. The conclusion in this study is that violations of the rights of indigenous peoples will contribute to democratic de-consolidation.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42350289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-28DOI: 10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26757
Harris Usman Amin, M. Darwin, Hakimul Ikhwan, Siti Syamsiyatun
This research explores the Gerakan Salat Subuh Berjamaah (GSSB)/Dawn Congregation Prayer Movement in the city government of Palembang. This policy using religious instruments has been implemented for approximately four years and has received recognition and appreciation from several parties for its benefits to the people and government of Palembang city. This research is qualitative research with a case study method, conducted for three months in Palembang City. The study results conclude that the GSSB policy created a public religion where religion enters the public sphere to fulfil the political actor's political interests (Mayor) and realize the “common goods” of Palembang city.
{"title":"Political Interests and the Common Goods in Public Religion","authors":"Harris Usman Amin, M. Darwin, Hakimul Ikhwan, Siti Syamsiyatun","doi":"10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15294/IPSR.V5I3.26757","url":null,"abstract":"This research explores the Gerakan Salat Subuh Berjamaah (GSSB)/Dawn Congregation Prayer Movement in the city government of Palembang. This policy using religious instruments has been implemented for approximately four years and has received recognition and appreciation from several parties for its benefits to the people and government of Palembang city. This research is qualitative research with a case study method, conducted for three months in Palembang City. The study results conclude that the GSSB policy created a public religion where religion enters the public sphere to fulfil the political actor's political interests (Mayor) and realize the “common goods” of Palembang city.","PeriodicalId":53373,"journal":{"name":"Politik Indonesia Indonesian Political Science Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42870321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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