Pub Date : 2022-11-22DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2148915
Abhijit Maity
Films produced after the Delhi gang rape in 2012 project the social, legal, and psychological factors associated with rape, rapists, rape victims, and Indian society. Considering the popular cultural representations in the decade after the Nirbhaya rape case, this essay sheds light on the current socio-cultural scenario concerning sexual violence and crime against women. Even after a decade of Nirbhaya rape case and the shocking waves that followed including massive public protests, the legal amendment against sexual violence, antirape social movements, rapists being pun-ished, and so on, the rape problem persists and even proliferates. In fact, the National Crime Record Bureau or NCRB (2022) data from 2020
{"title":"Media representations of the 2012 Delhi gang rape","authors":"Abhijit Maity","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2148915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2148915","url":null,"abstract":"Films produced after the Delhi gang rape in 2012 project the social, legal, and psychological factors associated with rape, rapists, rape victims, and Indian society. Considering the popular cultural representations in the decade after the Nirbhaya rape case, this essay sheds light on the current socio-cultural scenario concerning sexual violence and crime against women. Even after a decade of Nirbhaya rape case and the shocking waves that followed including massive public protests, the legal amendment against sexual violence, antirape social movements, rapists being pun-ished, and so on, the rape problem persists and even proliferates. In fact, the National Crime Record Bureau or NCRB (2022) data from 2020","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"640 - 645"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45000260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-21DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2145719
Pamyo Chamroy
Abstract The media milieu in India is predominantly commercialized, with increasing concentration of media ownership and institutional political alliances. Nonetheless, there are media in India that operate within a framework distinct from the dominant media system. This paper presents a case study of one these media, the People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), a multi-media digital platform on rural India founded in 2014 by a veteran Indian journalist, P. Sainath. This paper examines how PARI’s ideological stance, organizational structure, content ownership, production, and distribution practices set it apart from corporate news organizations. In doing so, this study presents PARI as an alternative media that challenges the primarily capitalist values and practices of India’s dominant media. However, PARI also incorporates the institutionalized practices of legacy media, exhibiting hybridity in its organizational form, production, and distribution. The paper also highlights PARI’s limitations and challenges. The author concludes by discussing the need for alternative media to build bridges within and beyond the field of media, to be reflexive and adaptable in navigating its identity, and to respond to the dominant conceptions of journalism.
{"title":"People’s Archive of Rural India as alternative media","authors":"Pamyo Chamroy","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2145719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2145719","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The media milieu in India is predominantly commercialized, with increasing concentration of media ownership and institutional political alliances. Nonetheless, there are media in India that operate within a framework distinct from the dominant media system. This paper presents a case study of one these media, the People’s Archive of Rural India (PARI), a multi-media digital platform on rural India founded in 2014 by a veteran Indian journalist, P. Sainath. This paper examines how PARI’s ideological stance, organizational structure, content ownership, production, and distribution practices set it apart from corporate news organizations. In doing so, this study presents PARI as an alternative media that challenges the primarily capitalist values and practices of India’s dominant media. However, PARI also incorporates the institutionalized practices of legacy media, exhibiting hybridity in its organizational form, production, and distribution. The paper also highlights PARI’s limitations and challenges. The author concludes by discussing the need for alternative media to build bridges within and beyond the field of media, to be reflexive and adaptable in navigating its identity, and to respond to the dominant conceptions of journalism.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"333 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48106395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-18DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2144014
J. M. Embate
Abstract This article examined the emotionality of the COVID-19 pandemic discourse in the digital space of social media, contending that emotions are not just psychological responses to stimuli but are constitutive of relational, ethical, and political bodies produced in its circulation. Informed by Koschut’s methodological framework for studying emotions in discourse and Fairclough’s analytical framework for Critical Discourse Analysis, select “landmark” texts were analyzed for their emotion discourse. It discusses the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic through an exercise of ontopower, that is, by preempting the threat from the hateful pasaway. By problematizing the phenomenon of being “triggered,” it also argues for the potentiality of any affected individuals or groups to be activated to perform their ethical responsibility towards their Others, and to resist regimes of power through assemblages. The affective structures of social media allow for the reverberation of affect from the digital virtual to the actual world. Hence, this article also argues that to be “triggered” together is an invitation to participate in the revolutionary moments of solidarity and compassion. It concludes with a discussion on the potentials of the circulation of emotions to “trigger” individuals to participate in different forms of digitally networked actions.
{"title":"Triggered together: the circulation of emotions in the digital virtual during the COVID-19 pandemic","authors":"J. M. Embate","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2144014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2144014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examined the emotionality of the COVID-19 pandemic discourse in the digital space of social media, contending that emotions are not just psychological responses to stimuli but are constitutive of relational, ethical, and political bodies produced in its circulation. Informed by Koschut’s methodological framework for studying emotions in discourse and Fairclough’s analytical framework for Critical Discourse Analysis, select “landmark” texts were analyzed for their emotion discourse. It discusses the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic through an exercise of ontopower, that is, by preempting the threat from the hateful pasaway. By problematizing the phenomenon of being “triggered,” it also argues for the potentiality of any affected individuals or groups to be activated to perform their ethical responsibility towards their Others, and to resist regimes of power through assemblages. The affective structures of social media allow for the reverberation of affect from the digital virtual to the actual world. Hence, this article also argues that to be “triggered” together is an invitation to participate in the revolutionary moments of solidarity and compassion. It concludes with a discussion on the potentials of the circulation of emotions to “trigger” individuals to participate in different forms of digitally networked actions.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"373 - 396"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43860316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-13DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2144021
Melwyn S. Pinto
Environment appears not to be the media’s priority in India. There are no designated journalists appointed by newspapers and television channels to regularly cover the environment. It is only during events like floods and cyclones that certain segments of the media conduct some reportage. This point is reemphasised in a book by Poornananda (2022) titled Environmental Journalism: Reporting on Environmental Concerns and Climate Change in India. It analyses how media take part in covering environmental issues in India and whether media help promote environmental activism. The author takes agenda-setting theory as the framework to discuss how media cover environmental issues. In other words, he looks at environmental journalism in India in terms of its role and capacity to set the agenda for larger environmental discourse and activism.
{"title":"Environment as Indian media’s (non)priority: review of the book Environmental Journalism by DS Poornananda","authors":"Melwyn S. Pinto","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2144021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2144021","url":null,"abstract":"Environment appears not to be the media’s priority in India. There are no designated journalists appointed by newspapers and television channels to regularly cover the environment. It is only during events like floods and cyclones that certain segments of the media conduct some reportage. This point is reemphasised in a book by Poornananda (2022) titled Environmental Journalism: Reporting on Environmental Concerns and Climate Change in India. It analyses how media take part in covering environmental issues in India and whether media help promote environmental activism. The author takes agenda-setting theory as the framework to discuss how media cover environmental issues. In other words, he looks at environmental journalism in India in terms of its role and capacity to set the agenda for larger environmental discourse and activism.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"473 - 478"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46431039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-13DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2140953
P. Bhat, Kalyani Chadha
Abstract As a genre, current affairs talk shows occupy a distinct space within the Indian television universe. Typically built around a single host and invited guests, talk shows constitute a relatively inexpensive format that most news channels deploy to market themselves. Although the extent to which such shows enhance the potential of rational-critical debate has been widely investigated in Western contexts, their implication for public deliberation remains unclear, at least in the case of India. Through an ethnographic content analysis (ECA) of such shows as represented by Newshour aired on Times Now and The Debate aired on Republic TV, this article explores the presentation styles adopted by these programs and their content both in terms of the participants invited and the range of topics discussed. This research found that instead of enabling meaningful deliberation on a variety of important civic issues, television talk shows in India were fixated on promoting religious majoritarianism, defending the policies of the Modi government, and advocating hyper-nationalism. Further, employing a combative style and polarizing tone, talk show hosts were found to stifle dissenting voices and forestall free expression. Ramifications of such blatant partisanship among current affairs talk shows for the Indian public sphere are discussed.
{"title":"Expanding public debate? Examining the impact of India’s top English language political talk shows","authors":"P. Bhat, Kalyani Chadha","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2140953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2140953","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As a genre, current affairs talk shows occupy a distinct space within the Indian television universe. Typically built around a single host and invited guests, talk shows constitute a relatively inexpensive format that most news channels deploy to market themselves. Although the extent to which such shows enhance the potential of rational-critical debate has been widely investigated in Western contexts, their implication for public deliberation remains unclear, at least in the case of India. Through an ethnographic content analysis (ECA) of such shows as represented by Newshour aired on Times Now and The Debate aired on Republic TV, this article explores the presentation styles adopted by these programs and their content both in terms of the participants invited and the range of topics discussed. This research found that instead of enabling meaningful deliberation on a variety of important civic issues, television talk shows in India were fixated on promoting religious majoritarianism, defending the policies of the Modi government, and advocating hyper-nationalism. Further, employing a combative style and polarizing tone, talk show hosts were found to stifle dissenting voices and forestall free expression. Ramifications of such blatant partisanship among current affairs talk shows for the Indian public sphere are discussed.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"244 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47396868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2140956
Shantharaju Siddegowda
Despite India being a multilingual nation, Hindi cinema (also known as Bollywood) has traditionally served as a representative of that industry (Thussu, 2016). It can be partly because most films in Indian languages are made for regional audience. This situation has changed with recent advances in dubbing in multiple languages. Also, Bollywood is copying commercially successful non-Hindi movies and remaking them with exorbitant budgets. However, dubbed versions of southern Indian movies, primarily from Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam languages, have recently generated better revenues. The year 2022 saw the release of the Telugu movie RRR which refers to Raudram, Ranam, Rudhiram or Rage, War, and Blood (Rajamouli, 2022). This significantly altered how people view Indian films. With almost $72 million, it is the costliest Indian film ever made. With approximately $160 million in earnings as of October 2022 (Jain, 2022), it is the second-most profitable Indian film and still reaches more audiences through over the top (OTT) platforms. RRR was distributed in five Indian languages, including Hindi, and six foreign languages, including English while being primarily developed for the Telugu audience. RRR’s popularity sparked a discussion on whether Hindi films or Bollywood had lost their allure due to the poor reception of high-budget Hindi productions in recent times. At the same time, regional films are thriving and breaking records at the national level. Hence, it is essential to evaluate what makes India’s most well-liked movies successful.
{"title":"Cinema and the non-violence versus violence discourse: a review of the film RRR","authors":"Shantharaju Siddegowda","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2140956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2140956","url":null,"abstract":"Despite India being a multilingual nation, Hindi cinema (also known as Bollywood) has traditionally served as a representative of that industry (Thussu, 2016). It can be partly because most films in Indian languages are made for regional audience. This situation has changed with recent advances in dubbing in multiple languages. Also, Bollywood is copying commercially successful non-Hindi movies and remaking them with exorbitant budgets. However, dubbed versions of southern Indian movies, primarily from Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam languages, have recently generated better revenues. The year 2022 saw the release of the Telugu movie RRR which refers to Raudram, Ranam, Rudhiram or Rage, War, and Blood (Rajamouli, 2022). This significantly altered how people view Indian films. With almost $72 million, it is the costliest Indian film ever made. With approximately $160 million in earnings as of October 2022 (Jain, 2022), it is the second-most profitable Indian film and still reaches more audiences through over the top (OTT) platforms. RRR was distributed in five Indian languages, including Hindi, and six foreign languages, including English while being primarily developed for the Telugu audience. RRR’s popularity sparked a discussion on whether Hindi films or Bollywood had lost their allure due to the poor reception of high-budget Hindi productions in recent times. At the same time, regional films are thriving and breaking records at the national level. Hence, it is essential to evaluate what makes India’s most well-liked movies successful.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"492 - 497"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48117435","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2140258
T. Nguyen, Anh Duc Do
Abstract This study investigates how domestic migrant workers were framed in Vietnamese news media during the country’s fourth wave of COVID-19. Although the experience of domestic migrant workers in urban settings has been a relevant issue of studies among domestic and international academia, few papers have looked at migrant workers from the perspective of communication and media study. In an attempt to fill this knowledge gap, 239 news articles about migrant workers taken from three major Vietnamese online newspapers from April 27 to December 31, 2021, were content analyzed to understand how migrant workers were portrayed in the news media. Five generic news frames, (i) Economic consequences, (ii) Conflict, (iii) Human interest, (iv) Morality, and (v) Attribution of responsibility, were used for coding. It is found that migrant workers were multidimensionally depicted in the media as both pitiful, vulnerable, and helpless victims of the pandemic and objects of blame for new outbreaks, but the “victim” portrayal was more prevalent. Such findings align with previous studies on the framing of outgroups, i.e., immigrants, asylum seekers, and refugees, especially during medical crises.
{"title":"“Second-class citizens”: framing domestic migrant workers in Vietnamese news media during the fourth wave of COVID-19","authors":"T. Nguyen, Anh Duc Do","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2140258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2140258","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study investigates how domestic migrant workers were framed in Vietnamese news media during the country’s fourth wave of COVID-19. Although the experience of domestic migrant workers in urban settings has been a relevant issue of studies among domestic and international academia, few papers have looked at migrant workers from the perspective of communication and media study. In an attempt to fill this knowledge gap, 239 news articles about migrant workers taken from three major Vietnamese online newspapers from April 27 to December 31, 2021, were content analyzed to understand how migrant workers were portrayed in the news media. Five generic news frames, (i) Economic consequences, (ii) Conflict, (iii) Human interest, (iv) Morality, and (v) Attribution of responsibility, were used for coding. It is found that migrant workers were multidimensionally depicted in the media as both pitiful, vulnerable, and helpless victims of the pandemic and objects of blame for new outbreaks, but the “victim” portrayal was more prevalent. Such findings align with previous studies on the framing of outgroups, i.e., immigrants, asylum seekers, and refugees, especially during medical crises.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"224 - 243"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46542264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-03DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2138008
Zizheng Yu, Nairui Xu
Abstract Short-video-based social media platforms (short-video-based [SVB] platforms) are becoming a common tool for an increasing number of consumers to safeguard their legitimate interests in China. This article examines how Chinese consumers practice video activism by using short videos on Weibo to construct a consumer sphere for themselves to protect their legal demands. By interviewing 56 interviewees including consumers, media practitioners, public relations department (PR) officials, and relevant government officials in China, we find that short videos are more than a visible vehicle on SVB platforms which makes the voices of consumers being heard, but significantly, these platforms create a “consumer sphere” for the consumers who experienced right infringement to defend their rights. The discussion and sharing of these videos unite the consumers to bring the individual issue to the spotlight of the public. We conclude that as more consumers join the queue to share their encounters, a sphere is constructed by the use of mediated tactics.
{"title":"The emergence of “consumer sphere”: the logics behind short video activism tactics of Chinese consumers","authors":"Zizheng Yu, Nairui Xu","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2138008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2138008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Short-video-based social media platforms (short-video-based [SVB] platforms) are becoming a common tool for an increasing number of consumers to safeguard their legitimate interests in China. This article examines how Chinese consumers practice video activism by using short videos on Weibo to construct a consumer sphere for themselves to protect their legal demands. By interviewing 56 interviewees including consumers, media practitioners, public relations department (PR) officials, and relevant government officials in China, we find that short videos are more than a visible vehicle on SVB platforms which makes the voices of consumers being heard, but significantly, these platforms create a “consumer sphere” for the consumers who experienced right infringement to defend their rights. The discussion and sharing of these videos unite the consumers to bring the individual issue to the spotlight of the public. We conclude that as more consumers join the queue to share their encounters, a sphere is constructed by the use of mediated tactics.","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"204 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44905702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2138147
Indumathi Somashekar
Which is better between capitalism and communism? The difficult answer would be determined by numerous factors, including the country of residence and the nature of government. This logic can be applied more specifically to South Korea and North Korea representing diametrically opposed lives. It would be safe to assume that it is easier living in South Korea given its democratic ways of life compared to North Korea which is ruled by Kim Jong-un. North Korea has always been a mysterious country for the world. It is hard for outsiders to get in and almost impossible for the North Koreans to get out. Much of what we know about North Korea comes from media, especially the news media, and the defectors who escaped North Korea under circumstances that may seem straight out of a thrilling spy novel. The depiction of North Korea by the liberal media has so far been less than positive. If the constant news updates about North Korea’s nuclear tests have been disturbing, then the bizarre rules applied for the citizens like limited hair styles, concentration camps, and executions by firing squads have been downright petrifying. However, sometimes the power of media is such that it can change popular perceptions of people and the hit series Crash Landing on You (CLOY) is a prime example of a refreshing depiction of North Korea (Um et al., 2019–2020). What is more amusing is that the series is a Korean drama (K-drama) made in South Korea and quite surprisingly North Koreans are given a fair representation. North Korea and South Korea have been at loggerheads with each other and have a turbulent and violent history. Both nations have long considered each other as enemies, until recently in 2019 when South Korea stopped referring to North Korea as its enemy nation in its 2018 defence ministry white paper. This development is a result of three inter-Korean summits in 2018 between Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, and Kim Jong-un, Supreme Leader of North Korea, and the 2018 meeting of Kim Jong-un with former US President Donald Trump in Singapore (Kim, 2019). CLOY is a romantic comedy that tells the story of a man and a woman who fall in love under extraordinary circumstances that make it hard for them to live together (or at least we are made to believe as such). Yoon Se-ri (Son Ye-jin) is a rich woman
资本主义和共产主义哪个更好？困难的答案将由许多因素决定，包括居住国和政府性质。这种逻辑可以更具体地应用于代表截然相反的生活的韩国和朝鲜。可以肯定的是，鉴于韩国的民主生活方式，与金正恩统治的朝鲜相比，在韩国生活更容易。朝鲜一直是世界上一个神秘的国家。外来者很难进入，朝鲜人几乎不可能离开。我们对朝鲜的了解大多来自媒体，尤其是新闻媒体，以及在某种情况下逃离朝鲜的脱北者，这些脱北者似乎直接出自一部激动人心的间谍小说。到目前为止，自由派媒体对朝鲜的描述并不乐观。如果说关于朝鲜核试验的不断更新的新闻令人不安，那么适用于公民的奇怪规则，比如限制发型、集中营和行刑队处决，已经彻底石化了。然而，有时媒体的力量可以改变人们的普遍看法，热播剧《迫降在你身上》（CLOY）是对朝鲜令人耳目一新的描述的一个典型例子（Um et al.，2019-2020）。更有趣的是，这部电视剧是一部在韩国制作的韩剧，令人惊讶的是，朝鲜人得到了公平的代表。朝鲜和韩国一直不和，有着动荡和暴力的历史。长期以来，两国一直将对方视为敌人，直到2019年，韩国在2018年国防部白皮书中不再将朝鲜称为敌人。这一事态发展是2018年韩国总统文在寅和朝鲜最高领导人金正恩三次朝韩峰会以及2018年金正恩与美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普在新加坡会晤的结果（Kim，2019）。《CLOY》是一部浪漫喜剧，告诉了一个男人和一个女人在特殊情况下坠入爱河的故事，这种特殊情况使他们很难生活在一起（或者至少让我们相信这一点）。尹世丽（孙艺珍饰）是个富家女
{"title":"Reimagining North Korea in a new frame: review of the series Crash Landing on You (2019)","authors":"Indumathi Somashekar","doi":"10.1080/01296612.2022.2138147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2022.2138147","url":null,"abstract":"Which is better between capitalism and communism? The difficult answer would be determined by numerous factors, including the country of residence and the nature of government. This logic can be applied more specifically to South Korea and North Korea representing diametrically opposed lives. It would be safe to assume that it is easier living in South Korea given its democratic ways of life compared to North Korea which is ruled by Kim Jong-un. North Korea has always been a mysterious country for the world. It is hard for outsiders to get in and almost impossible for the North Koreans to get out. Much of what we know about North Korea comes from media, especially the news media, and the defectors who escaped North Korea under circumstances that may seem straight out of a thrilling spy novel. The depiction of North Korea by the liberal media has so far been less than positive. If the constant news updates about North Korea’s nuclear tests have been disturbing, then the bizarre rules applied for the citizens like limited hair styles, concentration camps, and executions by firing squads have been downright petrifying. However, sometimes the power of media is such that it can change popular perceptions of people and the hit series Crash Landing on You (CLOY) is a prime example of a refreshing depiction of North Korea (Um et al., 2019–2020). What is more amusing is that the series is a Korean drama (K-drama) made in South Korea and quite surprisingly North Koreans are given a fair representation. North Korea and South Korea have been at loggerheads with each other and have a turbulent and violent history. Both nations have long considered each other as enemies, until recently in 2019 when South Korea stopped referring to North Korea as its enemy nation in its 2018 defence ministry white paper. This development is a result of three inter-Korean summits in 2018 between Moon Jae-in, President of South Korea, and Kim Jong-un, Supreme Leader of North Korea, and the 2018 meeting of Kim Jong-un with former US President Donald Trump in Singapore (Kim, 2019). CLOY is a romantic comedy that tells the story of a man and a woman who fall in love under extraordinary circumstances that make it hard for them to live together (or at least we are made to believe as such). Yoon Se-ri (Son Ye-jin) is a rich woman","PeriodicalId":53411,"journal":{"name":"Media Asia","volume":"50 1","pages":"479 - 484"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44673908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/01296612.2022.2136869
Aniruddha Jena, Chinmoyee Deka, J. Mohapatra, Anurag Sahu, R. Panda
Disasters not only affect people’s health and well-being but also result in a considerable number of people being displaced, killed, injured, or exposed to higher epidemic risks (Senapati, 2021). In recent years, India’s unique geo-climatic conditions and high socio-economic vulnerability have led to the rapid rise in both the frequency and intensity of disasters (Parida & Goel, 2020). Approximately 65 million people in India are impacted annually by earthquakes, storms, avalanches, heat/cold waves, landslides, lightning, earthquakes, and other natural disasters (Chaudhary & Piracha, 2021). Odisha is an eastern Indian state with 30 districts, of which 13 coastal districts are vulnerable to cyclones, floods, droughts, and heatwaves. Odisha has been plagued by natural disasters for centuries (Mohanty, 2021). One of the most devastating was the Na-Anka Famine of 1866, which led to the death of one third of Odisha’s population and destroyed the socioeconomic fabric of the state (Nayak, 2009). The infamous 1999 Super Cyclone in Odisha killed over 10,000 lives. Since then, Odisha has developed safeguards to ensure that people are protected from cyclone damage in the future (Kalsi, 2006). In the recent cyclones, including Phailin in 2013, Hudhud in 2014, Titli in 2018, Fani in 2019, Amphan in 2020, and Yaas in 2021, the change in disaster mitigation approach has led to fewer casualties (The World Bank, 2019). The recent flood in August 2022 also affected half a million people in 12 districts across Odisha and over 53,000 people were evacuated to safer places. Luckily, there were no reports of casualties (Barik, 2022). Like Odisha, the northeastern Indian state of Assam consisting of 35 districts has a unique geo-climatic condition, making it prone to floods, soil erosion, earthquake, and landslides (Borah, 2022). Its location between two colliding plate boundaries (the Himalayan in the north and the Indo-Burman in the east) makes it one of the seismically most active regions of the world. The two great earthquakes of magnitudes 8.7 in 1897 and 1950 resulted in rivers changing their courses. Floods are common in this state but the extent of damage caused is increasing every year. The overall flood-
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